In the previous presentation we looked at
different kinds of production systems and
how they operate as ways of interacting with
the environment. Now let's shift our attention
to systems of Exchange and what they tell
us about social life.
In this presentation we'll consider specific
exchange (or distribution) systems, beginning
with reciprocity. In the next, we'll shift
to redistribution and market exchange, before
turning to the globalization of markets.
Anthropologists identify three broad types
of exchange.
Reciprocity is the exchange of resources,
goods and services among people of relatively
equal status. Reciprocity operates to create
and reinforce social ties.
Redistribution is a form of exchange in which
accumulated wealth is collected from members
of the group and reallocated in a different
pattern.
As we've already seen, market exchange involves
buying and selling, using money, at prices
determined by forces of supply and demand.
Before going into more detail about these
concepts of exchange, let's take an ethnographic
case that of a 2011 marriage ceremony in northeastern
Gabon. In this first picture you see a woman
grilling meat for the celebration and then
the same woman, dressed up and filming the
ceremony later in the day.
Today Gabonese can be married in one of three
ways (or all three): They can be married in
a civil ceremony at city hall, in a church
or mosque wedding, and in a so-called traditional
ceremony. As you'll see here, traditional
ceremonies are pretty modern, but they generally
involve elaborate gift giving, especially
from the groom's family to the bride's family.
This is generally called bride wealth or matrimonial
compensation. Bridewealth exchange surely
predates colonialism, but has also changed
with the times.
I should note that all it may appear to you
as buying a wife, this isn't how people view
it. Instead, marriage is seen as an alliance
between the groom's kin group and the bride's
kin group. This social alliance is formalized
and strengthened by matrimonial compensation.
It's also the case that today, couples may
delay the bride wealth ceremony for many years,
as you'll see here.
In this photo, the women from the bride's
group change an entrance fee to the groom's
party. The bride is a valuable human being
and people must show that by giving generously.
Here a woman in the bride's party extends
a bowl for a contribution from a man in the
groom's party. One woman is reaching into
her wallet, while the man appears to be pleading
his case. The woman in the bride's party seems
unmoved.
Here's another shot of a woman paying her
cover change and being waved through. Her
laughter suggests that everyone knows the
drill.
Once the groom's party has made it in, they
are seated in their own section and serenaded
by woman from the bridal party.
Here an elder representing the groom's party
holds a handful of bills as he prepares to
make an initial offer of bride wealth. During
the colonial period money replaced traditional
iron currency that was locally produced and
designed specifically for matrimonial compensation.
Here you see a range of different styles of
iron bride wealth currencies from Southern
Cameroon and Northern Gabon. These were given
singly or in bundles and made in the image
of iron spear points or tools. In this sense,
they symbolized the productivity of marriage.
Here you see more images of Fang and Kwele
bride wealth currencies still used in the
early twentieth century. Kwele mandjong took
the form of an anchor. Again, these objects
were used exclusively as matrimonial compensation.
They have long since been replaced due to
the decline of iron metallurgy in the region
and the introduction of money.
In addition to currency, the groom's party
also gives a large quantity of material goods:
food, salt, drinks, cloth, tools, cookware,
etc. Today these goods are purchased in the
marketplace. In the past they were produced
locally or obtained via trade.
Here's a close-up of the bridewealth on display.
Starting from the left you can see cartons
of frozen food, stacks of canned drinks, a
bag of rice with cloth and a large bundle
of matches on top, a sack of onions, plastic
jugs of red wine, two axes, over a dozen bottles
of liquor, a large metal pot, suits for the
brides father and brother, and the cash.
The bride's parents look on with great seriousness.
After the initial offer of bridewealth, the
bride's father responds. He explains that
the couple has been together for many years
and has had seven children. Can't the groom's
family show more respect for their daughter
by giving more?
Meanwhile, the groom's part follows the proceedings.
They don't seem to be enjoying this part.
In the middle of the ceremony, two expatriate
workers pass by and look on with considerable
curiosity. Both the imported bridewealth goods
and the presence of these expatriates suggest
that this traditional ceremony is taking place
in global Gabon.
After the groom's party has made a second
offer, the bride's party withdraws in consultation.
This time a younger male relative in the bride's
party exhorts the grooms group to make more
of an effort.
Now the groom's party retreats to talk things
over.
The groom's party's leader digs a little deeper
to make one final offer. He asks the bride's
party to accept that he's giving everything
the group had managed to assemble.
Finally, people celebrate as the offer is
provisionally accepted. The bride's party
makes it clear that it expects the groom and
his family to keep on giving. As many Gabonese
put it, bridewealth is never fully paid.
Nonetheless there is a general sense of relief
over the successful negotiations. Now the
bride can be brought out. She's been waiting
out of site.
The bride is brought out by her mother and
kin. She has money in her mouth, symbolizing
wealth.
Women in her group offer congratulations.
The bride must also signal her acceptance.
To do so, she kneels before her father and
gives him the bridewealth currency.
Then she gives a folded length of printed
cloth to her mother.
Here her mother indicates her acceptance of
the marriage by placing her hand on her daughter's
head in benediction.
As I noted earlier, it make take a long time
for the couple to amass the resources to formalize
their marriage through bridewealth exchange.
The groom already has gray hair and the couple
has grown children. Nonetheless, this ceremony
is seen as an importance stage in their social
success. It also unites both families behind
the marriage.
Finally, the food is served. Gosh, that took
a long time. We're hungry.
Even through money and imported goods 
bought in the market place are used here,
this bridewealth exchange should be seen as
an example of reciprocity. These gifts serve
as a token for the loss of a daughter who
will now contribute to her husband's household
and family.
We can define reciprocity as the giving and
taking of objects without the use of money
or other media of exchange and can include
sharing, gift giving, hospitality, or barter.
As the bridewealth ceremony illustrates, a
key purpose of reciprocity is to create and
maintain important social relationships. Think
of the people you exchange gifts with during
on certain holidays, or birthdays, for example.
You could even say that These gift exchanges
create social relationships. They're a map
of the people you're closest to.
Anthropologists recognize three types of reciprocity,
generalized, balanced, and negative.
In generalized reciprocity, people give with
no expectation of return. When the Ju/hoansi,
for example, kill a large animal such as a
giraffe, everybody eats. The hunting party
expects nothing in return, but will of course
benefit another day when the women bring home
gathered food or someone else brings home
meat. [In the picture we see Bakola pygmies
from Cameroon sharing out honey they have
gathered in the forest. This is an example
of generalized reciprocity.]
In balanced reciprocity the donor expects
a gift of equal value. Again, bridewealth
exchange is an example of balanced reciprocity,
after all the groom's family receives the
bride, and in Central Africa, people are extremely
valuable. Again, balanced reciprocity often
creates and sustains important social and
political relationships.
In negative reciprocity, one or both parties
seek maximum gain, preferably giving up nothing.
This may include hard bargaining or deception,
baiting and switching, or failing to return
a gift.
Invitations to feasts are a common form of
balanced reciprocity, as illustration by the
killing of a pig on the Island of Tanna in
the nation of Vanuatu. Eventually the guest
will be expected to return the gift, by inviting
the hosts to a pig feats. In Balanced reciprocity,
immediate return is often not expected.
Gift exchange is the most common form of reciprocity.
Here in Narata, Japan two men formally exchange
gifts before an important festival.
According to Marcel Mauss, gift giving builds
social relations by creating obligations.
One must give, which creates the obligation
to receive the gift, and to return a gift
now or at a later date. These obligations
serve not only to distribute resource but
also the create the relationships that enable
society to operate.
Each type of reciprocity is associated with
certain kinds of social relationships, including
the degree of social distance.
Social distance indicates the degree to which
cultural norms specify that two individuals
or groups should be helpful to, intimate with,
or emotionally attached to
each other.
In the U.S., we are expected to practice generalized
reciprocity with our children and perhaps
our elderly parents. These are intimate relationships
and we give with no expectation of return.
Market transactions are not considered reciprocity.
In most cases, we do not build social relationships
with cashiers in big-box stores and certainly
not with the people behind the computers at
Amazon.com or your credit card company. We
are assumed to be pursuing own interests and
trying to get the most for our money. But
when the seller and buyer are friends or relatives,
it is difficult for them to disentangle their
economic transaction from their personal feelings
for one another.
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