A recently published study by sociology professor
Mark Regnerus purports to show that children
of same-sex parents experience a significant
degree of negative outcomes, contrary to numerous
earlier studies on LGBT parenting.
Most notably, the new study alleges that the
children of lesbian mothers are more likely
to be on public assistance, more likely to
be unemployed, less likely to be employed
full-time, more likely to be cohabitating,
less likely to be married, more likely to
have had an affair, more likely to have had
an STI, more likely to have been in therapy
recently, more likely to have recently thought
about suicide, more likely to have been raped,
and more likely to have been molested by an
adult.
These findings would certainly be surprising
- if they were supported by the evidence.
While these results have been widely reported
as representative of the parenting skills
of same-sex parents, the study itself can
tell us almost nothing about this.
The shortcomings of its design make this impossible.
The study was conducted by surveying a representative
sample of nearly 3,000 young adults aged 18
to 39, who were sorted into 8 categories of
family structures: an intact biological family
of a married mother and father, lesbian mothers,
gay fathers, adoptive families, biological
parents who divorced after their children
were grown, stepfamilies, single parents,
and all other kinds of families.
However, the groups designated as "lesbian
mothers" and "gay fathers" are actually defined
by whether one of the respondent's biological
parents ever had a same-sex relationship during
the respondent's childhood.
Little information is given about the nature
and duration of these relationships, and the
set of people whose parents once had any kind
of same-sex relationship is not identical
to the set of people who were raised in a
household with same-sex parents.
Same-sex relationships aren't limited to committed
same-sex couples raising children.
This definition could also encompass a same-sex
affair outside of an opposite-sex marriage,
a parent who services clients of the same
sex in the course of sex work, or same-sex
activity within the context of an open relationship.
For the purposes of this study, these situations
are all lumped in with committed same-sex
partners raising children.
The labels of "lesbian mothers" or "gay fathers"
also ignore the fact that having had at least
one same-sex relationship does not necessarily
make someone gay, any more than one opposite-sex
relationship makes someone straight.
In an article in Slate Magazine, Regnerus
says, "our research team was less concerned
with the complicated politics of sexual identity
than with same-sex behavior."
But the study says nothing about the nature
or extent of that behavior aside from whether
it was ever present to the slightest degree,
or completely absent as far as the respondents
were aware.
What little data the study does provide in
this area mostly pertains to the length of
time the respondents spent in a household
with same-sex partners - which turns out to
be, not much.
Of the respondents in the so-called "lesbian
mothers" group, who numbered 163, only 57%
reported living with their biological mother
and her same-sex partner for at least 4 months,
and 23% lived with them for at least 3 years.
In the "gay fathers" group, numbering 73 people,
23% said they lived with their biological
father and his same-sex partner for at least
4 months, and less than 2% lived with them
for at least 3 years.
There are two flaws in comparing these respondents
to those in the "intact biological families"
group as a measure of the effects of same-sex
parenting.
First, this suggests that while the 18 years
spent with one's married heterosexual parents
are responsible for these positive outcomes,
the mere months that many respondents spent
in a household with same-sex parents must
be responsible for their negative outcomes.
This completely ignores the effects of whatever
other family structures they were a part of
during the many years that they did not spend
with their same-sex parents.
And in the case of those who spent no time
living with a parent's same-sex partner, how
could any of their outcomes possibly be attributed
to same-sex parenting?
Second, Regnerus's 8 categories of family
structures are not mutually exclusive.
A respondent with a parent who had at least
one same-sex relationship could also have
lived with their married biological parents
for their entire childhood, or had a stepfamily,
an adoptive family, a single parent, or some
other kind of family.
Regnerus acknowledges this, and states that
he "forced their mutual exclusivity" for the
sake of "maximizing the sample size" of the
"lesbian mothers" and "gay fathers" groups.
Unfortunately, this makes any comparison between
the "intact biological families" group and
either of the "gay" parent groups practically
useless.
Regnerus has filtered the other six groups
- biological parents, stepfamilies, adoptive
families, later divorced parents, single parents,
and all others - so that they consist only
of parents who are believed to be exclusively
heterosexual.
But he's constructed the two "gay" parent
groups so that they consist of a hodgepodge
of these family structures.
Every other group contains only one type of
family.
The "gay" parent groups contain potentially
all of them.
Regnerus's treatment of these groups thus
fails to separate the possible effects of
having a stepfamily, a single parent, divorced
parents, married biological parents, or being
adopted, from the effects of a parent having
at least one same-sex relationship.
As a result, the outcomes that he attributes
to same-sex parenting could just as well be
due to family instability.
He isn't comparing married heterosexual parents
whose children lived with them for 18 years
to committed same-sex couples whose children
lived with them for 18 years.
He's packed the "gay" groups with divorces,
remarriages, adoptions and single parenthood,
and then compared them to intact heterosexual
families.
Of course the results would reflect unfavorably
on the groups he's designated as gay.
But they don't tell us anything about the
outcomes for children who were raised by committed
same-sex parents for a substantial portion
of their childhood.
Regnerus himself has admitted to these shortcomings,
but claims that there was no way to overcome
these limitations.
On his blog, he wrote, "One of the key methodological
criticisms circulating is that - basically
- in a population-based sample, I haven't
really evaluated how the adult children of
stably-intact coupled self-identified lesbians
have fared.
And I'm telling you that it cannot be feasibly
accomplished.
It is a methodological (practical) impossibility
at present, for reasons I describe: they really
didn't exist in numbers that could be amply
obtained randomly.
It may well be a flaw - a limitation, I think
- but it is unavoidable.
We maxxed Knowledge Networks' ability, and
no firm is positioned to do better.
It would have cost untold millions of dollars,
and still may not generate the number of cases
needed for statistical analyses."
Considering how many inaccurate stories about
same-sex parents have been published because
of what his study falsely claims to show,
this is an especially weak excuse.
If the data aren't there, then the data just
aren't there.
This doesn't mean you can misrepresent committed
same-sex parents by grouping them with all
kinds of disrupted families and different
living situations.
It means your study simply isn't capable of
examining the competence of same-sex parents.
And Regnerus should have admitted that in
the first place.
