Welcome to the State Library
of New South Wales today,
albeit virtually.
I'm sitting in the Sir William Dixson
Research Library
in the State Library building.
And I'd like to start
by acknowledging the Gadigal people
of the Eora, the traditional owners
of the land
on which the Library is situated,
their Elders past, present
and emerging and, importantly,
their continuing connection to Country.
In this anniversary year of the arrival
of the James Cook and the 'Endeavour'
on the east coast of Australia and
at Botany Bay, today we'll look
at that voyage in the context of some
of the most significant European
artefacts
from that expedition the logbooks
that recorded the voyage day by day.
James Cook's voyage
in 'Endeavour' was the first
great European expedition
of exploration that included scientific
discovery as a major objective.
The late 18th century was a period
of acute international rivalry,
principally between France
and Britain, in the advancement
of science and Pacific exploration.
In intensity, it was a little bit
like the mid 20th century rivalry
between the United States
and the Soviet Union in space travel.
There were, of course,
successful voyages undertaken
by other nations but this was an era
in science that was characterised
by a sustained surge in exploration
and it was dominated by the British
and the French.
So longstanding Imperial rivalries were
often diverted into voyages
of exploration
and the pursuit of science, with the aim
of expanding competing European
interests and the quest
for new knowledge of the world.
The spirit
of the age
was overwhelmingly scientific.
It was a time when science
and empiricism
enjoyed unprecedented prestige,
and voyages
of exploration exemplified that.
Published accounts of voyages such
as Cook's reached an ever widening
readership in Britain and
in Europe following his return in 1771
after three years at sea.
There were constant demands for reprints
and translations based on the logbooks
and journals that were kept
by those on board.
The imperatives
for Cook's first Pacific voyage
from 1768 to 1771 were three fold.
The first was astronomy.
Cook was instructed
to establish an observatory at Tahiti
to record the transit
of Venus when that planet passed
between the sun and the Earth on the 3rd
of June in 1769.
The data obtained from this
and other observations
of the transit that were stationed
around the world was important
for determining the distance
between the sun and the Earth,
information vital
to nautical navigation.
The second goal was the continuing
pursuit of the Great South Land.
The most enduring myth really,
which had attracted voyages
of exploration since the 16th century,
was of a southern land mass,
a Terra Australis Incognita,
which was thought to exist
to counterbalance the weight
of the land in the Northern Hemisphere;
'Australis' meaning 'southern'.
At the end of the 'Endeavour' voyage,
they'd neither proved
nor disproved the existence
of a southern continent,
although Cook believed it didn't exist,
but they had filled
in many gaps in the world map.
The final aim
of the expedition was natural history
observation and discovery, inspired,
financed and directed
by 25 year old Joseph Banks, seen here
in England wearing, and surrounded by,
his Pacific trophies brought back
with him
from the 'Endeavour' expedition.
In addition to its usual complement
of crew and marines,
the 'Endeavour' also included Banks
and his party of natural scientists,
artists, servants and assistants, and,
of course, his good friend
and colleague the Swedish
botanist Daniel Solander.
No voyage had ever set sail
better equipped for the study
of natural history.
Sailing then via Rio de Janeiro
and Cape Horn,
more than three months were spent
at Tahiti preparing
for the transit observation.
Following Tahiti they reached
and circumnavigated
and charted the islands of New Zealand.
Sailing then due west,
Cook could now not avoid reaching
the Australian east coast.
The 'Endeavour' arrived at Kamay
at Botany Bay on the 29th of April
in 1770 where they were confronted
by two Gweagal men carrying spears
who met Cook and his men on the beach,
and they tried
to enforce the local protocols
for arrival
in the Kamay area unsuccessfully.
Neither side could communicate
with the other
and shots were fired twice
at the Gweagal men.
And this little sketch
is Sydney Parkinson's original sketch
of the Gweagal people, Gweagal men,
with their canoes and shelters
and also showing their shields.
For Banks, the week they spent
at Botany Bay was especially fruitful.
Botany Bay yielded so many previously
unrecorded additions
to his botanical collection that were
new to European botanical knowledge that
the specimens had to be dried
on a sail spread on the shore
at Botany Bay because
they didn't have enough paper to press
and preserve all
of the specimens in the usual way.
It was like a life size florilegium
on the shore.
It was Banks' botanical successes
which then prompted Cook
to change the name 'Botany Bay' change
the name to 'Botany Bay' rather than his
original choice
of 'Stingray Harbour' or 'Stingray Bay'
because of the abundance
of stingrays that they found there.
For the members
of the 'Endeavour' expedition, though,
their experience
of Australia was probably dominated
by events which took place
after leaving Botany Bay.
Sailing north
along the eastern coastline,
the 'Endeavour' struck the Great Barrier
Reef off the Queensland coast
on the 10th of June in 1770
in very calm seas but
with huge swells that pushed them
onto the submerged reef.
Banks' journal vividly records
their desperate situation.
He writes: "Now, in my opinion,
I entirely gave up the ship and,
packing what I thought I might save,
prepared myself for the worst.
If, as was probable,
she should take more water when
we hauled off the reef, she must sink
and we well knew that our boats were not
capable of carrying us all ashore,
so that some, probably the most of us,
must be drowned ".
So it was desperate.
Remarkably, though,
with the ship's
hull successfully fothered, so covered
from beneath the ship
by a sail that had been impregnated,
so pressed in, with wool and
with oakum 'oakum' being
they had untwisted the fibres
of ropes the 'Endeavour' then was lifted
off the reef on a high tide and guided
to the mouth of the Endeavour River,
near the site of present day Cooktown,
where repairs were carried out.
Here, given their longer stay,
the British did have a little more
contact with a small group
of the local people who made several
visits to the British camp,
and artist Sydney Parkinson,
one of Banks' party,
compiled a vocabulary
of language which included their nearest
approximation
of the word which we have come
to know as 'kangaroo'.
Parkinson's leaping quadruped.
And I know this drawing
is a little bit difficult to see
but it's a very delicate drawing
of a kangaroo by Parkinson.
And now another one
of the kangaroo jumping.
So after a stay of six weeks,
the 'Endeavour' sailed
out of Australian waters via
the Torres Strait, and then
on the 26th of August,
Cook took possession of the country
for King George III
on Possession Island.
Cook's last evocative word
on Australia was
for the Aboriginal inhabitants.
Echoing Voltaire,
he painted an idyllic word picture
of the people, blaming prosperity
and commerce
for the ills of civilisation.
So Cook wrote: "From what I have said
of the natives of New Holland" so
by that he means his earlier remarks
about the Indigenous people
"they may appear
to be the most wretched people
upon Earth but, in reality,
they are far happier than we Europeans,
being wholly unacquainted not only
with the superfluous
but the necessary conveniences so sought
after in Europe.
They're happy
in not knowing the use of them.
They live in a tranquility which
is not disturbed
by the inequality of condition.
The earth and sea
of their own accord furnishes them with
all things necessary for life.
Tupaia, a Pacific Islander who travelled
with the 'Endeavour', made this drawing
of the people at Botany Bay.
The final leg
of the 'Endeavour' voyage included
an extended stopover at Batavia,
now Jakarta, then the centre
of the Dutch East India Company,
which the Dutch had built,
created the city, modelled
on their familiar system of canals
for easy transportation of goods.
In Indonesia's tropical climate,
these stagnant canals just became
breeding grounds for disease,
such as dysentery, typhoid and malaria,
and during and
after their stay in Batavia,
the 'Endeavour' lost around one third
of its complement of 90 men,
including Tupaia.
On the 26th of October,
Joseph Banks commented that the seamen
now fall sick so fast that the tents
ashore were always full of the sick.
After the 'Endeavour' returned
to England in the middle of 1771,
the Admiralty appointed John Hawkesworth
to write the official account
of Cook's first Pacific voyage.
Public interest in the account was
really high
and the book immediately became
a best seller when it was published
in July 1773, so well
after Cook had already left
on his second Pacific voyage.
So with Cook not even there,
Hawkesworth used the logbook that Cook
had written on the 'Endeavour'
to write his official account and,
as with many editors,
Hawkesworth also changed passages
to improve them where
he thought it was necessary.
But along with the logbook written
in Cook's hand on the 'Endeavour',
there exists several
other versions or copies.
Of these,
two are particularly significant because
they were written on the 'Endeavour',
not back in England subsequent
to the voyage, and
they were written out, they were copied,
by Cook's shipboard clerk,
a man called Richard Orton.
And we refer to copies like this
as 'fair copies', so neat
and exact copies made
from an original document.
And this image shows a page
from Cook's logbook
rewritten and corrected, and we'll look
at that shortly.
So, what is a logbook?
What's intended or required
to be recorded and why?
Logbooks were not optional.
Keeping an accurate daily log was
a requirement of the Admiralty.
Logbooks are one of the most,
if not the most, important artefacts
of any voyage.
They're first hand, day by day accounts
of the activities on board ship.
They mostly record fairly routine
but important information, so date,
location, latitude and longitude, speed,
wind direction, accounts of the weather,
meteorological observations,
scientific information gathered
during the voyage, but
they can also record thoughts,
impressions and observations.
The term 'logbook' originates
from the way sailors measured speed
by tying regularly spaced knots
along a length
of rope or knotting pieces of rag
to a rope,
and the rope was then weighted
at the end with a log.
The rope
and the log were thrown overboard
and the length
of the rope that extended was measured
by the number of knots that extended
over the side during a specified time,
usually timed
by hourglass or by counting,
or it could even be
by reciting a specified timed
set of words.
So not an exacting technique.
This then provided a record of the speed
of the ship in knots,
and this information was recorded
in the book of the log, the logbook.
Cook's log on the 'Endeavour' was
at least in triplicate,
so there was the one copy written daily
by Cook in his hand
and then two copies written out
by his clerk, by Richard Orton.
By why were copies created?
Several versions of a diary, letter,
report or a logbook were often written
for circulation to others or
to ensure safe delivery
of a document in the days of long,
uncertain sea voyages.
As well as requiring Ships Captains
to keep logbooks
of shipboard proceedings
and ports of call,
the Admiralty also required that
a copy be forwarded
to them every six months or so
when Royal Navy ships arrived
at various ports.
Now, that's not so easily done
on voyages such as Cook's
to the far side of the world
in areas where established ports
and routes to Britain didn't exist.
Cook nonetheless understood
the requirement to keep copies and
he had his clerk write them out, even if
he also understood the opportunity
to send them back was unlikely
to arise too often.
So copying documents was standard.
18 years later, in Sydney Cove,
with the arrival of the First Fleet,
Governor Arthur Phillip
routinely wrote two, sometimes three,
versions of official documents
to England from New South Wales,
sent in different ships,
sometimes copied
in his own hand or sometimes in the hand
of a clerk, and his first despatch
of letters
from Sydney Cove was in triplicate,
sent via three different ships when
the ships
of the First Fleet returned to England,
left the colony then in July 1788.
All of those letters were acknowledged
as safely received in June 1789.
And so much is known
about the French expedition
of La Perouse that disappeared
after leaving Botany Bay in 1788
because before leaving,
La Perouse entrusted Arthur Phillip
with copies
of the expedition's final
letters and despatches, charts
and journals for safekeeping
for Arthur Phillip then
to forward them home to Paris.
So despite La Perouse's expedition being
shipwrecked
and never returning to Europe,
all of his accounts up until the point
of Botany Bay were safely preserved
and returned to Europe.
So copies were important.
So, what are the various versions
of Cook's log?
Do they differ?
Where are they now and how did
they get there?
The version considered
to be the original or the nearest
to original that we know of
is held in the National
Library of Australia.
It's the only version that we know of
to be written in Cook's own hand
on a daily basis while
on the 'Endeavour'.
It has many of the characteristics
of an original document, so words
and sentences have frequently
been crossed out, rubbed out, rewritten.
There's additional text added
between the lines of the original text.
There are additions in the margins
and even smaller sheets,
and we can see that right
at the bottom one third
of this page smaller sheets
with textual additions which Cook has
adhered to the page and then keyed back
into the logbook narrative,
so adding things that he'd overlooked or
forgotten to include the first time.
Fair copies, on the other hand,
are more often written in a uniform,
precise hand, with errors
of transcription rather than extensive
crossing out or rewriting of text.
In 1923,
Cook's original logbook was bought
at auction
for the National Library for 5,000
pounds
under slightly confused circumstances.
It was originally intended
for the Mitchell Library collection,
and the New South Wales Principal
Librarian had even offered
the logbook's owner 5,000 pounds
to buy the volume ahead of the auction
and the offer was declined.
The Commonwealth Parliamentary Library,
at the time the forerunner
to the National Library of Australia,
hadn't had any intention of bidding
for the 'Endeavour' log
until the newly elected Prime Minister,
Stanley Bruce, had been encouraged
to consider acquiring it
for the Commonwealth,
a trophy acquisition in a way,
to mark the beginning
of his Prime Ministership.
The Principal Librarian
of New South Wales, meanwhile, W.H.
Ifould, had already been sent to London
to bid on behalf of the Mitchell Library
and was now directed to bid instead
on behalf of the Commonwealth.
The bid was successful at 5,000 pounds
and the journal came to Sydney,
where it was held for safekeeping
at the New South Wales Library
for four years
until the National Library was formed
in Canberra with the relocation
of the Parliament
from Melbourne to Canberra.
And so the 'Endeavour' log,
written by Cook,
became the National Library's MS1,
manuscript number 1.
Prior to its appearance
at auction in 1923, the whereabouts
of this log, of Cook's copy of the log,
had been unknown until the 1950s.
When Cook's widow, Elizabeth,
died in 1835, she'd been widowed then
for more than 50 years following Cook's
death in Hawaii in 1779
during his third Pacific voyage,
and all six
of their children had
also predeceased Elizabeth.
There were no grandchildren.
During her lifetime, some
of her husband's remaining papers,
including this logbook,
had been dispersed by her to her cousin,
Isaac Smith,
by now a Rear Admiral in the Royal Navy,
but in 1770 he was an Able Seaman
on the 'Endeavour', soon
to be promoted Midshipman.
In 1865, Smith family descendants sold
the log at auction
to a man called Henry Bolckow,
a Prussian born Cook enthusiast
and a wealthy businessman
and parliamentarian who had made his
fortune in iron in Yorkshire.
The sale was unpublicised.
Bolckow kept the manuscript and it sort
of faded from view until then in 1923,
it was Bolckow's great nephew
and heir who offered it for sale
at auction when it was acquired
for the National
Collection of Australia.
Cook usually wrote his dates in red ink,
and it's a little bit difficult
to see that.
The red has faded somewhat.
And he used the left page often
for strict log entries.
That was fairly standard.
So those strict entries of date, wind,
weather, et cetera.
And then the right side
of the page opening included more
narrative journal entries.
And as time passed, his account
of places
and events became more descriptive
and his thoughts and reflections start
to creep in.
So the detached recording of events
and facts required
by the Royal Navy didn't necessarily
couldn't necessarily always preclude
highly emotional responses,
and we see that practical
and scientific documents such
as journals
and logbooks also include feelings
and sentiment
and certainly preconceptions,
misconceptions and understandings
as much as the stated aim
of these documents
to record objective observation.
Cook also wrote on large sheets
of paper folded in two,
which gave him sections
of four folio pages, which
at some point then were bound together
into a volume.
In 1975 then, the log was sent back
to England
to be re bound in a UK bindery,
in an impressive but stylistically odd
and inappropriate medieval style binding
with leather spine
and oak or beechwood timber boards,
which is how it remains today.
For Cook on the 'Endeavour',
the first opportunity
to actually send a copy of his logbook
to the Admiralty, as was expected
of Ships Captains, came after two
and a half years at Batavia,
when they were already
on the final homeward leg
of their voyage.
The 'Endeavour' stayed at Batavia
from October to December 1770,
completing repairs to the ship
from that wrecking
on the Great Barrier Reef.
The logbook despatched
from Batavia wasn't written
in Cook's hand.
It was, rather, written in the hand
of his clerk, Richard Orton, so one
of those two copies that Orton kept
on board the 'Endeavour'.
The entries in this version stop
on the 23rd of October 1770 at Batavia,
and it's clearly the copy that Cook sent
home to the Admiralty from that port
on a returning Dutch ship.
And this copy, the Batavia copy,
is held here in the collection
of the Mitchell Library
at the State Library of New South Wales.
After it was sent to the Admiralty,
the journal then seems to have stayed
with Sir Philip Stephens, Secretary
to the Admiralty,
who was also a personal friend
and a great supporter of Cook,
and he seems to have just held on
to this copy.
It then passed
through Stephens' family by descent,
and you can see the various records
of ownership and different notations
about it pasted into the front endpaper
of the volume.
And it came into the possession
of Lord Ranelagh, whose son then sold it
in 1885 to Frederick William Cosens,
a book collector.
In the 1890s then, Cosens sold it
to another collector, John Corner,
who had hoped to publish it, before
he died suddenly shortly
after acquiring the logbook.
Then in 1895,
Australian born shipping merchant
Frederick Dangar bought it
from Corner's executives
and presented it
to the Australian Museum in Sydney.
In 1935 then, it was transferred then,
along with other Cook manuscripts,
to the Mitchell Library
and it remains in the Mitchell
Library collection today,
where it's referred
to somewhat confusingly, even for us,
as the 'Corner Journal',
for John Corner,
who owned it only very briefly.
Only six months
after the first copy was
sent to England,
when the ship finally arrived home
in July 1771, the second copy of the log
of the voyage, also written
in Orton's hand, was sealed and sent
to the Admiralty.
This copy finishes
at a later date than either
of the other two versions,
including the version written
in Cook's hand, and we don't really have
an explanation for that at this stage.
The final entries of the Admiralty copy,
of this copy that you see, continue
to the end of the voyage, and it's,
in fact, the only version that
is complete for the entire voyage,
including, confusingly,
as I've mentioned, the original version
in Cook's hand.
Each of the copies written out
by Richard Orton consist
of four thick segments that divide
the volume clearly into four parts,
and Orton has created a title page
for each part, which does not appear
in Cook's version, the version
in Cook's hand.
Again, they've been written
on large folded sheets
to form four folios,
but this time grouped together
like four thick notebooks,
and you can see that quite clearly here.
The sheets then have been written on
as loose unbound sheets
and then subsequently bound together
later into a single volume in England,
meaning that because of the thickness
of each segment, when you put all
of the pages together, that part
of the words written in the centre or
the gutter
of the folds has been obscured
by the binding, which in the corner
of the Mitchell Library copy,
the binding has also broken over time.
And there are a number
of other copies created
by various people in England
after the return of the voyage
and also fragments
of copies where people have copied
out part of the logbook.
A version now in the British Library
seems also to have originated
from the 'Endeavour' voyage.
It was once in the possession
of Sir Joseph Banks
and should probably rightly have passed
to the Admiralty at the end
of the voyage but it appears
to have been used by several members
of the crew
during the voyage who were keeping their
own logs and journals and who copied
from shared versions.
So there's still a lot of work and study
to be done to compile and understand all
of the versions and their histories
in relation to each other.
Another copy was part
of the Royal Library at Windsor Castle,
and you can see the Windsor
Library bookplate here.
It was presented to George III,
who had taken a great interest
in the voyage, and in 1935,
it was then presented
to the National Maritime Museum
at Greenwich
by King George V. This one's not quite
a straightforward copy of the journal
and it's been written
in three or four different hands,
which you can see on these pages.
Now,
Cook himself didn't write his journal
straight off and leave it unrevised.
He did a great deal
of drafting and redrafting,
as we've seen,
and we can see this process in the log
that's been written in his hand.
So the subsequent versions then
written by Orton, by his clerk,
are neater and less altered.
Travelling north
along the east coast of Australia,
the wording often varies between copies,
though the events are exactly the same.
A detailed analysis
of textual differences
and changes isn't possible here, though.
It could be fun and it's one
of the reasons that copies
are of interest.
They're rarely simply copies.
In the case of manuscript documents,
copies can often demonstrate
a change of heart,
a softening or a hardening
of a particular view,
with even a brief passage of time,
once the adrenalin
of an immediate situation or danger has
passed
and there's been a little
time to reflect, and we can look at some
of the important textual revisions.
Cook used the name 'New South Wales',
at this stage referring
to the entire length
of the Australian east coast.
Initially, though,
as we can see on this page
of the Corner Journal, the first copy,
he used 'New Wales',
and that's the form that we see
in the logbook
in Cook's hand in the National Library
and in the Corner Journal,
the version held
in the Mitchell Library.
The Admiralty copy,
now in the National Archives at Kew,
uses the revised term 'New South Wales'.
So there's been a progression of thought
from one copy to the next.
And this one shows, as we've said,
a page of the Corner log,
the Mitchell Library copy.
It's, of course,
known that 'Botany Bay' was
at first called 'Stingray Harbour',
then 'Stingray Bay', by Cook because
of the number of stingrays seen
and caught there, but
because Banks had accumulated such a
large collection of plants, all new
to European science,
Cook then reconsidered
and changed the name to 'Botany Bay',
and we can see that process here
where he's written 'Stingray Harbour',
then 'Bay', and then crossed it out
and replaced 'Stingray'
with 'Botany' Bay.
This then is the re written version
in his clerk's hand in the Corner
Journal Mitchell copy.
So we can see that the text
is still being reworked but less so.
We can see that the word 'Stingray' has
been crossed out, rubbed out,
and 'Botany'
for 'Botany Bay' written over it.
And there's a closer version of it.
Stingrays drawn at Botany Bay
by Herman Sporing are
particularly lovely drawings.
Sporing was one of the artists employed
by Joseph Banks, and again these gentle,
lovely pencil sketches are a little bit
difficult to see but very lovely.
Each of the versions
of the logbooks then shows some revision
through the use
of different versions of names,
different finishing dates,
slightly different versions of events,
but Cook has also looked over
and made corrections
in his own hand that appear
throughout Orton's
neatly written copies, and, of course,
the final entry was signed by Cook
as true and correct, which we can see
on this last page of the Corner log.
All versions show individual quirks
of spelling and punctuation,
but that's just typical
of the 18th century.
English spelling wasn't standardised
until late 18th, early 19th century,
and spelling was often phonetic.
Some words could even be spelled
different ways within the same document.
Punctuation mightn't
follow modern conventions,
if it was used at all,
and each has been written using
iron gall ink,
an ink that was commonly used up
until the 20th century and made
to various recipes that included crushed
galls from oak trees,
so the galls that form when insects bore
into the oak trees.
They're picked and used
to create the ink.
Iron sulfate solution
and gum arabic for binding.
Now,
iron gall ink was preferred precisely
for the qualities that make it
destructive to paper over time.
Its indelibility
is what makes it so desirable,
that the ink soaked
into the paper rather than sat
on the surface of it,
meaning it was difficult
to erase or alter
without leaving traces, as we've seen,
and it was originally used
on parchment where they actually wanted
to be able to scrape the parchment back
and reuse it.
But, of course, on paper
they couldn't do that
and it wasn't really desired.
And
because each batch was made differently
using whatever was to hand, each batch
of iron gall ink, so including what
they used to create the solution,
so preferably it was water that
they used but they could use wine,
they could use vinegar, even urine,
any number of things that could be used.
And this all makes for an ink that,
to varying degrees, depending
on the original recipe,
is destructive to paper.
The iron in the ink effectively rusts
and corrodes the paper
until eventually the ink cracks
the paper and the words fall away,
leaving only holes,
and you can see that quite clearly
on this heavily used page, which
is recording part
of the time that 'Endeavour' spent
at Botany Bay.
Because of that destruction,
that in built destruction,
the Corner Journal
at the Mitchell Library, the Corner log,
is currently undergoing extensive
treatment
by the Library's expert conservateurs
in our labs underneath where I sit
in this building, on the floor below.
The treatment includes washing each page
in a special bath that reduces
the acidity of the ink
and the acidity in the paper,
and I know this sounds counter intuitive
but it's a particular
and specialised procedure that only
takes place
after extensive solubility testing
of the ink.
That is then followed
by individual repairs to each
and every hole or tear.
The treatment here
at the Library has been planned,
discussed and considered
over several years and it's taken many,
many months to complete,
to stabilise the logbook
into the future.
And that project, that work,
is being led by one
of the Library's conservateurs,
Kate Hughes.
First hand accounts first hand
and eyewitness accounts such
as these logbooks remain one
of our most important links to our past;
in this case, two
past voyages of exploration.
But just
as every story has many perspectives,
there are many views on the legacy
of 1770 and Cook
and the 'Endeavour' and,
in this anniversary year,
many opportunities for all views
to be heard.
Details of Pacific Islands,
of the Americas, of Terra Australis
and other distant worlds stimulated
serious reflection
in 18th century Europe,
giving some Europeans
at least a comparative perspective
on their own religions,
folklore and culture,
and handing philosophers
of the Enlightenment one
of their most effective tactics
for questioning traditional European
beliefs and assumptions.
It came as a great shock to Europe
to be told, for instance,
that the Aboriginal peoples
of Australia might,
as James Cook asserted in his logbook,
be far happier than we Europeans.
Thank you.
