

NOT FROM THE WIND

A Family History

by Colman Rushe

Published by Colman Rushe at Smashwords

Copyright 2014 Colman Rushe

Author website: http://colmanrushe.wordpress.com

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Table of Contents

Preface

Chapter 1 - The 1839 Storm

Chapter 2 - Irish Origins

Chapter 3 - The People

Chapter 4 - Ancient Lifestyle

Chapter 5 - Ansbros in Balla

Chapter 6 - Ansbro Origins

Chapter 7 - The Great Famine

Chapter 8 - Agitation in Mayo

Chapter 9 - The Dwyers

Chapter 10 - Manchester Irish

Chapter 11 - Emigration

Chapter 12 - McManus

Chapter 13 - Lee

Chapter 14 - Manchester Deeds

Chapter 15 - Claddagh

Chapter 16 - Rushe

Chapter 17 - Workhouse Saga

Chapter 18 - Boarding Out

Chapter 19 - Workhouse Rescue

Chapter 20 - Political Unrest

Chapter 21 - Reynolds

Chapter 22 - Rushe in Mayo

Chapter 23 - Railway Encounter

Chapter 24 - Ryans

Chapter 25 - Howards

Chapter 26 - New Rushe Home

Chapter 27 - Dark Clouds

Chapter 28 - Murneen

Chapter 29 - Kelly Strikes

Appendix - Other Family Stories

Ethnoancestry

Links

Bibliography

PREFACE

"He that careth not from whence he came, careth little whither he goeth"

Daniel Webster.

***

"Take care of the living; the dead will take care of themselves".

That was the dismissive reaction of one relative when told that I was compiling a family history. Most people to whom I spoke were reasonably enthusiastic and some were extremely supportive. Nevertheless, genealogy involves exploring the actions of our ancestors and recording the findings with accuracy and honesty. Understandably, this can cause discomfort to some family members. George Bernard Shaw summed this up: "The danger of tracing your family tree is that you may find an ancestor hanging from a branch, either by his neck or by his tail".

What can we learn from our predecessors? Should we just leave them to "take care of themselves" and just get on with our lives? Vona Groarke articulates the doubts in her poem "Or To Come" :

"The dead know whatever the dead know

and they will have nothing to do with the telling

unless it is an air chanced on a gatepost by a wind

or a chord of water dripping in the well.

There are those who would let every headstone

keep a gap in it. And those who say that names

were meant to escape us; that our ends

should give the slip to all our aims. Who knows?"

When writing about some dramatic incident involving an ancestor, I often found myself wondering: "What did he think?" or "How did she feel?" It would be presumptuous to draw any but the most obvious conclusions.

But I consider that we can gain valuable knowledge from "the dead" by learning about their actions so long as we take account of the social, political and economic climate in which they lived. For this reason, I have tried to give a flavour of their times and some detail of the locations where they resided.

Compiling information about ancestors, and reviewing it in the context of contemporary circumstances, can force us to question our attitudes and opinions. In the past, we Irish regularly portrayed the British as the sole cause of most of our national ills. Of course, they often had a case to answer but our eagerness to point the finger of blame can give us an excuse to avoid taking responsibility and we sometimes abdicate our duty to closely examine our own accountability.

In Ireland, rational debate about the cause and effect of the famine is often stifled by this "Blame the Brits" approach. However, when examining the population density in pre-famine Leitrim, my curiosity was aroused and I delved further. The population of Ireland in 1841 was 8.18 million and growing rapidly. By 1911, it had fallen to 4.39 million due to famine, disease and emigration. If the Irish population had grown at the same rate as Scotland, we would have numbered 15.7 million by 1911. (In reality, the growth would have been much higher in Ireland due to our Catholic tradition of large families). This number would have been completely unsustainable and, at best, emigration on a much more massive scale would have been necessary. Alternatively, it seems to me, some other "natural" disaster would have befallen the Irish people. The perception that we would have had no problem if the British had somehow provided food for the population and ceased collecting rent needs to be challenged and debated. Perhaps, by studying our ancestors, we can learn more about ourselves and revise our attitudes.

The people whom we meet in this story were not involved in what is conventionally known as "making history". They were not at the forefront when major events were taking place. However, I tend to agree with Bronowski in "The Ascent Of Man" who stated:

"History is not about events but people."

Some of the incidents and traumas which our predecessors experienced are as dramatic and as tragic as the well known national events which occurred during their lifetimes. The manner in which they survived and carried on with their lives shows tremendous fortitude and speaks volumes about the kind of people they were. Their response to the great obstacles placed in their paths speaks to us more eloquently than anything they could have written.

The traditional method of tracing one's origins involved following the male line which gives us our surnames and through which property passed to the next generation. This has too often resulted in a perception that the female line is somehow less relevant. Genetically, intellectually and in terms of our personality and behaviour, we are products of both our parents and of those who raised us. Indeed, it could be argued that the female line has had more impact on us. In past generations, our ancestors spent far more time with their mothers during their formative years and, it seems safe to say, inherited their life values and behaviours from the maternal line. For this reason, I have endeavoured to follow the female lines as well as the male lines in each family.

I have been assembling bits and pieces of information since 1992 when my first tentative moves in this direction were encouraged by my mother and father. The project was put aside for various periods until interest was rekindled by some morsel of information or inquiry. I had many rewarding and a few frustrating days in the Public Registry Office and the National Archive in Dublin. It is difficult to convey the thrill of holding and examining the original Census Form which was handled, sometimes completed and often signed by an ancestor who may have lived through the Great Famine in the 1840s. As a result of the increasing interest in genealogy in more recent years, many of these documents may now only be viewed on photocopy or microfiche. I was privileged to be able to sift through the originals.

I should point out that the ages and dates of birth which I have quoted are based, in many cases, on the Census Forms. This method can lack accuracy because the people often misstated their ages. Some may have done so deliberately and others may not have been certain of their year of birth. In the 1901 Census, it was not unusual for people to round their age up or down to the nearest ten years. Consequently, by the 1911 returns, some persons appear to have aged up to fifteen years in the decade. Another factor was the introduction of the Old Age Pension in 1908. Many people suddenly disclosed that they were born significantly earlier than they had indicated on previous Census returns. Where possible, I have used other sources such as birth and marriage records to verify the information.

Finally, I regard this as a "work in progress". New sources of information are becoming accessible regularly. For example, many records are being made available in searchable form on the internet. I am confident that it will be possible to add more detail about the families as time goes on. Of course, the most valuable sources of information have been the recollections and memories of family members. Any further such anecdotes or material would be much appreciated.

My thanks are due to my parents Coleman and Kitty Rushe, John Rush, Sean Rushe (for his notes on his talk with our grandfather), Cecil McGrath and Betty Fox, all of whom gave me information about my side of the family. Equal appreciation is due to Bridget and Pearse Ansbro, Molly McManus, Jim McManus and Liz Glynn for information about Bridget's forebears.

This is dedicated to my children, Stephen and Kathryn: I hope it will help them to understand and be proud of their origins.

Finally, the title comes from an old Irish expression: "It wasn't from the wind he (or she) took it." This saying was used by older people when they saw a young person displaying some mannerism, trait or talent which had been inherited from an ancestor. Other winds which blow through this narrative include the "Big Wind" of 1840, the winds which dictated the fate and prosperity of fishermen, proverbial winds of change in Ireland and England and the allegorical scatterin' wind which dispersed some of the people in this book over three continents.

Colman Rushe

March 2004

***

Addition to the Preface.

Following the printing of the original edition, which I distributed among some family members, my research has continued intermittently. This has been spurred on by the publication of further records and by contacts with various people in person, by email or by letter. It was suggested by my cousin, Kevin Ryan, that I make the book available in ebook form. Before doing this, I decided to do an update in order to reflect the additional information which I had gathered. For example, new research enabled me to significantly expand the segments about the McManus family of Leitrim and the fate of the Ryans of Cappamore.

This edition also incorporates corrections to the original. Incomplete or erroneous information which I received many years ago from local family history sources resulted in some incorrect conclusions. For example, I discovered that there were two John Rushes in Claddagh. One was married to Margaret Tierney and the other, my ancestor, was married to Mary Tierney.

Similar confusion arose with the Ansbros in Balla. I originally searched in the Prison townland for a Thomas Ansbro born in the 1870s who had siblings named Martin, James and John. However, when I visited the area, locals told me that there were two Ansbro families living close by and I revisited my research. I discovered that indeed there were two Ansbro families in the area. James Ansbro and John Ansbro both had children named Thomas, Martin, John and James. (They may have been brothers or cousins which might account for the similarly named children). I have now clearly established that John Ansbro and Rose Cunnane were the parents of Tom Ansbro who went to Manchester.

The original publication included photographs and family trees. There can now be viewed by following the links at the back of this book.

In addition to those mentioned earlier, I would like to thank the following people who gave me further information. Fiona Rushe from Moycullen, Eric Rush from Nebraska, John McManus from Buckinghamshire, Rick Hutton from Idaho, Micheal McGrath from Dublin, Kerry-anne Manning from Australia, Glynne Jones from the UK, Karen Ryan from Australia, Mary O'Donoghue of Dublin, Alan and Dennis Moore from Australia and Liz Glynn of Manchester each contributed to the expanded work.

Since 2004, we have lost Liz Glynn, Frank Kelly, my uncle Johnny Ryan, my father Coleman Rushe and Bridget's mother Kay Ansbro (McManus). All are remembered fondly and are sadly missed.

Colman Rushe

August 2013.

CHAPTER 1 - The 1839 Storm

The Night of the Big Wind

It started on Little Christmas and it lasted until the Day of Judgement. Many thought that it signalled the end of the world and it left a lasting impression on most of the lucky ones who survived it. It devastated the countryside, terrorised the people and even caused the dead to rise.

In Ireland, January 6th, Little Christmas, is also known as Nollaig na mBan (Women's Christmas). In 1839, it fell on a Sunday. It was a bright pleasant morning and there was a light blanket of snow on the ground. As this was traditionally a rest day, people were gaily making preparations for the ceilis and entertainment which were planned for the evening.

By mid afternoon, the temperature had risen and it was unseasonably humid. Even the slightest breeze seemed to fade away and it became curiously calm. A light wind gave temporary relief around 9 pm but, within a short time, this had developed into a howling gale. By midnight, at the start of the day which in Ireland was traditionally associated with Judgement Day, there raged a hurricane which would cause devastation and loss of life throughout the country.

Roofs were blown off houses. Other buildings were also damaged or destroyed. Most of the dwellings were thatched and some merely had the straw blown away. The less fortunate occupants saw the roofs collapse inwards and catch fire. Torrential rains, high tides and the sudden thaw resulted in major flooding. Deaths were caused by collapsing buildings, fires, flash floods, drownings at sea and freak accidents throughout the country. There were also many reports of people being maimed and others were blinded by flying cinders. Hay and oats ricks were blown away as were the winter supplies of turf and firewood. Cattle, sheep and pigs were killed or sustained such severe injuries that they had to be destroyed. Birds, particularly crows and seabirds, suffered terrible damage and indeed crows became almost extinct in some counties as a result of the storm. It was estimated that three million trees were blown down. The dead were raised when, near Belfast, two coffins were exhumed when the gale uprooted trees in a graveyard.

While the reported death toll was a relatively modest 219, this statistic disguised the impact of the tempest. The next major catastrophe to effect Ireland was the Great Famine six years later and this is remembered due to the loss of life it caused. However, as the historian R F Foster points out, more people were made homeless by the "Big Wind" than lost their homes in 1840-50 during the evictions following the famine.

It is indisputable that Oiche na Gaoithe Moire (The Night of the Big Wind) made an indelible mark on the generation who experienced it. During the early years of the nineteenth century, the people had to endure calamities such as crop failure, tyranny, poverty and violence. However, many of these hardships tended to impact on some classes or localities while others were relatively unscathed. But the "Big Wind" effected all parts of the country and all people, rich or poor. Accordingly, all creeds and classes found common ground as a consequence of their experiences.

What impact did the storm have on the various families which we will meet in this book? Contemporary reports and witness testimony give us a wealth of information.

In County Mayo, seventy thousand trees were uprooted in one estate alone and many people were drowned offshore. The Ansbro and Cunnane families, who lived between Balla and Castlebar, listened to the howling of the wind and feared for their lives and property. A few miles away in Castlebar, very few houses escaped damage from wind or fire. Local reports indicate that the houses of the poor were particularly badly effected and virtually all were stripped of their roofs. At Lough Carra, seven miles from the Ansbro home, eight houses were completely demolished. Haggards, which had been filled with hay and corn, were destroyed and their contents scattered over the countryside.

About forty-five miles to the south, the O'Dwyer family in Tuam escaped the worst excesses of the storm. Local newspapers indicate that only two cabins were burned but that "a great many of the houses of the poor" were damaged. Near the town, after the destruction of his house, a farmer put his five small children into a large basket and placed the burden on his back. His destination was a neighbouring house thirty yards away. When he arrived, one of the children was missing and a search party went out. Such was the severity of the weather that the searchers had to "crawl on their hands and knees for hours" until they found the child.

Fishermen and their families were fully aware of the power of the wind and have firsthand experience of the death and destruction which it can cause. Nevertheless, the Rushe and Tierney families in Claddagh, Galway had never experienced anything as ferocious or unpredictable. Galway was hit by a succession of whirlwinds which caused twenty-three deaths at sea and seven on land. Between the whirlwinds, you could "walk around with a lighted candle in your hand". Many were maimed and it is recorded that the number of amputees in the city in later years bore testimony to the severity of the disaster.

Thirty miles inland, in east Galway, the problems were different but no less traumatic. Cattle and sheep were drowned as a result of being swept into rivers, streams and drains. When the Reynolds and Egan families from the Williamstown area ventured out on the following morning, they found a "salty crust" on walls, gates and trees. This was sea salt, even though the sea is over thirty miles away.

The Ryans, Howards and Fitzgeralds and Nolans lived in east County Limerick and, while the storm undoubtedly caused much death and destruction, most of the reportage confines itself to Limerick City. However, the village of Bruff was severely effected. Houses were so badly damaged that people had to take refuge in the streets as they feared that their dwellings would collapse. Ricks of hay and oats were blown a mile away in some cases. In woods, there were reports of massive destruction of wildlife and in Newgrove, thousands of rooks were strewn on the ground.

The north midlands were not spared. As dawn broke and the storm abated, the McManus family and their neighbours in Fenagh watched in disbelief as a roof sailed majestically across Fenagh Lake. About ten miles away, fifty houses were blown down between Elphin and Drumsna. Children were put into wooden chests and stones were piled on top during the peak of the hurricane in order to give them some protection.

The Lee family lived near Cavan town, about twenty miles to the east. Sixty-three houses caught fire in the locality resulting in "a scene of devastation and ruin awful in the extreme". It was reported that "the respectable family and the poor cottier have suffered most severely". (Presumably, the poor cottier was not expected to bear the burden of respectability).

These families were united by their common experiences on that fateful night. Many of them were to be linked again over the years as their paths would cross and intertwine. They would have to endure a famine which would make the previous crop failures pale into insignificance. They would survive war, revolution, and oppression. Some would emigrate to England, America, Canada and Australia. They would fight for Ireland and for the British Empire. There were no heroes, leaders or shapers of history as far as I can tell. Yet they persevered to become the "backbone" of the countries where they settled and many showed great personal courage in overcoming experiences and events which would have submerged people with less conviction and self-reliance.

Let us try to find out as much as possible about these people who, if they did not shape history, shaped the way we are. History tends to record details of the lives and activities of the ruling class, while documentary evidence of the "lower orders" is scarce or vague. However, we can at least try to understand something of the lifestyle which they experienced, and the events which impacted upon them. In doing so, perhaps we will better understand ourselves.

CHAPTER 2 - Irish Origins

Evidence of Early Irish Man

The earliest signs of human activity in Ireland are less than ten thousand years old. This is relatively recent when compared to southern England where evidence of mankind dates back four hundred thousand years. Many people in Ireland are descended from these first settlers. Obviously, others are descended from vikings, Normans, Scots, English and later immigrants. It was originally thought that the first Irish settlers were Celts who came here from Wales or Scotland. The earliest manuscripts claimed that the Irish were known as Milesians and came by sea from Spain but this was regarded as myth. However, archaeological discoveries have now revealed that Ireland was settled in pre-celtic times and the connection with Spain is supported by DNA evidence.

The original ancestors of all the people on earth migrated out of Africa about 65,000 years ago and eventually settled in various parts of the world. As they adapted to their environment, their genes changed slightly in various ways. As a result of these changes, groups of people with similar genetic characteristics can be identified. These are known as haplogroups. People have been tested all over the world in order to identify the frequency and dispersal of these haplogroups. As more test results are added to databases, a clearer picture emerges regarding the movement of people in earliest times.

75% of the current Irish population has a similar origin. This R1b haplogroup, also known as the Pretani or the Artisans, is prevalent in western Europe and becomes more frequent as you move further west. Along the west coast of Ireland, 98% of the people belong to this haplogroup. The only other location where Pretani/Artisans comprise 98% of the population is the Basque coastline in northern Spain. It is now thought that the people who originally settled in Ireland are most likely to have come here by sea from the north of Spain rather than from England or Scotland. This would explain the very high proliferation of similar DNA profiles in Ireland and northern Spain.

It has often been remarked that Irish people on the west coast have a dark-skinned Spanish appearance and, in the past, this was usually attributed to survivors from the Spanish Armada who "went native". However, all the historical evidence suggests that the Spanish survivors who came ashore were either massacred or rescued and returned to Spain. It is now thought that the connection with Spain dates from much earlier pre-Christian times. Interestingly, Spanish people point out that some natives of the Basque country have Irish facial features. There is also a local Basque tradition that some of their earliest ancestors sailed away to an unknown land in the north.

The earliest people in Ireland lived near rivers and lakes. The land was, of course, covered in forest so that personal safety and comfort dictated that travel was usually undertaken by river.

Stone-age people in Ireland began to clear land for farming about six thousand years ago. At the Ceide Fields on the shoreline of north Mayo, evidence of an agricultural civilisation has been discovered. This fascinating site comprises a vast network of fields fenced by stone walls, together with the remains of dwellings and burial chambers. The preservation of this unique site, which is considered to be over five thousand years old, is due to the fact that it was hidden under bog land for centuries.

The burial chamber at Newgrange, County Meath, which also dates back five or six thousand years, provides evidence of the level of sophistication of the dwellers in Ireland at that time. The visitor enters the chamber through a long narrow passageway before reaching the inner "tomb". This chamber is aligned with such precision that, on the winter solstice, the rising sun sends a shaft of light slowly down the passageway until it encounters a plate shaped rock. The rock reflects the light upwards so that the whole inner chamber is illuminated. This phenomenon only happens at dawn on the winter solstice and lasts for a few minutes. The reasons for building this monument have been lost in the mists of time and many theories have been put forward. However, the fact remains that our forebears in Ireland could design and build a monument with a level of precision which we would struggle to match today.

About 500 B.C. the Celts landed in Ireland. They came from continental Europe and used iron weapons and tools. In order to protect themselves from wild animals and from raiders, they lived in ring-forts. These people eventually became known as the Gaels or Irish.

Christianity was introduced in 432 A.D. by which time the country comprised about 150 small kingdoms. Each was independently ruled.

Between the sixth and ninth centuries, the Irish "Golden Age" occurred. During this period, Irish teachers and scholars journeyed throughout Europe and, in turn, students from Europe came to Ireland in search of education.

CHAPTER 3 - The People

The People, Invaders and Planters

What about the ordinary people of Ireland during this era? The kings, scholars and teachers were doing what their modern counterparts do, no doubt. But what kind of lives did their subjects live?

It is believed that they hunted or farmed to gain a living and that part of their produce was handed over to the king or chieftain in exchange for protection.

By the middle ages, the chieftain and his family were living in castles or fortified houses. The lower orders lived in stone cabins in the vicinity of the chief's dwelling and spent their time tending to the large herd of cattle owned by the chief. In summer, the whole clan moved to a temporary residence where grass was lush and afforded better grazing for the herd.

The Irish Clan System gradually evolved. This consisted of septs or extended family groups which maintained a large herd and sometimes carried out some tillage. The chief was elected, unlike the hereditary system which existed in England.

The people lived by the Brehon Laws which were in existence before the time of Julius Caesar and operated until eventually banned by Queen Elizabeth 1. The laws, named after the Brehons, Ireland's wandering jurists, give a fascinating glimpse into the lifestyle of the common people. They range from the sensible and practical to the whimsical and bizarre. Passed on orally for centuries, the laws were first written down in the seventh century. Many of the manuscripts still survive and are in libraries and museums in Ireland and throughout Europe. Having been translated from the original Irish, the manuscripts were studied by scholars and experts.

Some of the laws give an insight into behavioural standards:

Whoever comes to your door, you must feed or care for him, and no questions asked.

The chief poet of the tribe shall sit next to the king at a banquet. Each shall be served the choicest cut of meat.

The poet who overcharges for a poem shall be stripped of half his rank in society.

Each three years, gatherings or "assemblies" were held at locations around the country. New laws were enacted, games were held and business conducted:

Every third year roads must be cleared of brambles, weeds and water to prepare for the great assembly.

The creditor who holds your brooch, your necklet or your earrings as a pledge against your loan must return them so that you may wear them at the great assembly, or he will be fined for your humiliation.

This desire to "save face" or avoid humiliation, which is also found in other cultures around the world, is also reflected in other laws:

Blush-fines are payable for insults offered to all persons of every rank except the ne'er-do-well, the squanderer, the selfish man who thinks only of his cows and his fields (and not of other people), the buffoon who distorts himself before crowds at a fair and a professional satirist.

Men were afforded some protection in their dealings with the opposite sex:

If a man takes a woman off on a horse, into the woods or onto a seagoing ship, and if members of the woman's tribe are present, they must object within twenty-four hours or they may not demand payment of a fine.

If a woman makes an assignation with a man to come to her in a bed or behind a bush, the man is not considered guilty even if she screams. If she has not agreed to a meeting, however, he is guilty as soon as she screams.

However, the laws afforded women a degree of security and protection which our modern legislation fails to match:

The husband-to-be shall pay a bride-price of land, horses, gold or silver to the father of the bride. Husband and wife retain individual rights to all the land, flocks and household goods each brings to the marriage.

The husband who, through listlessness, does not go to his wife in her bed must pay a fine.

If a pregnant woman craves a morsel of food and her husband withholds it through stinginess or neglect, he must pay a fine.

If the chief wife scratches the concubine but it is of rightful jealousy that she does it, she is exempt from liability for injury. The same does not hold true for injuries by the concubine.

Concubinage was legal in Ireland until the twelfth century, as was divorce:

February first is the day on which husband or wife may decide to walk away from the marriage.

The environment was protected:

For stripping the bark of an oak tree, enough to tan the leather for a pair of woman's shoes, the fine is one cowhide. The defendant must cover the bruised portion with a mixture of wet clay, new milk and cow-dung.

Finally, the elderly were also cherished:

When you become old your family must provide you with one oatcake a day, plus a container of sour milk. They must bathe you every twentieth night and wash your head every Saturday. Seventeen sticks of firewood is the allotment for keeping you warm.

Among the issues covered or protected by other laws were free speech, land prices and valuation, the fostering of children including their education and care, medical standards, obligations of innkeepers, safety in the workplace, control and protection of animals, recourse to debtors, care of those with intellectual disabilities and much more.

These laws and many others portray a civilised, tolerant and caring society.

However, Elizabeth 1 opined that the laws were "unreasonable", "lewd" and "barbarous". In reality, she probably took the pragmatic view that she had a better chance of controlling the Irish by imposing English common law. She banned the Brehon laws and also outlawed the poets and Brehons, thereby hastening the end of the Gaelic order.

It would be incorrect to assume that an idyllic or utopian state existed in Ireland during the "Brehon Law" period. There was regular conflict between rival chieftains. In addition, there were occasional invaders who did not share the alleged opinion of the Romans that a visit to Ireland wasn't worth the trouble.

The Vikings invaded in the eleventh century. They were eventually defeated but, in the meantime, had intermarried with the locals and had settled in large numbers.

The Normans arrived in the twelfth century. With superior equipment and armour, they quickly subdued a significant portion of the country. They built many fine castles and the Irish gradually began to emulate their achievements. Having failed to repel the Normans by force of arms, the Irish adopted a more subtle strategy - they married off their daughters to the invaders. The Normans became integrated through intermarriage and eventually became known as the Old English to distinguish them from the New English who were brought in by the English administration in the sixteenth century. These new arrivals were known as "planters" and many were given land as a reward for services to the Crown.

The strategy of "planting" was designed to bring an English way of life to Ireland and was vigorously opposed by both the Irish and the Old English. This resistance lasted until 1607 at which stage many of the chiefs departed the country for continental Europe. They were replaced by more "planters" who were mainly of Scots Presbyterian origin.

In 1641, a further uprising of the Old English and the Irish took place and was quelled with brutal force by Oliver Cromwell. As a reward for service to Cromwell and as a method of subduing the natives, more "planters" were given land. Consequently, much of the land in Ireland was owned by Protestant English or Scots landlords.

The Penal Laws were introduced in the late seventeenth century as a method of further controlling the mainly Catholic peasantry. These laws imposed severe restrictions on Catholics by depriving them of rights to education, to the ownership of land and to worship. Efforts were also made to suppress the Irish language, music and culture.

CHAPTER 4 - Ancient Lifestyle

Education, Housing and Lifestyle

As we shall see, the families which are central to this narrative came almost universally from the "lower orders". What do we know of their housing, language, schooling and recreation at the beginning of the nineteenth century when the Penal Laws were finally abolished?

Mr. and Mrs. S.C. Hall, an English couple who visited Ireland and toured extensively in 1840, wrote that the Irish language was still spoken "almost universally" in Connaught. It was the common language for the various parts of the country which concern us in this family history but it had been despised by the ruling class. Queen Elizabeth's chief minister, Burleigh, opined that the language was "more nearly allied to canine barking than to the articulation of humans". However, the Halls detected a reawakening in interest in the language among scholars and this was to intensify as the century progressed.

In the sixteenth century, Latin was the second language in Ireland and was used by the people in their dealings with the English. Despite the major disruption to education caused by the Penal Laws, the natives continued to learn and use Latin.

Catholics had continued their endeavours to school their children in spite of the ban on such education during the Penal Law period. This was achieved by setting up informal schools in farm buildings and sometimes in the open air. These were known as "hedge schools" and were in the charge of itinerant schoolmasters, many of whom had no formal training. Following the repeal of the Penal Laws, the situation did not improve. There were concerns that the schoolmasters were sowing rebellious thoughts in the minds of the children. The description by Mr. and Mrs. Hall of a typical schoolmaster is not flattering:

"The high estimate in which the Irish people hold learning - a fact on which we cannot lay too much stress - induced them not only to tolerate his evil habits, but tacitly to allow him a very perilous influence over their principles and conduct...there is abundant evidence by which the origin of nearly every illegal association may be traced to the cabin of the village schoolmaster".

The conditions which the pupils had to endure also attracted the ire of the Halls:

"The 'schoolhouses' were, for the most part, wretched hovels, in which the boys and girls mixed indiscriminately. They were usually damp and always unhealthy, and so dark that it was common practise for the pupils to learn their lessons among the adjacent hedges".

The Halls acknowledged that changes were slowly taking place as a result of the assumption of responsibility for education by the Board for National Education. New schools were springing up and the Catholic clergy were becoming involved in their management. Nevertheless, the Commission of Education reported in 1824 that only two-fifths of the school-age population of Ireland were attending school.

What of the houses or cabins of the people at that time?

Census returns indicate that, in 1841, about 40% of dwellings comprised one-roomed mud cabins. The occupants were tenants who had no incentive to improve their living conditions. Even if the tenant could repair or improve the cabin, any such expenditure was likely to result in an increase in the rent. The walls were coated with whitewash both inside and out. This was not done for decorative purposes but rather to keep the scourge of cholera at bay.

A large family, including grandparents, usually lived in this single room. Furniture consisted of a table, a few rough handmade chairs or three-legged stools and a dresser in which plates and dishes were stored. There was usually a bed for the parents and grandparents while the rest of the family slept on straw or heather which was covered with blankets or clothes. Farm animals, usually a cow or a pig, sometimes had a separate building or shelter. More commonly, they routinely shared the living quarters with the family. Outside the door was the dung-heap which was essential to the running of the farm as it provided the manure for the potato crop. The potato formed the staple diet of the "lower ranks", a factor which was to have disastrous consequences before long.

It would not be correct to assume that the lives of the people were unremittingly gloomy. Their "quiet desperation" was relieved by music, song and storytelling. These traditional modes of entertainment had been passed down from generation to generation and, as pointed out in 1900 by Dr. Healy, Archbishop of Tuam, it had sustained the people through hard times. This was particularly so in the west of Ireland \- the part of the country which mainly concerns us here.

According to Dr. Healy:

"(The) traditional music and airs kept the soul of the west in harmony in the humble homes of the dispossessed despite hunger, hardship, poverty and oppression. The plaintive 'sean-nos' airs are a reflection of those times. Yet the people had their moments of joy in song and in story. They met in the cabins and danced to jigs, reels, hornpipes and polkas. A spirit of this lives on today. Perhaps without this the Irish might not have survived."

The blind harpist and composer, Turlough O'Carolan travelled all over the west in the eighteenth century and was afforded the ancient courtesies laid down in the Brehon Laws. He composed music and wrote poems in honour of his many benefactors who welcomed him into their homes. Much of his work still survives in the repertoire of traditional musicians.

In the early decades of the nineteenth century, another poet and violinist, Anthony Raftery, was travelling in the western counties in the tradition of O'Carolan. Raftery was a native of Mayo and composed songs and poems about the west of Ireland. He also led a nomadic life and depended upon the kindness of the people.

These wandering musicians, and many more who have faded into oblivion, performed another function. They served as newscasters by carrying information of national and local events as they travelled from place to place and visited areas which were rarely exposed to outside contact.

CHAPTER 5 - Ansbros in Balla

Balla, County Mayo

In Sligo the country was soft; there were turkeys

Gobbling under sycamore trees

And the shadows of clouds on the mountains moving

Like browsing cattle at ease.

And little distant fields were sprigged with haycocks

And splashed against a white

Roadside cottage a welter of nasturtium

Deluging the sight,

And pullets pecking the flies from around the eyes of heifers

Sitting in farmyard mud

Among hydrangeas and the falling ear-rings

of fuscias red as blood.

But in Mayo the tumbledown walls went leap-frog

Over the moors,

The sugar and salt in the pubs were damp in the casters

And the water was brown as beer upon the shores

Of desolate loughs, and stumps of hoary bog-oak

Stuck up here and there

And as the twilight filtered on the heather

Water-music filled the air,

And when the night came down upon the bog land

With all-enveloping wings

The coal-black turf-stacks rose against the darkness

Like the tombs of nameless kings.

Louis McNiece

***

The poem "Sligo and Mayo", written by Louis MacNeice in 1939, contrasts the idyllic pastoral scene in Sligo with it's neighbouring western county of Mayo, which is portrayed as a depressed and desolate place. Mayo was still suffering from 150 years of misfortune which included famine, land agitation, terror and emigration. Of course, other counties also had to undergo similar deprivations and disturbances but Mayo people suffered more than any other county. They were afflicted by all these calamities to a severe degree and the effect, as we shall see, was to kill or displace a large portion of the population.

Yet, a century and a half previously, in August 1798, it seemed as if deliverance was at hand. The Ansbro family probably joined their neighbours on top of Rushill just a few hundred yards from their cabin. The sight which met their eyes would have convinced them that something extraordinary and momentous was happening. Beacons and fires were blazing on the hills as far as the eye could see. Castlebar, the county town, was situated seven miles away across the Mayo plain and the celebratory bonfires around the town could be discerned from the elevated vantage point on Rushill. The sight confirmed the news which was filtering through from Castlebar and which at first seemed incredible. A French army had landed in the north of the county, had taken the nearby town of Killala and had marched on Castlebar where the English forces were routed and the town taken. The bonfires were intended to attract the men of the county to join up with the French who were promising to finally defeat the English and liberate the whole of Ireland.

The Ansbros were tenant-farmers on the estate of Sir Robert Lynch Blosse whose seat was a "handsome mansion" at Athevilla, near Balla. This landlord, who owned 17600 acres, was later to be recognised as one of the more humanitarian of his class when famine wreaked it's devastation on his tenants.

The area around Balla had been relatively untroubled by history. According to tradition, St. Patrick rested here and a "holy well" named Tobar Pharaic (Patrick's well) can still be viewed. However, it should be remembered that there is scarcely a townland in Ireland where locals are unable to point to a spot where the "Irish Apostle" rested, prayed, knelt, performed a miracle or distinguished himself in some way.

On a more reliable note, documentary evidence is available that St. Mochua, who died in 637, built a church and a monastery where a large community of students were educated. The remains of a round tower still exist on the grounds of the old monastery near the holy well. This was the site of an annual pilgrimage during the nineteenth century. It is recorded that 20,000 pilgrims attended on Garland Sunday in 1825.

The Annals of Connaught reveal that Aed O'Connor, of the O'Connor dynasty, rebelled against the Norman seizure of lands in 1262. His army "plundered the English of west Connaught all the way from Mayo(Abbey) and Balla eastwards to Sliabh Lugha, burning their towns and corn and killing many people". This appears to be the only recorded civil disturbance in the area until the arrival of the French in 1798.

Mayo was seen as a potential backdoor to England in the sixteenth century. This vulnerability had been demonstrated by the Spanish Armada in 1588. There were also fears that unrest in Ulster would spread through Connaught to Munster in the south. In 1569, a Governor of Connaught was appointed with a view to establishing English law and order. The relative success of this initiative was due to the fact that the administration, which raised it's own finances, worked with rather than against the local chiefs.

By 1640, English Law was well established so that assizes were operating and justices of the peace and sheriffs were carrying out their duties.

Trade was fostered by landlords who set up markets around which towns developed. Patents had to be obtained from the crown for markets and fairs. In 1699, Gustavus Moore was granted permission for three fairs a year at Balla. By 1837, Lewis in his "Topography" recorded that Balla had four fairs per year which were "the largest in the county" and two smaller fairs. A market was held every Tuesday.

Lewis also noted that the town had a "cheerful and pleasing appearance". There were 1568 inhabitants of which 343 lived in town. Balla could boast of a schoolroom which accommodated 200 boys and 100 girls and there were two hedge schools which catered for 68 boys and 22 girls.

If we leave Balla heading west on the Castlebar road, turn right at the church steeple just outside the town and travel two miles, we see an old schoolhouse on the right. We turn left opposite the school and journey uphill and see a white building with a red roof on the left. Here stands the remains of the Ansbro farmhouse with Rushill in the background.

CHAPTER 6 - Ansbro Origins

Ansbro - Invasion and First Records

It is not possible to trace with accuracy the origins of the Ansbro family. According to MacLysaght, the leading authority on Irish names and family genealogy, the family were originally known as O'Hainmire and were an old Connaught family. Another expert, Woulfe, expressed the opinion that the old name Ainmire meant "freedom from levity or madness".

Early in the seventeenth century, Irish names were compulsorily translated into English. Some were changed to an English name which sounded reasonably similar to the original. Thus the O'Hainmire family became Hanburys, Hanberrys, Ansberrys or Ansbros depending on the local official who happened to be recording their name on some official record. The name is relatively rare but there are still some Ansbros in County Mayo.

There is a tradition among some of the family that the Ansbro name had Spanish origins. It is not clear whether this view arose because of the dark Spanish looks of many of the family or indeed whether the tradition has some basis in fact. It is true that there are many connections between the west of Ireland and Spain. There was a strong trading relationship between the two countries. The Spanish Arch, where ships were docked, still stands in Galway and if you take a stroll through the streets of the city today, you can still detect distinctly Spanish features among many of the locals. As mentioned earlier, this is now being attributed to the pre-christian genetic connection between the west of Ireland and northern Spain. Of course, it is possible that there may be some Spanish blood in the family but it seems much more likely that the family name is a translation of an old Irish one and does not have more exotic origins.

The French had a more profound effect on the history of Mayo in the late middle ages than the Spanish ever did. Hoche had attempted to land with 15000 French troops in Bantry on the south coast but failed due to the weather conditions. In the same year, 1798, General Humbert landed safely in Mayo with a troop comprising a mere 1000 men. When he sailed from La Rochelle with this paltry band of troops, he must have known that he was facing 150,000 soldiers in Ireland. However, his confidence was buoyed by the expectation that further expeditions would follow.

The French landed at Kilcummin strand near Killala in north Mayo and were immediately joined by thousands of young men from all over Mayo and further afield. They advanced quickly on Castlebar by approaching the town across the mountains and surprising the garrison which was under the command of General Lake. The English fled to Tuam which is thirty miles away and, in the meantime, Irish and French flags were raised over Castlebar. Fires and beacons were lit on the hills and it seemed that the English rule might finally be overthrown as thousands of men rallied to the call to arms in Castlebar.

It is generally agreed that Humbert might indeed have inflicted a substantial defeat on the English forces in Ireland if he had pressed home his advantage and pursued the retreating army of General Lake. Such a significant French victory would in all likelihood have resulted in the dispatch of French reinforcements in large numbers which could conceivably have changed the course of Irish and indeed European history. But Humbert remained in Castlebar from 27th of August until 3rd of September, ignoring the opinions and entreaties of both Irish and French officers. He only decided to leave when he realised that the English Commander in Chief, Lord Cornwallis, was a days march away with an army of 15,000 men.

The insurgents marched across North Mayo and as they reached County Leitrim they were hotly pursued by a formidable redcoat army. As the Irish/French troops passed through Fenagh in County Leitrim, an advance cavalry column under Lord Crawford encountered the rear of the army and heavy losses were suffered by the English. The following day, on 8th of September, the "glorious adventure" came to a violent conclusion at Ballinamuck in County Longford. The French offered little resistance and suffered virtually no casualties. About 100 English were killed and over 500 Irish. After the surrender, no mercy was shown to the Irish. While Mayo has been under the control of the insurgents, feelings against the Protestants and English were very high but no loss of life was inflicted upon them apart from fatalities on the field of battle. This restraint was not reciprocated after the defeat at Ballinamuck.

We do not know whether any Ansbros were directly involved in this insurrection or if any of the family lost their lives in the reign of terror which followed. The fleeing rebels were ruthlessly hunted down and hanged. When it was suspected that they were being harboured by sympathisers, whole villages were destroyed in reprisal. The bonfires, which had blazed in celebration a few weeks previously, were now replaced by burning homesteads which lit up the night skies of Mayo.

After the false dawn in 1798, life became even more difficult for the Irish and particularly the people of Mayo. Despite grinding poverty, the population numbers continued to rise inexorably. Early marriages were the norm among the poorer classes and this led to further subdivision of land holdings. As we have seen, the potato was the staple diet so that a small area of ground could feed a large family. The demand for land resulted in increased rents and, if rents could not be paid, evictions would follow.

Tensions were high between tenants and the landlords or their agents. Due to the bloody suppression of the 1798 rebellion, there was no further organised revolt during the early years of the nineteenth century. However, the people discovered the effectiveness of terrorism as a weapon against the establishment. Secret societies, comprising small groups of zealots, were formed with the aim of carrying out "agrarian outrages" against landlords, agents, police, soldiers and sometimes Catholic clergy who were strongly opposed to their activities. These societies had various names but Whiteboys, Molly Maguires and especially Ribbonmen were very active in Mayo.

As if the political and social difficulties were not enough, the people were about to endure further traumas. In 1822, a poor potato crop resulted in famine conditions. Ironically, that year was a particularly good one for corn but this crop had to be handed over to the landlord in lieu of rent. There are contemporary accounts of grain being exported while relief committees were buying potatoes and meal for shipment to Mayo in order to feed the starving.

Storm damage resulted in poor potato and corn crops in 1829. Consequently, food became scarce in 1830 and the "Ballina Impartial" reported in June of that year that "the half-famished, begging poor" were to be seen daily on the streets. The same newspaper reported food riots a year later and 1832 brought a countrywide cholera outbreak. 1840 started with the "Big Wind" and 1842 was another year of distress. All of the above were to pale into insignificance when compared to the "Great Famine" and it's aftermath.

There are a few records of Ansbros or Ansboroughs in the Balla area of County Mayo in the early part of the nineteenth century. Such information, which can be gleaned mainly from church registers, is vague and sometimes contradictory due to errors in the original registration or mistakes made when transcription was being done by family history devotees. As more information is uncovered and made available online, a clearer picture will emerge.

A Thomas Ansborough is listed in Griffiths Valuation in 1855. This listing comprises all landowners and tenants in Ireland and shows that Thomas farmed just over six and a half acres near Balla on which a house and farm buildings were situated. However, the earliest Ansbro ancestor whom I can confidently link directly to our family is James Ansbro who was born in the early years of the nineteenth century. It is possible that the woman whom James married was Honoria Costello. What is certain is that James had a son named John who was born in about 1837 and they lived at Rushill near Balla. There were also other siblings who would have shared with young John the experience of enduring the great famine as children.

We can only guess at the lifestyle of the Ansbros in the pre-famine 1840's. Their farm seems very small and non-viable by our modern standards but the 1841 Census reports that 73% of farms in Mayo at that time contained less than five acres and could support a family. Grain was grown in order to pay the rent but potatoes comprised the staple food for the family. However, the over-reliance on the potato was to have disastrous consequences.

The county was also grossly overpopulated. Mayo had 475 people per acre prior to the "Great Famine". It was the second most densely populated county in Ireland despite being one of the least fertile. According to the 1841 Census, 46% of people lived in one-room houses.

Neighbours shared grazing land and labour on a reciprocal basis. This pooling of resources, which was known as the meitheal system, was operated by the tenant farmers. Men were also hired on a seasonal basis by wealthier farmers although such opportunities were rarer in Mayo than in more prosperous counties.

CHAPTER 7 - The Great Famine

Famine in Balla and New Life

Young John Ansbro somehow survived the "Great Famine" which first struck in 1845. Disease resulting in rotten potatoes was not new to Mayo. Since the beginning of the century there had been reports of rotting crops on thirteen occasions. However, in the summer of 1845, the Connaught Telegraph newspaper reported that the potato crop was prospering. As summer went on, there were reports of disease in the crops in parts of England but there was no cause for concern in Mayo.

As the digging of early potatoes commenced in September, a different picture emerged. The local newspaper again reported:

"Several persons, residents of Castlebar, have informed us that while digging potatoes in their fields they encountered an intolerable stench, which after examination, they found to proceed from the putrid state of the esculents they were in the act of unearthing."

There was optimism that the main crop of potatoes due to be harvested in October would escape the worst ravages of the blight. Such hopes were dashed. Some potatoes were successfully harvested and stored as usual in pits. However, it soon became apparent that the potatoes were rotting in storage and, as reported in the Connaught Telegraph in November:

"In some cases the people, seeing the destruction of the potatoes in the pits, are leaving them in the ground, in the hope that they will be safer there than if dug and placed in pits or together, and we have heard of some cases where the disease had made such progress that the crop was abandoned ..."

As 1846 dawned, the supplies of potatoes from the previous year, which had been used as sparingly as possible, began to run out. Famine and fever were prevalent in Mayo - the most common ailment was typhus, known in Ireland as black fever. Rumours spread that the export of grain would be suspended so that it could be distributed to the destitute. This resulted in the collapse of the price being paid to the farmers for grain and many farmers were therefore unable to fully pay their rent and went into arrears. In fact, the grain continued to be exported :

"Famine and disease stalk abroad - the grain has been shipped from our coasts, to fill the granaries of England..."

Some "relief work" was provided in Castlebar so that the needy could earn money to feed their families. While soup kitchens were set up, such relief was frowned upon lest it should encourage a culture of dependancy among the lower orders. It would be easy to blame the authorities for the dreadful tragedy that was looming. However, matters are rarely so simple. While the disregard for life shown by some landlords and local officials and later by the London government was appalling, there were also many instances of unforgivable behaviour by the local Irish. The "gombeen-men" or middlemen who were entrusted with organising the Public Relief Works were often guilty of abuses and theft. The Connaught Telegraph reported:

"a hundred of these wretched beings - walking skeletons - employed on the public works ... had not been paid their hard earned pittance for the last three weeks".

There are also newspaper reports of widows and orphans being deprived of public works employment because the "tickets" for such work were given to undeserving favourites in exchange for "a glass or two of poteen whiskey."

The failure of the 1846 crop of potatoes was the final straw. The death toll in Mayo began to mount, initially from starvation but later from fever and disease. Many flocked to the quay at Westport with the intention of getting aboard a ship to America. Most had to remain and struggled to survive. The new year, which was to become etched into the consciousness of the Irish people, would be known as "black forty-seven". There are contemporary reports from Castlebar of burials without coffins, bodies lying unattended in fields, whole families being found dead in cabins, typhus epidemics and a food riot in the workhouse.

In May, a new terror was to be added. Lord Lucan, who owned many of the poorer houses in Castlebar, was unable to collect his rents from his starving tenants. His "crowbar brigade" was sent out to evict these defaulting tenants and to make the dwellings incapable of occupation. Such evictions soon spread to the countryside and many rural villages were levelled by the landlords following the eviction or emigration of the poor.

Merchants also capitalised upon the scarcity of food by charging exorbitant prices for supplies. In September 1847, they were castigated in a Connaught Telegraph editorial:

"You had a jubilee for the last eighteen months while those wretched creatures, scarce able to move, were seen crawling forth, carrying the dead bodies of husband, wife and child without coffin or interment. While you were amassing riches, how many of your poor countrymen were buried in their own cabbage plots, or whole families interred in their own cabins by tumbling their roof in on them."

In 1848, the Mayo Constitution newspaper reported that:

"the streets of every town in the county are overrun by stalking skeletons."

The horrors of famine, cholera, evictions and overflowing workhouses continued for the following two years. A pattern of emigration was established which would impact on every Irish family and would continue for well over a century. The population of Mayo reduced from 388,887 in 1841 to 274,499 in 1851 - almost one person in three disappeared during the decade due to death in the vast majority of instances. The county lost a further 20,000 in the following decade. Records show that 12,000 emigrated so that 8,000 died. By 1911, only 192,117 people remained in County Mayo, less than half the population prior to the famine.

The reduction in population in Mayo was mirrored in Ireland as a whole. The country's population reduced from 9 million in 1845 to 4.5 million in 1900 by which time more Irish-born people were living overseas than at home.

Balla suffered even worse than the rest of Mayo during the famine. The local population fell by 40% between 1841 and 1851, compared to 29% in the county generally. Even the number of houses fell by a third from 331 to 224 as a result of the activities of the crowbar brigades.

The Ansbros of Rushill were lucky to be tenants of one of the few landlords whose reputation did not suffer during this period. There is no evidence that he carried out evictions - at least he did not try to utilise the opportunity created by the famine to clear his lands of tenants. The Connaught Telegraph in January 1850 reported that one hundred eviction orders were sought by the Marquis of Sligo, Lord Kilmain, the Earl of Lucan, Sir William O'Malley, John Knox and Colonel Charles Knox. Despite all this activity among his peers in the local area, the name of Lord Lynch Blosse does not appear among the litigants.

In the years following the famine, a dark cloud overshadowed Mayo. The first half of the century saw the people suffering terrible reprisals following the 1798 rebellion and they went on to endure crop failures, famine, disease outbreaks, the "Big Wind", terror and intimidation at the hands of the secret societies and finally the massive reduction in the population caused by death and emigration.

Yet there were indications that spirits had not been broken. One such sign of optimism was the wedding at Balla parish church on 12th February 1866 of John Ansbro from Rushill and Rose Cunnane from nearby Carnahan. In December, their first child, a son, was born and, in accordance with the local rural tradition, was named after his paternal grandfather, James. Further children followed including Margaret (also known as Rose) who was born in June 1868, Catherine (Kate) born in May 1873, Mary born in July 1875, Thomas born in July 1877, Martin born in October 1880 and John born in July 1881.

Confusingly, there was another Ansbro living very close by in Prison East. This was the family of James Ansbro and Margaret Reilly which comprised nine children born between 1853 and 1873. Many of the children had identical first names to the neighbouring Ansbro children in Rushill. There was a James, John, Margaret, Martin and Thomas in each family. This suggests that the families were related but I have not yet been able to confirm this.

CHAPTER 8 - Agitation in Mayo

Land War, Terror and Emigration

The Ansbro children grew up amid much political and social change. The famine and its aftermath resulted in disillusionment with constitutional politics. Previously, the "Repeal Movement" under the leadership of Daniel O'Connell had enjoyed the overwhelming support and goodwill of the people. Now this support was redirected towards the Fenians and the growing frustration of the tenant farmers was reflected in random acts of violence by the secret societies.

This tendency towards subversion was even more pronounced among the thousands who had fled the country. It was estimated in 1865 that while there were 80,000 enrolled in the Fenian Brotherhood in Ireland and England, these were well outnumbered by the membership in America.

At home, the clergy had very strong influence over their parishioners. The dependence upon the clergy was deepened by the proactive role adopted by the local priests and bishops in famine relief and later in education. Conversely, this education gradually led to the development of more self-confidence among the people and ultimately to the questioning of directives issued from the pulpit. The clerical influence was at its peak in Mayo during the 1868 election. The Catholic church favoured the Liberal Party and was involved in the selection of candidates and in voter registration. While this involvement may have had a nationalistic motivation, the strategy was more a reflection of the hopes of the clergy that Mr. Gladstone would follow through on his policy for disestablishment. The people also hoped for an amnesty for Fenian prisoners and for land reform. The more optimistic aspired to "home rule" for Ireland.

The "land question" was to have a major impact on Mayo and the local people played a crucial role in gaining reforms in this area. The central figure in the national movement for land reform was a Mayo man, Micheal Davitt, who was born during the Famine in 1846. His family were evicted and moved to Lancashire in 1852 where he went out to work at the age of nine. Two years later, he lost an arm in a mill accident. Having joined the Fenians in 1865, he was imprisoned for gunrunning in 1870.

Upon his release from jail in 1878, he returned to Ireland and became involved in agitation for land reform. The result was a series of meetings of which the largest was in Irishtown, County Mayo. The attendance of over 10,000 demonstrated the mass popular support for the Land League movement. Davitt encouraged people not to co-operate or have any dealings with oppressive landlords or their agents. The implementation of this policy against Captain Boycott, who lived about ten miles from Balla, gave a new word to the English language.

Not all the activities of the agitators were non-violent. Crop burning, cattle maiming and shooting were widespread and the situation gradually worsened. Agrarian crimes reported in Ireland in 1880 totalled 2500 but had increased to 4400 by 1882. This was in response to the escalation in evictions which increased from 1238 in 1879 to 3465 in 1881.

These were years of violence and fear in Mayo and the Ansbros undoubtedly heard regularly of acts of terror in the locality. In late 1880, Lord Mountmorris, a local landlord, was murdered in Maamtrasna which is less than twenty miles from Balla. The following year, there were two further murders in Letterfrack nearby and 1882 started with the double murder of a landlord's bailiff and his grandson in County Galway. The brutal murders of the Chief Secretary of Ireland and his Under Secretary in Phoenix Park in Dublin in May 1882 reverberated in Dublin and London. Nearer home, Walter Bourke, a landlord, and his agent were murdered in Galway in June.

By August 1882, the authorities in Dublin Castle were dealing with 60 unsolved murders. The crime which struck terror into the hearts of Mayo people was the brutal killing of five members of the Joyce family at Maamtrasna on 17th of August. Ten people were eventually charged with murder and three were hanged and five imprisoned for life. It is now generally accepted that some of the executed were not involved in the crime and that a grave miscarriage of justice took place.

The political scene was undergoing change during this period also. The arrest of Davitt in 1881 did not result in a weakening of the Land League. On the contrary, more people flocked to the cause. As men were arrested, the women took over, particularly in Mayo. The Ladies Land League was set up and agitation intensified. Finally, Davitt was released in 1882 and land reforms were introduced.

Progress was also achieved following the success of Charles Stuart Parnell's Irish Party in the 1885 election. Prior to this, Mayo returned Liberal or Conservative MPs and strong control was exerted over the electorate by the Catholic clergy and landlords. However, the emergence of the Home Rule and land reform movements together with the Secret Ballot Act of 1872 resulted in a more independent electorate. Most of the seats in Ireland were won by Parnell's party. Various Land Acts were to follow. The old system which involved landlords, tenant farmers and farm labourers was swept away and ownership of land became a possibility for even the poorest tenant.

John and Rose Ansbro raised their family during these bleak and lawless years. James, the eldest son, moved to Liverpool. Thomas, the second son, also left home as we shall see. Kate left to become a nun in England. The remaining siblings, Rose, Martin, John, and Mary were still living at Rushill when the 1901 Census was compiled. Ten years later, the 1911 Census revealed that Mary had also left home. John and Martin remained on the farm all their lives.

Emigration was rife in Mayo during this period. Economic realities forced the children of farming families to seek employment and a new life elsewhere. It was usual for the parents to gather together enough cash to buy a sailing ticket for the eldest. There was an obligation on this son or daughter to send home the fare for the next child and some extra money to help with the rearing and schooling of the rest of the family. The youngest often remained at home to take over the farm.

The Census forms give us some details of the house and farm-buildings owned by the Ansbros. The house had the standard thatched roof and comprised three rooms. There were three windows in front which again indicates that the house was similar to the thousands of small homes which dotted the landscape of the west of Ireland until the mid twentieth century. The other buildings comprised two stables, two calf-houses, a piggery, a barn and a shed. This number of farm buildings was above average and probably indicates that the family may have had a reasonable level of livestock.

The 1901 Census also reveals that Thomas Ansbro, then aged 23, was employed as a drapery assistant and living at 28 North Earl Street in the center of Dublin. According to family lore, he worked at Arnotts Department Store which is situated nearby. As we know, he later emigrated to Manchester.

CHAPTER 9 - The Dwyers

Tuam and the Dwyer Family

Before we follow Thomas Ansbro to Manchester, let us first direct our attention to Tuam, a Galway town about twenty miles to the south of Balla. In the fifth century, a young man named Jarlath was ordained to the priesthood in the Dunmore area of County Galway. He was reputed to have visions which were interpreted by his friend and mentor Saint Brendan. When his chariot broke a wheel at Tuaim Dha Ghualainn (The Tumulus of the Two Shoulders), Jarlath was inspired to build a monastery which was to become a major Christian settlement.

From the eleventh century, Tuam became the seat of the O'Connor kings of Connaught. Its importance was enhanced further in 1152 when the archdiocese of Tuam was created and the town became the seat of the archbishop. In the twelfth century also, Saint Mary's Cathedral was built. However, the days of the Irish kings were numbered and when the last of the high kings, Ruairi, died in Cong in 1198, his lands were granted to William De Burgo, a Norman baron. William's son, Richard, marched on Tuam in the thirteenth century and the town was soon in ruins.

The Christian settlement survived and a new cathedral was partly built before the Reformation and the introduction of the Penal Laws resulted in Protestantism taking over the diocese. It was 1783 before the next Catholic church was dedicated in Tuam.

A thriving town gradually evolved around the churches and the O'Connor residence. By the nineteenth century, Lewis recorded in his topography that Tuam had 14,367 inhabitants of whom 6,883 lived in town. There were 1,179 houses in the town together with a brewery and a tannery. Linen manufacture was extensive and there were four fairs each year. Lewis also pointed out that:

"the principal sources of recreation are a reading room over the market house and a public billiard table."

The Dwyer family had a timber yard in Bishop Street, Tuam in the nineteenth century. They lived nearby in Vicar Street in a large two-storey house with a long yard, large garden and orchard. We do not know how the family came to be in Tuam but Dwyer or O'Dwyer is not a west of Ireland name. The Dwyers were an important sept in County Tipperary and occupied lands at Kilnamanagh which is a mountainous area between Thurles and County Limerick. A history of the sept "The O'Dwyers of Kilnamanagh" was written by Sir Michael O'Dwyer. According to MacLysaght, many of the family were recorded in history as offering staunch resistance to English rule. For example, Michael Dwyer was transported in 1803 for waging five years of resistance following the 1798 rebellion. Ironically, he went on to become a policeman in Australia. Another O'Dwyer who was born in County Mayo in 1880 went to America as an emigrant labourer. He went on to become Mayor of New York and a US ambassador.

Michael Dwyer was born in 1857 in Tuam and grew up to inherit the family business. Unconfirmed family sources indicate that his mother may have been named Honoria Byrd. He married Catherine Burke in 1880 and a year later they had a daughter whom they named Mary Kate. Michael and Catherine had eleven children of whom nine survived childhood. They were Mary Kate (1881), John (1882), Daniel (1885), Norah (1887), David (1889), Patrick (1891), Anne Jane (1895), Michael (1899), and Rose Ann (1904).

Catherine Dwyer, the mother, had a shop which fronted onto Vicar Street and Michael operated the sawmills on Bishop Street.

Mary Kate had left home before 1901 while still a teenager. After a spell as a milliner in Ballinrobe, she moved to Dublin and eventually emigrated to Manchester with Thomas Ansbro. She was the first of the family to marry, as we shall see, but she was followed by Norah who married Michael McElgunn in 1907. Michael was a coach builder who was four years older than Norah and they had six children. Michael and Nora and their children lived with the Dwyers in Vicar Street. Michael subsequently went to America with the stated intention of setting up a home for his wife and family but he didn't return. Norah lived with the Dwyers until her death in 1940 and operated a shop in Bishop Street which was taken over by her daughter after her death..

The mother, Catherine Dwyer, died in December 1918 aged 61. Her husband Michael lived for another sixteen years until March 1934. By that time, he was the proud grandfather of a grown-up family in Manchester.

CHAPTER 10 - Manchester Irish

Manchester and the Irish

Our story now becomes focussed on Manchester, a city which has strong connections with Ireland and the Irish.

One of the earliest traces of the Irish in Manchester was an Irish gold pendant dating from the bronze age which was found in May 1772 during the digging of the Bridgewater canal. However, it was the 18th century before any significant numbers of workers were moving from Ireland to Lancashire and other parts of England. The first immigrants were seeking work at the grain and hay harvests. By the early 19th century, many were settling in permanent work in Manchester.

The immigrants were mostly Catholic and their increasing numbers resulted in the building in 1774 of St. Chads Church on Rook Street - the first Catholic church to be built in the Manchester area since the reformation. Of course, there were also many Protestant Irish in Manchester as evidenced by the founding in February 1807 of a Grand Lodge of the Loyal Orange Institution at the Star Hotel on Deansgate.

The antagonism between the Catholic and Protestant Irish erupted in a riot on High Street in 13th July 1807. Further riots were to follow the Orange Order's July 12th celebrations in 1830, 1834 and 1852.

The Manchester Guardian carried a report on the St. Patrick's Day parade of 1830 and observed a great number of Irish marchers wearing shamrock in their hats.

The occasional outbreak of sectarian hostilities during marches resulted in the local population developing a jaundiced view of the Irish immigrants. The Irish were seen as a threat to the established political and social order and as a danger to public health.

In the early part of the 19th century, the Irish in Manchester were centred in an area named Irishtown or Little Ireland which was situated close to where Oxford Road intersects with the river Medlock. In 1832, J.P. Kay described the area :

"This unhealthy spot lies so low that the chimneys of its houses, some of them three stories high, are little above the level of the road. About two hundred of these habitations are crowded together in an extremely narrow space, and they are chiefly inhabited by the lowest Irish."

Following an outbreak of cholera in 1833, H. Gaultier wrote:

"the Irish are remarkable for their love of tumult and violence and their filthy habits."

Thomas Carlyle in 1840 was even more scathing in his opinion of the immigrant Irishman, who was considered to be depriving the natives of employment:

"He is the sorest evil this country has to strive with. In his rags and laughing savagery, he is there to undertake all work that can be done by mere strength of hand and back - for wages that will purchase him potatoes...the Saxon-man, if he cannot work on these terms, finds no work. The uncivilised Irishman...drives the Saxon native out, takes possession in his room. There abides he, in his squalor and unreason, in his falsity and drunkenness, as the ready-made nucleus of degradation and disorder."

In 1844, Friedrich Engels opined that Carlyle may have been unfair in his condemnation of the "Irish national character" but otherwise was "perfectly right." However, he did not allow his reservations about Carlyle's comments to restrict him from making some trenchant observations:

"Whenever a district is distinguished for especial filth and especial ruinousness, the explorer may safely count upon meeting chiefly those Celtic faces which one recognises at the first glance as different from the Saxon physiognomy of the native, and the singing aspirate brogue which the Irishman never loses...filth and drunkenness, too, they have brought with them...the lack of cleanliness...which is the Irishman's second nature...he lets the pig sleep in the room with himself."

Despite his criticism of Carlyle's views on ethnic characteristics, Engels has a few strong opinions of his own:

"The southern facile character of the Irishman, his crudity, which places him but little above the savage, his contempt for all humane enjoyments, in which his very crudeness makes him incapable of sharing, his filth and poverty, all favour drunkenness."

Engels does concede that the above problems are attributable more to environment than to any national character defect. However, he cannot seem to fully convince himself. He concludes that, even if the Irish were given an opportunity to better themselves and "become more civilised", their upwardly mobile progress would be limited:

"Enough of the old habits would cling to them to have a strong degrading influence upon their English companions."

The involvement of the Irish in radical politics had the effect of further deepening the local animosity towards them. The Irish Republican Brotherhood, whose members were known as the Fenians, was founded in 1858 but its roots can be traced to the 1798 rebellion. Many members had fought on the northern side in the American Civil War in the expectation that assistance would be given by America to Ireland in her efforts to gain independence from British rule. In 1866, a call was made for uprisings in Ireland with the help of ammunition and supplies from America while diversions were to be created in England.

In 1867, two American Fenians, Kelly and Deasy came to Manchester to organise the local activists. They were initially arrested for vagrancy but their American accents aroused the suspicions of the police who soon established their identity. The news of the arrest soon reached the local Fenian sympathisers who decided to take action. While the prisoners were being transferred by van to Belle Vue prison, a rescue attempt was made at the railway bridge on Hyde Road. Sergeant Brett, who was locked in the van with the prisoners, attempted to look through the keyhole to check on the cause of the commotion and was killed by an assailant who was shooting at the door lock. The Fenian prisoners escaped and were sheltered locally, possibly by Friedrich Engels who was living with an Irish woman, Lizzie Burns, a strong Fenian supporter. The fugitives eventually escaped to America.

Among the Irish arrested later were William Allen, Michael Larkin and Michael O'Brien. They were convicted and executed at Salford Gaol despite a widespread campaign against the hangings. It was widely perceived, especially by the Irish, that the men were innocent of murder and that the killing was accidental. While one might argue about the merits of the convictions, it was undoubtedly true that the executions were used by the Fenians to highlight what they saw as an example of British injustice. As Engels wrote to his friend Karl Marx:

"The only thing the Fenians lacked were martyrs...(the execution) will transform the liberation of Kelly and Deasy into an act of heroism, such as will be sung at the cradle of every Irish child in Ireland, England and America."

His prediction was correct. The executed men became known as the Manchester Martyrs and soon became an iconic symbol of Fenianism.

Further Fenian activity included a bomb which exploded beside Salford barracks on 14 Jan 1881, killing a seven year old boy.

Some of the Irish also became heavily involved in the labour movement. John Doherty (1798 \- 1854) was the most prominent labour organiser in the Manchester area and published many periodicals aimed at workers. His activities on behalf of both Irish and English workers served to lessen the level of distrust between the working class communities. However, involvement in labour agitation was seen by the ruling class as another example of troublemaking by the Irish.

The 1851 census showed that there were 46000 Irish-born people living in Manchester, representing over 15% of the population. By the late 19th century, it was estimated that one third of the population of the city were Irish born or their children. By this time they had formed their own community which was concentrated around Ancoats, Oldham Road and the lower part of Rochdale Road.

The gradual increase in prosperity and the ethnic mix of chiefly Irish, Jewish and Italian immigrants led to the emergence of a more tolerant Manchester by the turn of the century. The old enmities and prejudices were still extant but had been diluted. This was the Manchester to which Mary Kate Dwyer and Thomas Ansbro travelled in search of a new life.

CHAPTER 11 - Emigration

Departute to Manchester

Following his departure from his home in Balla, it seems that Thomas Ansbro went to Galway where he worked in a drapers shop. The Dwyer family from Tuam recalled that he claimed to have sold corsets to country women and black crepe to Connemara people for funerals. He then moved to Dublin and worked in Arnotts, one of the biggest clothing stores in the city. While there, he met Mary Kate Dwyer from Tuam. She had also left home to work in Ballinrobe, County Mayo where she was employed as a milliner in Fahy's store. She was in Ballinrobe when the 1901 Census was compiled. She moved to Dublin shortly afterwards.

We know nothing about their life in Dublin or how long they remained. However, it is fascinating to surmise that they were in Dublin in about 1904 when another chance meeting of a young lady from Galway with the writer James Joyce resulted in Ulysses, one of the great books in the English language. A reading of the book gives a unique insight into street life in Dublin at that time.

James Joyce and Nora Barnacle's departure from Ireland as an unmarried couple was mirrored in the action of Thomas Ansbro and Mary Kate Dwyer. In a move which was quite audacious at the time, they emigrated to Manchester to start a new life together.

Leaving together in this way was quite unusual and could be interpreted as scandalous behaviour. Brenda Maddox, in her biography of Nora Joyce, describes how James Joyce and Nora left together on the boat from the North Wall, Dublin. However, Nora had not told her parents or employers of her plans in case they tried to stop her. Some of Joyce's family came to the boat to see him off and, although they knew that he was travelling with Nora, they did not speak to or acknowledge her. She and Joyce had agreed to meet after the boat set sail. All parties were happy to avoid any embarrassment or discomfort arising from their unconventional behaviour.

We do not know what reaction their families had to Thomas and Mary Kate's departure. Mary Kate, whose reputation was more at risk as a consequence of the arrangement, showed commendable courage and self-confidence in embarking on this adventure.

Pearse Ansbro, son of Thomas and Mary Kate, said that they went to England in 1907. If so, they married soon afterward. On 14th September of that year, their wedding took place in Saint Chad's Church in Cheetham Hill, Manchester. According to the marriage records, Mary Kate lived at 9 Bellott Street and Thomas resided nearby at 11 Brideoak Street. They both described themselves to the registrar as draper's assistants while Mary Kate's father in Galway is listed as a sawyer. This is an archaic word used to describe someone who sawed wood for supply to the building industry.

The newlyweds moved into 29, Brideoak Street nearby. A rent book, starting in January 1908, shows that they paid ten shillings a week for the house.

They both worked in Affleck and Brown's department store, on Oldham Street, just off Piccadilly in central Manchester.

Their first son, Gerard, was born in 1908. A daughter Rose, and another son, John, soon followed.

The naming of one of their daughters, Catherine Markievicz Ansbro (known as Kit), gives a fascinating insight into Mary Kate's thinking at a time when Irish parents almost invariably named children after a family ancestor or a favourite saint.

Constance Markievicz was born in London in 1868 into a Protestant ascendancy family whose seat was at Lissadel, County Sligo. She was presented at the court of Queen Victoria in 1887 and subsequently married a Polish count from whom she later separated. In 1906, she rented a cottage in Dublin and chanced upon some revolutionary publications left behind by the previous tenant, the poet Padraic Colum. She was soon involved in nationalist politics and joined Sinn Fein and Inghinidhe na hEireann, a revolutionary women's movement.

In 1908, she travelled to Manchester to help her sister, Eva Gore-Booth, who was very active in the labour and suffragette movements in the city. In the 1909 election, the Countess contested the Manchester constituency where her opponent was Winston Churchill. She lost the election and soon founded Fianna Eireann, a nationalist boy scout group which, among other activities, trained the members in the use of firearms. They later went on to form the nucleus of the Irish Volunteers in 1916. It must have been soon after the Manchester election that the Ansbros named their child after her.

The Countess went on to take an active part in the leadership of the 1916 Rising in Dublin and her act of kissing her revolver before obeying Pearse's order to surrender became one of the iconic images of the insurrection. She was sentenced to death but this was commuted to life in prison in view of her sex. She responded: "I do wish your lot had the decency to shoot me".

After release, she went on to become the first ever woman to be elected to the House of Commons (she declined to sit) and later became a minister in the Irish parliament in Dublin. After a most eventful life which included further periods in prison and a hunger strike, she died in 1927. About 250,000 people lined the Dublin streets for her funeral. Sean O'Casey said: "One thing she had in abundance - physical courage; with that she was clothed as with a garment."

By 1913, the Ansbros had moved to Wilfrid Street in Moston. The older children went to school at Mount Carmel in Blackley. While there was another school nearby, Mary Kate insisted that the children walk the longer distance to the Catholic school.

Following the execution of Patrick Pearse and the other leaders of the 1916 Rising in Dublin, anti British feelings in Ireland were running high. A likely indicator of where the sympathies of Thomas and Mary Kate resided is their decision to name their child, born in 1917, Patrick Pearse Ansbro after the recently executed leader of the 1916 uprising.

The family moved back to Ireland shortly after this and lived in Tuam until 1918. We can only speculate on the reasons but it seems likely that the possibility of Tom's conscription into the British army may have been a factor. Their first responsibility was to their very young family and, in any event, they probably saw themselves as Irish rather than British at that early stage. While many Irish went to war at this time, many others felt equally strongly that fighting with the British army to "defend small nations" was unjustifiable while their own country was occupied.

Another possibility is that Mary Kate came home to Tuam to nurse her mother. Mrs Dwyer died in December 1918 and it is possible that she may have been ailing for some time beforehand.

Whatever the circumstances or motivation, the family spent time in Tuam where some of the children attended school before their return to England. They returned to live in Openshaw, Manchester.

By this time, the family consisted of Gerard, John, Tom, Dave, Rose, Kitt and Pearse.

Thomas regularly took his young sons to see Manchester City playing football at their new stadium at Maine Road. The importance of football to the immigrant community in Manchester is examined by Eamonn Dunphy in his book "A Strange Kind of Glory":

"In Manchester, the game aroused extraordinary passion. For men working in invariably harsh conditions...football was a heavenly respite from their daily toil. Whether they followed City or United, these sons of immigrants were offered something less obvious but more precious than entertainment; a means of identifying with the city that was their home. Football enabled those who watched it in Manchester in the early years of the twentieth century to come together as Mancunians. They flocked from Salford, Ardwick, Chorlton, Collyhurst, Gorton and Stretford, Denton and Longsight, from all corners of the city, seeking sport but finding something they needed even more - a sense of their own community...For all who were unsure of what they were, who'd broken free of their roots in order to survive, and now, having done so, were desperate to belong, football offered a unique opportunity to discover and declare a sense of civic pride" .

If there was any ambivalence about the Ansbro's identification with Britain during the Great War, no such prevarication was allowed to manifest itself when war was declared again in 1939. At this time, many Irish who were living in England took the boat back to Ireland where they remained for the duration of the hostilities - Ireland had taken a neutral stance. Mary Kate is credited with leaving her sons in no doubt where their duty lay. She called them together and they were immediately dispatched to join the Army.

Pearse, who was then aged 22 and was employed in the insurance industry, enlisted in the Territorial Army in February 1940 and was posted to 46 Division Signals. After training at Catterick, he was sent to the Middle East and arrived in Cairo in August. He spent time at the Royal Signals Training School in Cairo and, in March 1941, was promoted to Wireless School Corporal at the Royal Signals Base Depot at Maadi, Cairo. He also sat some examinations and gained qualifications in clerical work. Presumable, his office background in civilian life combined with his signals training resulted in his posting at the Base Depot rather than a combat area.

While on leave, he regularly visited a local convent for lunch and also took trips to see the pyramids, to Alexandria and later to the Holy Land. He took many photographs during his army career and these are now a valuable part of the family archives.

In October 1942, he was transferred to the HQ of the British Ninth Army which was based in Syria and Lebanon. The HQ was located in Brummana, in the hills overlooking Damascus. Because of fears that the Germans would advance from the Caucuses into Syria and onwards towards the oilfields, the Allies had formed the Ninth Army in Novenber 1941. In reality, this army consisted only of a few divisions but, as a result of a very sophisticated British strategy of misinformation, propaganda and deception, the Germans were convinced that a large, well trained and fully equipped force were lying in wait. This "Military Deception" strategy was developed by the British in Cairo and first used in the desert campaign against Rommel. It involved "Phantom" divisions, bogus headquarters and signage, decoy tanks and phoney defensive plans. An essential element of the illusion was the creation and circulation of fake orders, radiograms and telegrams. As he had special responsibility for Signals at Ninth Army HQ, it seems reasonable to assume that Pearse was directly involved in the deception strategy. The Germans did not advance into Syria and documents captured after the war show that they completely overestimated the strength of the Allied forces in the Eastern Mediterranean area.

Pearse was promoted to Wireless Sergeant in 1943. By August 1944, he had been away from home for four years and, under the British Army regulations which were in place at that time, was automatically entitled to be repatriated to Britain, where he could serve out the remainder of his term. This repatriation finally took place in March 1945, by which time he had been overseas for 4 years and 261 days. He continued to serve with Royal Signals at Egham, Surrey until discharged from duty and returned to civilian life in June 1946. He had been awarded The War Medal 1939-45, the Africa Star, The Defence Medal and the 1939-45 Star.

On 21st March 1945, just seven days after arrival home from the Middle East, he married Kay McManus, daughter of Irish immigrants, John McManus and Margaret Lee.

CHAPTER 12 - McManus

McManus Family - Leitrim

We saw earlier that the Franco-Irish army under the command of Humbert, engaged in a skirmish with Crawford's British cavalry at Fenagh, County Leitrim in 1798 during the ill-fated French invasion. Fenagh, which is two and a half miles from Ballinamore on the road to Carrick on Shannon, was described by Lewis in the nineteenth century as containing over four thousand inhabitants. The soil was poor and the terrain is described as "hill and dale" and was "studded with several small lakes". This was the location of the home of the McManus family.

County Leitrim was one of the poorest in Ireland and, even today, continues to suffer economically compared to its larger neighbouring counties. In 1841, the population was 155,000 and this had dwindled to 112,000 within ten years. It is estimated that 20,000 died during the famine years \- the rest left the country. The pattern of emigration continued well into the twentieth century and there are now just twenty eight thousand people in the county, a reduction of 88% on the pre-famine figure.

It is staggering to consider that 155,000 people, of whom the vast majority lived off the land, had their homes in Leitrim in the pre-famine years. The land could not have continued to support such numbers and the situation was clearly unsustainable. The population growth, particularly among a Catholic people where large families were encouraged, would have resulted in an increasing non viability of farms as the century progressed. This phenomenon was not, of course, confined to Leitrim. The phrase, "a disaster waiting to happen" does not begin to do justice to the inevitable catastrophe facing the Irish people.

McManus was quite a common name in Leitrim and the neighbouring counties. Manus has its origin in northern Europe as a Christian name but its combination with Mac as a surname originated in Ireland. In addition to the Leitrim McManus families, there are branches of the family in the neighbouring counties of Roscommon and Fermanagh where McManus is the second most numerous name. The island of Belle Isle on Lough Erne, about fifteen miles from Fenagh, was originally named Ballymacmanus.

The most famous bearer of the name in Irish history is Fermanagh born Terence Bellew McManus (1823-1860) who was involved in an uprising with William Smith O'Brien and was sentenced to death. He was transported instead but escaped to America where he died. His remains were brought home and his funeral in Dublin was the scene of the greatest Fenian demonstration seen in Ireland.

A number of McManus men from Leitrim appear on the lists of convicts who were transported in the 1830s and 40s. Their crimes included larceny, assault and "killing a heifer".

In the 1830s, brothers Edward, John and Charles McManus migrated from somewhere in the Lough Erne catchment area in Fermanagh and they settled in the townland of Derramacoffin at Fenagh in County Leitrim. They had been grazing cattle on the lake islands and used cots to ferry cattle to and from the islands in Lough Erne. They brought the cot design with them to Derramacoffin, which was a virtual island surrounded by the St. Johns lakes.

In the 1840s, a plan was conceived to link the two most important Irish rivers, the Shannon and the Erne. To achieve this, it was necessary to build a canal which passed through Derrymacoffin. The three brothers built the first house in Derramacoffin near the canal route and lived together there. Charles later moved to Stroik/Kiltyhugh below Ballinamore, Leitrim. The farm at Derramacoffin was then divided between Edward and John.

John remained in the original house by the canal and Edward built a new house, the ruins of which are still visible.

Edward married Ann Scollen and they had three children, Anne (b.1839), Robert (b.1842) and John (b.1844). John is the grandfather of Kay, Mollie, Anne, Winnie and the other Manchester members of the family.

Tragically, Ann McManus (Scollen) died giving birth to John in September 1841, leaving her husband Edward to bring up three young children just as Ireland was afflicted by the famine which had a particularly devastating impact on Leitrim. During 1847, the worst year of the Great Famine, Edward also died. The cause of his death is not recorded but it is estimated that more people perished due to disease during the famine than to hunger.

Following the death of their parents, the three young children, John, Robert and Anne were cared for by their uncle, John McManus and his wife, Bridget, at Derramacoffin.

Robert, who was a child during the famine, later recounted to his grandson that he would have starved but for the generosity of a lodger. This man was named Ballard and was a stonemason working for Mr. Lawder on the Lawderdale Estate in Mough, Ballinamore. Ballard lodged with the McManus family and each morning hid a slice of oatmeal bread beneath Robert's pillow warning him not to tell others in the family.

In his spare time Ballard excavated and built a mooring for the cattle cot. The remains of it are still there and are referred to as Ballards Mooring.

There were sixty-two McManus households in this part of Leitrim when Griffiths Valuation was completed in the mid nineteenth century. In 1873, two of the numerous McManus families were united when John McManus married Mary McManus from nearby Kiltubrid and they moved to Fenaghbeg. John became known as "Fenaghbeg John" to differentiate him from the many other McManuses in the area. Their farm ran into the western side of Lough Rayne not far north of Fenagh Abbey which is the burial place of all the Fenagh branch of the McManus family.

After marriage, they had to wait until May 6th 1876 for the arrival of their first child whom they named James. Other children followed over the next two decades; John, Edward (born 1883), Annie, Katie (1882), Robert (1886), Ellie (1888), Elizabeth (1891) and Mary (1894). In common with most other families, the older children left home as soon as they finished school. James, Annie and Katie went to America while John, Edward and Elizabeth ("Lizzie") emigrated to England. Our attention focuses on John who moved to Manchester. The 1901 Census finds him listed as bar manager of the Queens public house at 787 Rochdale Road, Manchester. Working for him in the bar was his first cousin, seventeen year old John McManus. Early in the new century, he married a Cavan woman, Margaret Lee, at Saint Patrick's Church in Manchester.

CHAPTER 13 - Lee

Lee Family - Cavan

One of the earliest records of Lee (sometimes Lea or Ley) in Cavan occurs in the Muster Rolls from about 1630. Among the men mustered was Thomas Lea who was in possession of a sword and a pike. In 1707, a John Lee is recorded as having sworn an oath of allegiance to the British crown and is listed on the roll of Freeman of Cavan town. Members of the Ley family were recorded in Cootehill, County Cavan from 1730 onwards when the spelling Lee also appears. About forty years later, some of the family moved southwards to Lavey parish.

In 1759, land was leased by deed to Simon Lee and Mark Lee. This land was at Corraghoe in the parish of Lavey. In May 1798, land in the same area was leased to Christopher and Hugh Lee.

Margaret Lee, who married John McManus in Manchester, was born in Corraghoe and both her parents were named Lee. Margaret's father was Patrick Lee of Corraghoe and her paternal grandfather was Sylvester Lee. One of the few surviving fragments of the 1821 Census lists a sixteen year old Sylvester Lee in Lavey parish. He was living with his parents Laughlin and Mary Lee and three siblings. The father is probably the same Laughlin Lee of Lavey who also appears on the 1796 Flax Growers List.

When Griffiths Valuation was carried out in Cavan in 1856, Sylvester Lee was a landowner (he would then have been 47 years old based on the 1821 Census).

Margaret Lee's mother was Susan Lee and her maternal grandfather was named Fergus Lee. This is likely to be the same Fergus Lee who appears on the Lavey parish list in Griffiths Valuation in 1856.

Lavey (or Lavagh) is four miles from Cavan town on the road to Virginia. In 1837, Lewis wrote that Lavey had 6,305 inhabitants and that the land was highly cultivated with some large tracts of bog. Part of the area was under water. Lake Lavey was drained in 1832 and some Danish raths and battle-axes and spearheads were found.

In the same way that the Scots are portrayed by the English and others as miserly, the Irish regard the Cavan person is "careful" with money and not easily impressed by achievements of a "non practical" nature. The stereotypical Cavan person believes that there is little point in expending money and effort unless there is potential for a measurable financial gain. According to local lore, some Cavan people were asked in 1953 what they thought of the feat of the mountaineers who had just conquered Everest. "Horrid fools!" they said, "Horrid fools!"

On 14th January 1878, Patrick Lee and Susan Lee, both of Corraghoe, were married at Lavey Catholic Church. Their first child, Margaret was born on 10th April 1879. Margaret had at least two brothers, Patrick ("Pakie") and Hugh. Our next record of the Lees is the 1901 Census by which time they have moved to England. Patrick, the father, has died and Susan, his widow, is a shop owner in Rolleston Street, Ancoats, Manchester. Susan lives with her daughter Margaret and her two sons Pakie aged 19 and Hugh aged 17. Also living with them, and working as grocer's assistants, are Susan's three nephews, Hugh, Patrick and Francis. These are sons of Susan's widower brother Patrick who is living in Corraghoe with five other children between the ages of nine and nineteen. His late wife was Margaret Smith.

In 1906, Susan Lee's eldest daughter, Margaret married John McManus.

CHAPTER 14 - Manchester Deeds

Manchester Safe House and McManus-Ansbro marriage

John McManus first lived at 787 Rochdale Road in Manchester. As we have seen, he was a public house manager and later went on to hold that position in the "Queens" on Rochdale Road.

Margaret Lee and John McManus married at Saint Patrick's Catholic Church in Manchester on 9th May 1906. Margaret gave her address as 386 Rochdale Road and the couple set up home at 787 Rochdale Road and started a family. Their children were Mollie, Sonny, Winnie, Anne, Vera, Kay and Hugh. While they lived at Rochdale Road, their daughter Kay, who would later marry Pearse Ansbro, was born. The McManus family later lived at Atwood Road, Didsbury, Manchester.

Irish Republicanism in Manchester surfaced soon after the execution of the 1916 leaders. Michael Collins, the main organiser of the armed resistance to British rule, relied heavily on support from the Irish community in the city. On 3rd February 1919, Collins orchestrated the escape of Eamonn DeValera from Lincoln Prison with the help of the Manchester republicans under the leadership of Paddy O'Donoghue, a grocer from Lloyd Street. DeValera hid in "safe houses" in Manchester for two weeks before crossing to Dublin. The Manchester republican sympathisers also organised a mass escape from Strangeways prison in October 1919. In broad daylight, posing as a window cleaner, O'Donoghue used his ladders and a rope to facilitate the escape.

It is clear that the McManus house was one of the safe houses used to hide prisoners following such escapes. Molly, the eldest of the McManus children, recalls strangers arriving at the house and remaining indoors during daylight hours. She remembered one man who lay in bed all day smoking cigarettes. The children were under strict instructions not to tell anybody about their mystery "lodgers". The strangers would be gone a few mornings later. As a child, she knew nothing about the activities or motives of these men; it was merely seen as a great secretive adventure for a child.

There were also frequent visits by Molly and her father John to the Lee family farm at Cavan or to the McManus home in Leitrim. On such visits, John carried guns and ammunition, according to Molly. Because adults were liable to be searched, Molly regularly had to carry at least one gun together with ammunition under her clothing. The police never searched children.

An indication of John McManus's standing in the republican movement was his attendance at a wedding in Dublin at which Michael Collins was best-man. Molly attended the wedding with her father. This was probably the wedding of Paddy O'Donoghue, the IRA man from Manchester, which took place in June 1919 and at which Collins officiated. I understand that, somewhere in the Ansbro archives, there exists a photograph which was taken at this wedding. If, as seems likely, the photograph shows Collins, it could be quite valuable because photographs of Collins during this period are very rare and are much sought after. In order to avoid arrest, he made every effort to ensure that the British would not have a good photograph of him.

Margaret Lee's family were also involved with Irish republicanism albeit at a political level. Margaret's cousin, Hugh, who had lived with the Lees in Manchester and is listed as a shop assistant on the 1901 Census, became a councillor in 1919. He was elected as a Liberal but soon shifted his support to the Irish Self Determination League (ISDL). This was a national organisation which was set up to rally support in Britain for the struggle for Irish independence. The movement was particularly strong in Manchester which accounted for about a fifth of the national membership.

When the ISDL were refused permission to hold meetings in various public halls in the city, the matter was raised at a council meeting by Councillor Lee. After a stormy debate, the Manchester City Council voted by forty five to fifteen to allow the meetings.

The ISDL were involved in sending large sums of money to the White Cross and to the Republican Prisoners Dependants Fund in Dublin. Eventually, the divisions caused by the civil war in Ireland had the effect of reducing the membership of the ISDL which gradually waned in its effectiveness. Hugh Lee was to remain in politics and became Lord Mayor of Manchester in 1945-46.

John and Margaret McManus brought up their family in the leafy Manchester suburb of Didsbury. Their daughter Kay, who was born in January 1915, met Pearse Ansbro, son of Thomas Ansbro and Mary Kate Dwyer. Pearse who was by now a sergeant in the army, having served in Cairo, Syria and Lebanon during World War Two. Pearse and Kay married in Saint Catherine's Church, Didsbury on 21st March 1945. A son named Patrick was born in 1946, followed by Veronica in 1948 and Bridget in 1951. Just before Bridget was born, they moved to 8 Maple Avenue, Chorlton. It as originally intended as a temporary measure until they found a more suitable house but the family was to remain at Maple Avenue.

Bridget attended the local school on High Lane and The Hollies secondary school. She was just about to go to college when Frank Kelly introduced her to an Irish man named Rushe who, coincidently, was born just a few miles from her grandfather's childhood home in Balla, County Mayo.

CHAPTER 15 - Claddagh

Galway Fishing Village

In 927, the Vikings burned a small fishing village at the mouth of the river Corrib in Galway. It is likely that this was in the area which became known as the Claddagh. The earliest written reference to a settlement in Galway occurs in the Annals of 1124. The city was founded by Richard De Burgo in 1232 and the fortification of the city began in 1270. However, Claddagh village which had existed before 1232 was situated just across the river and outside the new city walls - this separation probably helped to preserve its character and customs.

The Dominicans came to Claddagh in 1488 and built their first church. They were banished on a few occasions in later centuries but returned as the political climate improved. The Claddagh is recorded on maps and drawings in the seventeenth century by which time Galway had grown to a thriving trading port. Portuguese and Spanish ships were frequent visitors and local place names such as Spanish Parade and the architecture of the Spanish Arch in Galway still bear traces of the relationship with Spain.

The dawn of the eighteenth century saw the introduction of civil and religious restrictions following the Cromwellian settlement. As a result, many of the wealthy Galway merchant families departed and foreign trade declined. However, the fishing industry in the Claddagh thrived under the encouragement of the Galway Corporation which was anxious to preserve fish supplies for the local market. A new toll schedule prohibited the charging of any duties on fish supplied by the Claddagh fishermen.

By 1862, it was estimated that 200 boats, of which the vast majority were Claddagh based, fished Galway Bay. Fish supplies went from Claddagh as far afield as Limerick and the Irish midlands.

In his book "The History Of Galway", published in 1820, James Hardiman paints a fascinating picture of Claddagh at that time and provides us with a level of detail which is relatively unique when compared to other contemporary social histories. He opined that, although situated close to Galway city, the Claddagh people were:

"as different in habits, manners and character from the natives of the town as if they were of another country".

The dwellings were all thatched and housed about 3,000 people. A "King of the Claddagh" was elected and he regulated the community according to local rules and customs. He also arbitrated on all disputes so that the Claddagh people rarely had to resort to "legal" alternatives. His other duties included acting as "admiral" for the fishing fleet. The only visible indication of his position was his entitlement to equip his boat with a white sail which contrasted with the red sails of all the other local fishing craft.

Fishing was the sole occupation of the Claddagh men and their fishing boats, known as Galway Hookers, varied from eight to ten tons and were built locally. The fishing fleet comprised about 250 of these boats together with a much greater number of smaller craft propelled by oars. While ashore, the men were joined by the women in repairing boats, sails, rigging and in drying and mending nets. This diligence together with their skill earned the fishermen a great reputation. It was also noted that the Claddagh people seldom lost their lives at sea.

As soon as the catch came ashore, it became the property of the women who sold it in the Galway market. The men were provided with enough money for whisky, brandy and tobacco and the women retained the remainder to run the household. The women, who had "unlimited control over their husbands" were regarded as more shrewd in business than their spouses and Hardiman writes that although they were "handsome", infidelity was "never heard of and jealousy is equally unknown".

The people rarely spoke English and their Irish dialect was scarcely intelligible to the city folk. They did not allow strangers to reside among them and the "general air of cleanliness" was "deserving of special praise". They tended to marry within the community and a cabin was made available or built for the newly married couple. The parents usually provided a boat, or a share in one, for the new husband.

In 1838, Lewis in his "Topography" somewhat ambiguously described Claddagh as:

"remarkable for the primitive peculiarity of its inhabitants".

Mr. and Mrs. Hall visited the area in 1840 and were struck by the appearance of the village and the unique customs and habits of the people. They echo the views of Hardiman and describe the cottages as "cleaner and better furnished" than houses in the city. People were "peaceable and industrious" but if ancient "rights" are infringed, they "become so violent that nothing can withstand them."

Claddagh was still unchanged when it was described by H V Morton in the 1920s as "one of the most remarkable sights in Europe". He writes :

"Nothing is more picturesque in the British Isles than this astonishing fishing village of neat, whitewashed, thatched cottages planted at haphazard angles with no regular roads running to them. If you took three hundred little toy cottages and jumbled them up on a nursery floor you would have something like the Claddagh. It is a delight of unconscious beauty. The houses have been planted at all kinds of odd angles, one man's back door opening on to the front door of his neighbour."

Another insight was given by Stephen Gwynn who visited most of the houses in the village in the first decade of the twentieth century. He wrote:

"It was odd enough at three or four in the afternoon to find strong young men rising up between the blankets in a corner of a dark little house. That, of course, is natural in any fishing community, whose work is mostly done at night. But a thing struck me which I have never seen elsewhere in Ireland, where generally men have a prejudice against handling babies or doing anything else that is taken to be women's work. But here, in at least a dozen houses, I found the women bustling about while the men stood or sat with an infant on his arm \- and holding it as a woman does, the arm making the same soft line where it supported the infant as a hammock holds the sleeper. It is curious to see, and very pretty - natural enough, too, when one considered; for the women must be out most of the day hawking their fish at the street corners. Yet more than anything it stamped on my mind that feeling of distinctness and aloofness in the Claddagh and its people. I have never found any other community in Ireland so alien, so shy, and so hard to know."

Let us end with Morton's evocative description of Claddagh after dark:

"At night the Claddagh is most beautiful. There are no street lamps. You find your way through a maze of houses by the light that falls through windows and open doors...it is quiet and watchful and full of the chirping of crickets...through open doors you see little rooms with low ceilings. They are warm, clean and comfortable; but so small...beyond every little open door you see, sharp as an interior by Peter de Hooch, a woman bent above some task with a fine colour of scarlet on her; now and again an infant cries and a woman's tender voice soothes it, singing an Irish lullaby like little waves falling on a shore; and in these rooms, warm with the peat fires and loud with crickets piping in the ashes, a red light is burning before the Sacred Heart."

As we have seen, visitors who took a superficial look at the Claddagh were envious of the environment and the lifestyle of the people. Despite these descriptions of an idyllic life, the community also encountered many problems and, as we shall see, the domestic scene described earlier was not universal in the village.

Even as Hardiman wrote his glowing description in 1820, the seeds of the decline of the village were already sown. The use of "trailing nets" by sail boats and later by steam trawlers began to have a devastating impact on the livelihood of the fishermen of the Claddagh.

The fisherfolk were fiercely independent and were remarkable for their adherence to custom and tradition. But the peculiar insularity of the community, which were admired by outsiders, now served to inhibit the people from adapting to the new reality. Hardiman pointed out that, despite their many fine qualities, the Claddagh people:

"are still so wedded to old customs, that they invariably reject, with the most inveterate prejudice, any new improvement in their fishing apparatus, which is consequently now very little superior to that used centuries ago by their ancestors."

In 1811, an effort was made to introduce trawling in the bay but the boats were attacked by Claddagh fishermen and the equipment destroyed. It would be unfair to ascribe all the opposition to a simple resistance to change. The locals had a strong belief that trawling would destroy the spawning grounds and drive the great shoals out from the bay. However, trawlers were gradually introduced to Galway Bay despite various acts of lawlessness by the apprehensive Claddagh fishermen.

In 1846, Fr. Thomas Rush O.P. (no relation, as far as I can establish) founded the Claddagh Piscatory school with the objective of teaching the young people the various modern skills associated with fishing in order that they would be more open to change than preceding generations. This laudable initiative, which was facilitated by a fund-raising trip to London by Fr. Rush, had a very limited impact. Lack of funding, the famine and a lack of commitment to formal education among the locals were all contributory factors to the failure of the project. By the 1880s the school had given up all pretence of providing a specialised education and was functioning as a normal school.

The friction between trawlers and the Claddagh fishermen continued and there were many instances of sabotage. The Galway Vindicator in October, 1863, condemned acts of lawlessness by the Claddagh fishermen and argued that trawling would not interfere with fish stocks if carried out a long distance from shore. By 1876, a settlement had still not been reached despite the efforts of Mr. Brady, Inspector of Fisheries, who held a public meeting with the Claddagh people. Newspaper reports indicate that the lack of success of the encounter was due mainly to the language barrier.

Frustration at the destruction of their livelihood resulted in the attendance of the entire Claddagh community at a meeting of the Poor Law Board in October 1880. They pointed out that the spawn beds were being destroyed, young fish were being trapped in trawl-bags thereby damaging future crops and that trawlers were running through their lines and nets, dragging them away. The trawlermen denied all charges and the Coastguard were asked to investigate the situation. To the dismay of the Claddagh people, and the fury of the Vindicator, the outcome of the investigation was that trawling was allowed even into the shallows of the bay.

Common sense did not prevail until 1897, at which stage even the trawlermen recognised that the prevailing situation could not continue. By then, thirty-three trawlers were operating in the bay and, following the Fishery Enquiry, they agreed to stay outside a line from Black Head to Furbo. However, the damage was already done. It was estimated that only a quarter of the original number of Claddagh fishermen were still in business. Their gear was damaged or sold and the fish stocks had declined at an alarming rate.

By the arrival of the new century, many of the young men had left to join the British Navy or had emigrated to England or America. Some were still involved in fishing as deck hands on the hated trawlers. The once elegant, red-sailed Galway Hookers were abandoned by the quays near the Claddagh and most never sailed again.

CHAPTER 16 - Rushe

Rushe family in Claddagh

In 1855, the 284 houses in Claddagh included four Rushe households. Due to the insularity of the Claddagh community and bearing in mind the relative rarity of the Rushe (or Rush) name, it seems very likely that these families had a common ancestor.

According to Mac Lysaght, the name Rush or Rushe originated in north Connaught. It is an anglicisation of Ui Fiachra O Luathra - luathar is Irish for a rush. The name was also sometimes translated as Loughrey. The Rushe name is reputed to have its origin in Tireragh, County Sligo.

The earliest Rushe whom I can trace in Irish history is Michael Rushe who lived in north Connaught. In 1667, he was foster father to a son of Captain Dudley Costello, a well known Rapparee or outlaw. Dudley Costello returned from exile with King Charles the Second after the Restoration but was unable to reclaim his land which had been confiscated under the Cromwellian settlement and given to the Dillons. He assembled some followers and raided and attacked landowners who had benefited from the confiscation of land owned by Catholics. Costello was eventually shot dead at Foxford in 1667 and a price was also put on the head of his son by the Dillons, his rivals.

Michael Rushe rescued Dudley Costello's son and fled. He eventually settled near Lisburn, County Armagh, worked as a labourer and raised the boy, also named Dudley, as his son, without telling him of his origins. They returned to the west of Ireland when Dudley was fifteen and two years later, his true identity was revealed. He had been awarded a special prize for his hurling prowess and Rushe was also honoured for the achievement of "his son". He was unable to accept and revealed the true identity and heritage of the young man. The head of the Dillon family later sent a swordsman to kill Dudley but, after a duel, the swordsman was killed. Young Dudley was killed a few months later when he fell from a horse and with him went the prospects of the restoration of the Costello birthright.

Another Michael Rush from Mayo was deported to New South Wales on the Brampton in 1823 for unspecified crimes. In 1835, he was entitled to apply for his wife to be sent to join him at the expense of the Government. His wife, Mary Connor, declined the invitation.

Three other Rushes from Mayo, were convicted on the same date in 1847 for sheep stealing and were transported for ten years. Their ages, 67, 20 and 30 implies that they were a father and two sons. It is especially poignant that the crimes took place during the worst year of the famine and they were probably trying to avoid starvation.

At least one of the Rushe family from north Connaught made his way to Claddagh in Galway and settled there. As the inhabitants of Claddagh were almost exclusively fisherfolk, it is probable that the first Rushe arrived by fishing boat.

In the 1901 Census, there were 738 inhabitants of the Claddagh (compared to between two and three thousand in 1820). Only 73 described themselves as fishermen. Among these were Stephen Rushe, my great grandfather, and his eldest son, Martin.

Among the four Rushe or Rush (the spelling seemed to change at the whim of the writer) households in the Claddagh in 1855 was John Rush, a fisherman, who lived in the house which was numbered 308 by the official who carried out Griffiths Valuation. We do not know when John was born but there is a record of his marriage to Mary Tierney in March 1835. They had at least six children: Bridget born 1836, Ellen born 1841, Ellen born 1843, Margaret born 1845, John born 1847 and my great-grandfather, Stephen born on 9th December 1850. (I assume that the first Ellen died at a young age and, as was common practise at that time, the next baby girl was given the same name).

Stephen also became a fisherman and, in keeping with the Claddagh tradition, met and married a local girl named Mary O'Donnell. When she married, Mary was living with her parents, Coleman and Teresa, in the Claddagh. The O'Donnels came from Lettercallow, in west Galway. This is one of a number of islands in south Connemara which are now connected by bridges and causeways which were built in the 1880s. Following their marriage, Coleman and Teresa, whose maiden name was Folan, lived for a time in Lettercallow. Apart from Mary, they had a least one other child, Coleman, who was born on 5th May 1866. I have been unable to locate Mary's birth records; her marriage certificate implies she was born in about 1861 while her death certificate suggests 1863. When Mary married Stephen Rushe in 1881, her parents were living in the Claddagh. A witness at their wedding was named Michael Folan, probably a member of her mother's family. It is thought that, after leaving school, Mary worked for a time in a brush manufacturing factory in Galway. According to family lore, Coleman O'Donnell had built a number of houses in the Claddagh and was also a boat builder.

On December 28th, 1881 Stephen, who was aged 31 (although he gave his age as 26), married 18 year old Mary O'Donnell in Saint Nicholas Parish Church in Galway. Like many of their contemporaries, both could neither read nor write and spoke both Irish and English.

Just over a year later, Martin was born and he was to be the first of eleven children, one of whom was stillborn.

By 1901, as shown by the Census, Stephen and Mary were sharing their small house in the Claddagh with eight children; Martin (18), Mary (16), Coleman (14), Ellen (11), Margaret (7), Stephen (6), Patrick (4) and 2 month-old Michael, my grandfather. A family of this size in such a small house must have created problems although such living circumstances were not unusual at that time. There is evidence to suggest that some of the children were sleeping in the house of their grandparents, the O'Donnells. Coleman O'Donnell, who was then in his seventies, and Teresa, who was over eighty, were living next door to the Rushes. Ellen Rushe, many years later, told her family that she was brought up by her grandparents.

By this time, the indigenous fishing industry, upon which the community depended, was in terminal decline. The writer Mary Banim recorded the views of Mrs King, wife of the Claddagh King, in 1892:

"Once the bay as far as the Aran Isles belonged to the fishermen of the Claddagh, of Oran, an' the other people along the coasts; but the rich came in and drove the fish away, an' now, I've seen the strong men weak for want of food, an' the little children white with cold an' hunger."

The Rushes were probably happy to see the departure of the old century and may have hoped that the new one would change their fortunes. The family income was dependant upon the ability of Stephen and his eldest son, Martin, to get casual work as fishermen. It is also possible that they were trying to support the elderly grandparents. However, any optimism brought about by the new century was soon dispelled in a most traumatic manner.

As mentioned before, drinking was the only recreation for the fisherman while ashore and "pocket money" was allocated for this purpose in the family budget. However, as we know, there is a danger of misuse of alcohol when unemployment is rife and prospects are limited. We do not know how, why or when Stephen began to drink to excess. (John, his son, when I spoke to him a few years ago, expressed the opinion that his mother, Mary, also had a drink problem). Whatever the circumstances, the consequences were disastrous for the family.

Another son, John, was born in about 1903 but soon afterwards, the situation had deteriorated to such an extent that the family could no longer be held together.

Details become sketchy at this stage due to the suppression of the events among the family for many decades and the inability of some of the children to recall traumatic events which occurred when they were very young.

However, in about 1904, the younger children Paddy, Margaret, Michael and John were taken into care and installed in the workhouse in Galway.

CHAPTER 17 - Workhouse Saga

Workhouse - Family in Distress

We will later trace the fate of the other family members but let us first follow the youngest and most vulnerable who now came under the control of the Galway Poor Law Union.

There is some doubt whether the children were committed to the workhouse or to Salthill Industrial school in Galway. I have been unable to access attendance lists for either institution. The Industrial School was exclusively for boys and was primarily intended for children found wandering or begging, the homeless, orphans, sons of imprisoned parents and boys requiring rehabilitation who were brought before the courts. In 1908, the categories of boys who could be admitted were extended. Among the children who could now be admitted were children who were causing disruption in the workhouses.

It seems to me far more likely that the Rushe children were located in the workhouse. Among my reasons for reaching this view are:

1. The admission policy of the Industrial School seemed to exclude them.

2. As we shall see later, their parents had a number of verified connections with the workhouse.

3. The 1911 Census shows that there were children as young as three months in the workhouse at that time. Indeed the workhouse in Galway had a children's wing and a schoolmaster was in residence in 1905.

4. Children were "boarded out" from the workhouses, as we shall see but boys from the Industrial School were sent to work locally while continuing to live in the school.

5. The Industrial school was set up under the Industrial Schools Act of 1868 and control was handed over in 1876 to the Christian Brothers who were in charge during the period in question. On the other hand, the workhouse was operated by a Board of Guardians under the Poor Law Act. We shall see that this Board was involved in monitoring the school attendance of John Rushe while be was "boarded out" and that payments were being made to his guardians.

The above factors lead me to the belief that the workhouse became the home of the children for a year or two.

Galway workhouse was built in 1839-41 at Newcastle Road near the present location of Galway Regional Hospital. It was designed to accommodate one thousand inmates by George Wilkinson, the architect who was responsible for most of Ireland's workhouses.

As one approached the building, one encountered the entrance and administrative block. This included a porter's room and waiting room on the ground floor and a Guardians' board room above. A childrens' wing, which was not part of the original plan, adjoined this section of the building.

The main block had male and female wings divided by the Master's quarters. At the rear were a bakehouse, washhouse, chapel, dining hall and infirmary.

A reading of the minutes of the Board of Guardian meetings gives a glimpse of the life inside Galway workhouse. Here are some extracts:

26 Feb 04

...it was agreed, with the approval of Canon Canton PP, that it was acceptable for boys lodged out to attend mass on alternate Sundays.

16 Mar 04

...Boys in the workhouse could be allowed out to see the St. Patricks day parade.

13 April 04

...There was a complaint from Reverend Walsh CC that a Mr. Moon left "religious tracts" with a patient "who distributed then around the other patients in the ward". A unanimous resolution was passed that Mr. Moon "or any other noted proselytiser" could only visit his immediate relatives.

23 April 04

...Martin Banks requested that a bag be supplied to him "to hold his bagpipes when he will leave the workhouse and obtain a living outside". A grant of a half crown was made.

20 December 04

...Each adult inmate was to be given one pint of porter or a half glass of whiskey on Christmas day. (Phoenix Brewery had a contract for supply of porter to the workhouse. A proposal to share the contract with Guinness was defeated).

There seemed to be much animated discussion about issues such as attempted religious conversion, attendance at mass, drinks and tobacco contracts and the cancellation of a meeting to allow the Guardians to attend the Galway Races. Little mention is made of the welfare of the inmates.

However, a few events indicate that conditions may have been quite unsatisfactory. In August 1905, the workhouse schoolmaster contracted typhoid and was admitted to the fever hospital. The fact that his bedroom was located directly over the boys lavatory was first suspected as a possible cause of the infection. However, another more likely cause was the milk supplied by P.J. Lydon in whose house typhoid fever had occurred. It was noted that the schoolmaster returned to work in November.

The concern of the local people about conditions in the workhouse was evidenced by an event in October 1905. A boy had died from an infectious disease and burial was being arranged by the workhouse staff. In order to highlight the death, six local men forcibly took the body from four workhouse attendants and carried it on their shoulders through some of the principal streets in Galway to Forthill cemetery. Despite recurring questions and newspaper comments, the police took no action.

While the younger Rushe children were in the workhouse, what fate was befalling the rest of the family?

Martin, the eldest, joined the British Navy like many of the young men from the Claddagh. He was at least twenty one when the family broke up so that it is most likely that he had left home by then.

Mary married a local man named Redmond Kelly in 1903 when she was about nineteen. Kelly was a member of the Royal Navy Reserve and they set up home in the Claddagh. Some time later they took Margaret, Mary's younger sister, to live with them.

Coleman,who was a particular favourite of my grandfather, Michael, was eighteen in 1905 and it is realistic to assume that he left home soon after the family break-up. He emigrated to England.

The 1911 Census shows Stephen, then aged sixteen, living with the Maher family in Athenry, County Galway. He was working on the family farm. It is not clear whether he was in the care of the Poor Law Union at that time. He later joined the British merchant navy before marrying and settling in Fr. Griffin Road, Galway which adjoins the Claddagh.

Ellen lived for a few years with her grandparents, Coleman and Teresa O'Donnell. She was treated extremely well and had the highest praise for them in later years. She recalled mainly speaking Irish with her grandparents and she was encouraged to become involved in the revival of Irish culture which had recently become popular. She recalled being part of a group of children who were brought to Feiseanna by Douglas Hyde, who was the prime mover behind the Irish cultural revival and who was later to become the first President of Ireland.

In about 1907/8, Ellen was sent to work as a servant to a doctor in Virginia, County Cavan. She was about 17 and, probably as a result of the upbringing she received from her grandparents, took it upon herself to do whatever she could to maintain contact with the younger children. When she became aware that they were going to be boarded out, she promised to keep in contact with them. Over the succeeding years she kept this promise by writing regularly to each of them and keeping them up to date on each others progress. In this way, she acted as a surrogate mother to the younger boys. I am in no doubt that they would have lost contact with the family and each other had it not been for Ellen's determination and care.

CHAPTER 18 - Boarding Out

Children in care - Tuam Drama

It was standard practise for the Board of Guardians to arrange to "board out" the young inmates of the workhouse. It was arranged that they would live as part of a family to whom a payment was made in order to provide for their upkeep. They were expected to share in the household chores and there was an obligation on the host family to ensure that the child regularly attended school and church.

When Paddy, Michael and John Rushe were told in 1906/7 that they were to be boarded out, they had been in the workhouse for 2 to 3 years. Paddy and Michael, who were aged ten and six, were very excited and were glad to be embarking on a new adventure. John, who was barely four, could later not remember anything about the event. Their anticipation was heightened by the fact that they were to take their first ever train journey.

As they were put on the train at Galway station, the Rushe children had every reason to be optimistic. Paddy, Michael and especially young John were excited about the train journey to Tuam where their new family would meet them. They did not know whether they would like the host family but at least they would have one another for company and support and they were glad to be leaving the workhouse behind. They were surely upset at taking leave from their mother and father but contact with their parents had probably been limited since the family split up. Ellen, their sister, had also vowed to keep in contact with them.

All boys who were leaving the workhouse to board out were provided with a standard collection of clothes. This comprised:

2 pairs of boots.

2 suits.

3 shirts.

1 guernsey.

3 Pairs of socks.

1 pair of braces.

1 Bible or Prayer Book.

1 Cap.

2 Capes.

1 small box to hold clothing.

The welfare of the children was monitored by inspectors who made regular visits to the homes where they were located. Reports were compiled and sent to the Board of Guardians who forwarded them to the Local Government Board. The suitability of families as hosts and guardians of such children was also assessed.

It was obviously seen as desirable that children should be removed from institutional care and placed in suitable homes. However, this imperative sometimes resulted in a lack of proper assessment of recipient families. The monitoring process also had significant failings.

Many children were taken in by childless couples or by smaller families and were treated very well. However, the motives of the hosts were often questionable. The children were sometimes taken so that the family could benefit from the regular maintenance payment from the Board of Guardians and the box of clothes described earlier was an added bonus to a poor family.

The children were expected to share the chores and light farm work of the family. However, they were sometimes forced to do very hard work, especially in situations where the hosts were elderly and less able to carry a heavy workload. As an alternative to hiring a farm hand, such people sometimes took in a child from the workhouse. Instead of paying for a farm labourer, which they probably could not afford, they obtained a free labourer and a subsidy to pay for his upkeep.

As the train slowed in its approach to Tuam station, the children were eagerly anticipating a new life with a caring family. But, when they alighted onto the platform, it soon became obvious to the children that something was drastically wrong. There were met by representatives of three different families rather than one family as expected.

When Michael finally revealed the full details of the traumatic event over seventy years later, he was still visibly very upset despite the passage of time. He tearfully described how the three children cried and clung to each other on the railway platform. They eventually had to be forcibly prised apart by bystanders and were claimed by the various families.

Paddy, the eldest, was allocated to Patrick and Ellen Hussey who lived on a farm at Lisrivis, County Galway. The 1911 Census reveals that Patrick Hussey was then aged 68 and his wife was 5 years older. They had been married for 30 years and had no children.

Andrew Keaveney, a farmer from Templetogher, in east Galway claimed John, the youngest. Coincidentally, Michael was also to live with another Keaveney family. Peter Keaveney, also a farmer, lived at Esker, Glenamaddy in east Galway.

Paddy was the most fortunate of the three brothers. He shared a house with the elderly couple and was apparently treated very well. Many years later, John worked for the Husseys for a period and spoke highly of them.

Michael, my grandfather, was not so lucky. He later said that Peter Keaveney was head of a large family who probably took in a boarder in order to gain some extra family income. Michael suffered severe neglect; he remembered being regularly hungry and dirty. He described mealtimes as a free-for-all when the older, bigger children deprived him of food.

Michael was reticent in providing much detail about his experiences - he confined himself to general comments. In later years, his brother John was much more forthcoming when he recounted to me his own experiences with the other Keaveney family in Templetogher. He recalled that there were three Keaveney children, two boys and a girl. The 1911 Census shows Andrew, aged 40, his wife Nora, aged 37 with two children. Young Andrew was 2 and his sister Mary Ellen was less than 1 month. The other entry on the census form is "John Rushe - boarded out from Union - Aged 6".

Mr Keaveney was a reasonably mild man but his wife "wore the trousers" according to John. She was extremely severe in dealing with her children so that they all left home and emigrated at the earliest opportunity. The treatment of her own children by Mrs Keaveney was moderate compared to the conditions which John was forced to endure. He had to work long hard hours in the fields and the food was very poor. When the rain made fieldwork impossible, he had to spend his hours in a workshop.

He was not allowed to sit at the table with the family at mealtimes and was made to sleep in a loft. He told of constantly suffering from flea and bug bites on his legs.

Mrs. Keaveney did not consider him a suitable person to eat or sleep near the family. This is illustrated by the fact that he was sleeping in the loft despite the fact that there was a spare room in the house. This room was kept clean and tidy for display to the Poor Law Inspector when he made one of his calls - he was told that this was John's room and presumably filed another satisfactory report on the child's welfare.

As we shall see, John became so desperate that he ran away at least twice but was brought back. He was to endure quite a few years of hardship.

CHAPTER 19 - Workhouse Rescue

Glenamaddy Workhouse - New Hope

Michael Rushe's situation was about to change. It's not clear how long he remained with the Keaveneys in Esker and the exact circumstances of his departure are also shrouded in mystery. Perhaps his poor situation came to the notice of the inspectors. Another possibility is that the Keaveneys emigrated - I was unable to locate them in the 1911 Census. In any event, Michael, who had not yet reached his tenth birthday, was installed in a workhouse for the second time.

Glenamaddy workhouse was built in 1853 on a six acre site to the south-east of the town. Although designed by George Wilkinson who was also responsible for the Galway workhouse, it had a different layout and was intended for up to 500 inmates. The entrance gateway faced south and part is still standing. It was flanked by two two-storey blocks which contained schoolrooms and accommodation for boys and girls. To the rear, the buildings had a t-shaped design. The central wing, which ran north-south, was probably a single-storey block containing dining hall and kitchens. To each side were separate accommodation wings for women and men. A hospital block lay at the north of the site with a fever hospital and a burial ground close by.

The appearance of the workhouse was not as forbidding as was usual for such institutions. There were three ewe trees in front and the walls were covered with ivy and other creepers. The building was on high ground which sloped gently from north to south.

In 1921, republican elements, in another example of the senseless anarchy of the times, burned down the main building. Part of the ruins still survive and among the more evocative items which still may be seen on the site are an upturned iron basin which was used for serving food to the inmates.

When the Census return was completed in Glenamaddy workhouse on 2nd February 1911, there were eighty-two inmates together with the master Joseph Conneely, his family, a porter and four nuns and helpers. In accordance with the usual practise, only the initials of the "patients" are given. They include M.R. aged eight. He is described as born in Galway, admitted from Esker. Mention of Galway and especially Esker, where the Keaveneys lived, together with his own evidence of living at the workhouse at this time, shows clearly that this was Michael Rushe. The small discrepancy in age is quite understandable.

Michael had mixed feelings about his new situation. He was pleased to be free of the Keaveneys but was treated badly by the local children when he was allowed out to attend the local school. He later revealed that they called him "bad names" - they seemed to assume that he was illegitimate. However, the teachers liked him. He also became friendly with a carpenter who allowed him to spend time in his workshop and who provided encouragement by giving Michael his first rudimentary instruction in woodwork.

In later years, Michael also recalled a visit to the school in Glenamaddy by an inspector. Having spotted the boy drawing, the inspector placed a penknife on Michael's desk and asked him to sketch it. The finished drawing was highly praised before the class. This event clearly had a great impact on the boy. His self esteem was probably very low and this first public acknowledgement of his worth understandably made a lasting impression on him.

Michael had not seen his mother since he left Galway so it was with much surprise that he heard, in 1912 or 1913, that his mother was coming to visit him at the workhouse. She spent some hours with him and he recalled that they sat on the grassy bank beside the workhouse. Over sixty years later, he could point to the patch of grass where they sat and talked. It is not clear whether Michael heard for the first time from his mother that his father had died in 1909 - the information may have come earlier in one of Ellen's letters.

The meeting was probably strained. Michael held some bitterness towards his parents and his older brothers and sisters. He felt abandoned by them and considered that they could have done much more for the younger children.

Mary also called to visit John, her other son, at Templetogher and it seems reasonable to assume that she probably also visited Paddy at this time. They were not to see their mother again. She died at Galway Workhouse in July 1915.

Michael was about to experience a long overdue change of fortune. A member of the Board of Guardians of Glenamaddy workhouse was acquainted with a childless couple who lived a few miles away in Leitra and he recommended Michael to them.

Maurice and Sarah Mitchell had a small farm and a house which was renowned in the locality for its neatness and tidiness. At the 1911 Census, Maurice who was 39 and Sarah (formerly Sarah Tobin), 33, shared the house with Mary Mitchell aged 73. Mary was the mother of Maurice and she died in 1913 before Michael Rushe came to live with Maurice and Sarah.

In later years, one of Michael's happiest memories was the journey from Glenamaddy workhouse to his new home. He was collected by Maurice in his donkey and cart. Treating the boy like an adult, Maurice allowed Michael to sit beside him on a board laid across the front of the cart. He told him all about the house and buildings, described his land and detailed the animal numbers and crops.

He was made most welcome by Sarah and settled into his new life. The Mitchells treated him like a son and he spent a number of very happy years with them.

Sarah brought him to the local Leitra school to have him enrolled. For some obscure reason, she gave his name as Thomas. He became known as Tom and used this name for the remainder of his life.

The Mitchells soon bought him a bike. He recalled showing it off to the local children \- it was a luxury to which few of his peers could aspire. He also recalled being brought as a fifteen year old boy by Maurice and Sarah to Dublin shortly after the Easter Rising in 1916. In later life, he described the devastation caused to the buildings around O'Connell Street as a result of the bombardment of the rebels in the GPO by the British.

In the meantime, Michael's brother, Paddy was still living in Lisrivis while John,his younger brother, continued to endure his miserable existence with the Keaveneys. The records of the Board of Guardians of Galway Poor Law Union reveal that on 12th of July 1915, following a report from Rev. W. Conway, the parish priest of Glenamaddy, fines were imposed upon the "foster parents" of eleven year old John Rush as a result of his absence from school without "due cause". The fine, which amounted to four shillings (eight days at sixpence per day) was deducted from the normal payment to the foster parents.

John ran away from Keaveneys at least twice but was recaptured. On one such occasion, he absconded to Mitchells in Leitra to join Michael. He recalled being tracked down by the Keaveneys and being brought back on a cart drawn by a jennet.

John could not remember how be found out that Michael was in Leitra. He was probably informed by one of Ellen's letters or may have been told by his mother on her sole visit.

CHAPTER 20 - Political Unrest

Political change in east Galway and Roscommon

The Rushe boys lived in the area of east Galway bordering on County Roscommon. The lands around Williamstown and Ballinlough had been confiscated from the Kelly and O'Connor clans in the thirteenth century. The best agricultural land was given to colonists and the poorer land was left to the deposed Irish.

Friction and violence continued to occur between the Irish and the colonists and indeed among the Irish themselves. In 1383, Miles MacCostello was killed by the sons of Fiachra O'Flynn who had control of the area around Ballinlough. Over eighty years later, the feud still raged. Another O'Flynn chieftain together with his brother and five of his men, were killed near Ballinlough by The MacCostellos.

Following the 1798 rebellion and its brutal aftermath, secret societies were formed and became involved in "agrarian outrages" against landlords, police, magistrates and anybody else whom they regarded as legitimate targets. While there was strong local support for their activities, there was also a significant amount of coercion involved. Anybody who failed to co-operate and openly support the Ribbonmen could be regarded as a target for attack.

The Ribbonmen were particularly active in the Ballinlough and Williamstown areas. J. E. Strickland, agent to Lord Dillon, was travelling with a party of militia towards Ballinlough in 1819 when they were challenged by ten to twelve horsemen who then galloped off. The pursuit was unsuccessful but the incident shows the lack of regard for authority on the part of the Ribbonmen. The following Sunday, over two hundred horsemen entered nearby Ballyhaunis and forced the townspeople to take an oath of allegiance to the Ribbonmen. A previous such incident had taken place in Ballinlough.

The situation was now causing serious concern to the landlords and magistrates. The nearest garrison at Ballaghadereen was clearly unable to control the unrest. Between 1818 and 1820, the area was rife with terrorism so that, in November 1820, the whole of County Roscommon was placed under the "Peace Preservation Act" at the request of twenty-nine magistrates. However, the 1821 famine was much more effective in quelling the illegal activities of the locals at least in the short term.

The famine in the 1840s had the same devastating impact in the locality as on the rest of the country. As the century progressed, further unrest and disruption was caused by Fenianism, by agitation about land and the aspiration to Home Rule.

On 27th of June 1880, a Land League mass meeting was held in Ballinlough. A speaker named Brennan told the rally:

"We have prospects of a golden harvest this year and the question will come to be decided whether you will quietly surrender that harvest in order that a few idlers may enjoy the usual quantity of champagne. I don't advise open resistance to the law, not because I see anything wrong with it, but because I know it is not advisable...We say that any man who pays an unjust rent, whether he can afford it or not, is an enemy of the common good. You must starve out the landlords this year...The destruction of landlordism will be but a commencement of the destruction of foreign rule in Ireland."

The Conservatives in London continued to pass various Land Acts in the vain hope that this would remove the pressure for Home Rule. However, an increasing rate of evictions continued to heighten the sense of grievance. There were 1,238 evictions in 1879 and this had grown to 3,465 by 1881. Agrarian crime also increased from 2,500 cases in 1880 to 4,400 in 1882.

Charles Stuart Parnell, who had unrivalled popular support in the 1880s, was seen as the main hope of achieving Home Rule. His disgrace following the infamous divorce case in 1889 and his subsequent death in 1891 was a severe setback to hopes of early progress.

Historian Donal McCarthy, in his essay "From Parnell to Pearse", investigates the dramatic changes which took place over the next thirty years. By the 1880s, the chief aspirations of the people were firstly, to achieve some measure of control over domestic affairs and secondly, reform of the property laws to allow ownership of land by the farmer. Provided there was progress on these issues, the Irish seemed content to accept British institutions and the English language. Yet, within less than thirty years, the political climate had changed with the result that the majority of people would accept nothing less than complete separation of Ireland from Britain together with a distinctly Irish culture.

To fully understand the reasons for this revolution in attitudes, it is necessary to understand the impact of institutions such as the GAA and the Gaelic League. The growth of the Gaelic Athletic Association(GAA) and the Gaelic League had the impact of instilling a national consciousness in the people. The Gaelic League was founded by Douglas Hyde in 1893 and within 15 years had 600 branches in Ireland and many more overseas. The objectives were to revive the Irish language and customs. Through a combination of education, entertainment and social activities, interest was revived in Irish dancing, drama, and literature. The Anglo-Irish literary revival led by W.B. Yeats also played a significant role in this movement but the Gaelic League had more impact on the ordinary people.

The GAA was founded in 1884 and within a few years there was a club in almost every parish in the country. Apart from its primary purpose of organising and encouraging Gaelic football and hurling, the association also fostered an interest and involvement in Irish culture.

The arrival on the political scene of Sinn Fein, with its policy of abstentionism, was also to have lasting consequences although the initial impact of the party was very limited. They were content to pursue a policy of passive resistance. On the other hand, the Irish Republican Brotherhood (IRB), also known as the Fenians, were determined to establish a republic by physical force.

An alliance between the IRB and the Citizen Army, which had been set up to defend strikers during the labour agitation in 1913, culminated in the Easter rebellion of 1916. The ordinary people showed little support for the action. Many had family members fighting in the Great War in Europe and regarded the rebellion as a betrayal. However, the response of the public rapidly changed when fifteen of the leading participants in the rebellion were executed.

The by-election in North Roscommon in February 1917 demonstrated the changing attitudes which were sweeping the country. Count Plunkett, a son of one of the executed 1916 leaders, won an overwhelming majority which demonstrated the impatience of the electorate with the failed Home Rule policy. The first general election in eight years was held in December 1918. Sinn Fein won 73 seats compared to the 6 won by the Home Rule candidates; the Unionists won 26. The first Dail Eireann, the Irish parliament, was formed by Sinn Fein.

There followed a campaign by the British to destroy Sinn Fein and a consequent military resistance under the leadership of Michael Collins. The Collins strategy consisted of ambushes, guerilla warfare, attacks on police barracks and assassinations by "flying-columns". This was met by a campaign of reprisals, burning of towns, executions and terror mainly carried out by the British Auxiliaries or "black and tans".

What involvement, if any, did the Rushe boys have in this upheaval? When the violence broke out in 1919, Paddy was 22, Michael was 18 and John was 16. Like many young men of that era, they became involved to varying degrees in the War of Independence.
Paddy, the eldest, joined an IRA "flying-column". These were small military units which could move quickly, strike at targets and disappear into the hills to be sheltered in "safe houses". His precise activities are unclear, but according to his brother John, Paddy was mainly active in the County Kerry area. This part of the south of Ireland saw most of the action against the British. The guerilla warfare resulted in the combatants spending many nights in hiding in the hills and mountains. They were sometimes sheltered by sympathisers but had to sleep in the open on many occasions. As a result of this lifestyle, Paddy caught a chill which developed into tuberculosis. According to family lore, he was admitted to Peamount Hospital in Dublin. His death certificate shows that he died at the nearby Allan Ryan TB hospital in January 1922. He was twenty four years old.

While Paddy was away with the IRA, John spent some time working on his behalf in Lisrivis. It seems most likely that the Husseys had died at this stage. There is a view in the family that Paddy also stayed with a Tully family who also lived in Lisrivis.

Apart from covering for Paddy's absence, John and Michael's involvement with the IRA was confined to hiding weapons, carrying messages and alerting people to the approach of "black and tan" patrols. John recalled receiving a warning that "the tans" were approaching Leitra on their way from Ballinlough to Williamstown. Michael and John were holding some weapons and, fearing a search, they quickly buried the guns in Mitchell's garden. As far as John was aware, the guns were never dug up and may still be there.

The treaty with the British which ended the war of independence sparked off the civil war between pro-treaty and anti-treaty factions. Many families were split by the impact of the civil war. Thankfully, Michael and John Rushe did not become embroiled in this conflict. John went to England in 1921 while his brother had other distractions to occupy him.

Tom Rushe (as Michael was known since his schooldays in Leitra) retained the interest in carpentry which had developed in Glenamaddy workhouse. When he left Lietra school, he "served his time" as a carpenter by doing his apprenticeship in Ballinlough. He worked at the premises which is now known as the Whitehouse Hotel. At that time, he worked on the wooden parts of motor vehicles as well as carts, pony traps and other horse-drawn vehicles.

When his apprenticeship was finished, the Mitchells built a workshop for him beside their house in Leitra, where he carried out carpentry work for local farmers. While the Mitchell house has now disappeared, the workshop is still standing. In a ditch nearby, you can still see the circular millstone-like, doughnut-shaped piece of apparatus around which a fire was lit in order to expand metal wheel rims before affixing them to wooden cartwheels.

CHAPTER 21 - Reynolds

Reynolds Family of Meelick

If we leave the town of Ballinlough and travel south on the Williamstown Road for just less than four miles, we see the converted schoolhouse on the right. Nearby, also on the right, the Mitchell's house was situated with the workshop beside it. It is now in ruins, but the house is remembered among the older people in the vicinity as one of the neatest and best maintained in the village. An old photograph shows a well kept and neatly thatched home which was occupied by Maurice and Sarah Mitchell and Tom Rushe as the 1920s dawned. Tom's brother, John, was also a guest of the Mitchells at this stage, having left the Keaveneys. He was soon to depart for England.

Let us retrace our steps back towards Ballinlough. In a little over a mile we cross a bridge and about three hundred yards further on, there is a laneway or boreen to the right. This is now guarded by an iron gate. The boreen leads to the runs of two houses. The one on the left as we approach was the home of the Reynolds family. The address is Meelickroe, known locally as Meelick.

Mary, the only daughter of the Reynolds family in Meelick, was eighteen in 1920. She was a tall, slim young woman who carried herself with an elegance which she retained well onto her old age. At some stage, an attraction developed between Tom Rushe and Mary Reynolds. We can only surmise at the reaction of her parents to the growing relationship. In such situations, parents of an only daughter from a farming background would hope that their daughter would "marry land" - in other words, marry a farmer who would own or inherit farmland. The prospect of marriage to a person of vague origin who had spent time in the workhouse was unlikely to meet the aspirations of landowners.

On the other hand, Tom Rushe was by now a skilled tradesman and had been brought up by the Mitchells who were well respected locally. It is also most likely that Tom had carried out some woodwork for the Reynolds as he had done for other local farmers. The proximity of the Mitchell and Reynolds farms in this rural area ensured that the character of Tom Rushe would be very well known to all. Indeed there may have been a local expectation that Tom would inherit the Mitchell farm. In any event, there is absolutely no indication that the Reynolds were not fully supportive of the growing relationship which resulted in the marriage of Tom and Mary.

Before we continue with Tom Rushe and Mary Reynolds, let us first look at the background of the Reynolds family.

The Reynolds name is an Anglicisation of MacRanall which originated in the southern part of County Leitrim. The family were influential in the Gaelic order until the end of the seventeenth century. The family rivalry with the O'Rourke clan of Breffny is mentioned in the "Composition Book of Connaught" of 1587. Also, the "Topographical Poem" by O'Dugan in the fourteenth century lists them as a prominent family. The Reynolds family provided several members of parliament and owned 6,660 acres in Leitrim and 1,000 acres in Roscommon. Other prominent family members included scientists and churchmen.

A more infamous member of the family, Thomas Reynolds (1771 - 1836), who was a brother in law of Wolfe Tone, betrayed the United Irishmen and undermined the organisation.

How did descendants of this wealthy and prestigious family emerge as small farmers on the border between Galway and Roscommon? The answer lies in the struggle between William and James the Second. Some of the family were supporters of James and, as explained by MacLysaght in "The Surnames of Ireland", they "figured largely in the attainders and forfeitures" following James's defeat. In other words, they lost their lands and wealth.

The first official record which I can find of the Reynolds in Meelick is on the Tithe Applotment Books of 1833. These records were compiled when levies were being imposed on land holders for the payment of tithes to the established church. In 1833, Billy Reynolds farmed 47 acres in Meelick which was described as 30.5 acres "inferior", 12 acres "bottom pasture" and 4.5 acres of "good" land.

During the famine years, some changes occurred as shown by Griffiths Valuation in 1858. By then, ten acres is held jointly by William (" Billy") and Thomas who was probably his brother. A further 48 acres was farmed jointly by the Reynolds and by John Moylan. The landlord or agent was named Stephen J. Leonard.

Billy Reynolds son, James was born in the 1830s and his wife Mary was born about 1831. Both were alive in 1901 but had died by 1911.

James and Mary had five children that we know of. They were John born 1859, William born 1860, Thomas born 1863, Mary born 1864 and Martin born 1869. Thomas did not marry and lived with his brother in the home farm at Meelickroe. William married Mary (Maria) Egan from nearby Ballaghuageag (also known locally as Ballyhiague) at Ballymoe Parish Church on 2nd March 1895. I do not know the fate of the other siblings.

The Egans were descendants of the MacEgan clan many of whom were to be found in the east Galway / Roscommon area. The farm of Mary Egan's family was located in County Roscommon about five or six miles by road from the Reynolds home. The house where they lived is still in use. It was renovated and extended by the present owners. The Keaveney farm where John Rushe spent his unhappy childhood was about a mile away.

Mary's father was James Egan and she had a brother named Dennis. Dennis and Mary emigrated to Newfoundland but returned in 1895 for their weddings. Dennis married Margaret Cuffe on 8th February 1895 and a few weeks later his sister Mary married William Reynolds.

William and Mary Reynolds had three children. Martin was born in 1897 and John (known as Jack) was born in 1899. Their sister Mary, who was to marry Tom Rushe, was born in 1902 .

Their house was shared by Thomas, the children's uncle and a neighbour's son, Patrick Kearns. Listed in the Census as a "servant", Patrick was really a farm hand who helped with the work. He was ten years older than Martin, the eldest son. When I met Patrick's sister, Mary Kearns, in 1992, she told me that he later emigrated to the USA.

The grandparents, James and Mary Reynolds, died during the first decade of the twentieth century. William and Mary and their children lived in a strong, stone-built, thatched house. The walls and doorways were still substantially intact in the 1990s. Nearby were three outhouses which, the 1901 Census reveals, were used as a cow house, a piggery and a barn.

CHAPTER 22 - Rushe in Mayo

Rushe family - Claremorris

Following their marriage, Tom Rushe and Mary Reynolds lived for a time in Meelick on the Reynolds farm. William, Mary's father, had died in July 1922 while there was civil war activity in the locality. He has been ill for a time and was in bed when the nearby bridge was blown up. He was suffering from Bright's diease, a kidney ailment but the shock of the massive explosion was regarded by the family as a significant factor on his death soon afterwards.

On 4th of April 1924, Tom and Mary Rushe had their first child, my father. He was named Coleman, after his father's favourite brother, who had died in Birkenhead some time previously, and also after Tom Rushe's grandfather, Coleman O'Donnell, the Claddagh house and boat builder.

After Coleman's birth, the Rushes moved to a rented house in nearby Ballinlough for a short time but then returned to Meelick. One of Coleman's early memories is the death of his grandmother, Mary (Egan) in 1929. He remembers her remains being laid out in the house in Meelick for the wake.

A daughter was born to Tom and Mary in 1926 and she was named Mary after her mother and grandmother.

The young couple and their two children were still living with the Reynolds in Meelick and, understandably, wanted to set up a home of their own. A visiting insurance man told Tom Rushe about an opportunity in Claremorris, County Mayo which is about 22 miles west of Ballinlough. Martin Gilligan, who had a woodwork and undertaking business, needed a skilled carpenter for coach building and coffin making. The insurance man approached Martin Gilligan, recommended Tom Rushe for the job and the result was the relocation of the Rushes to Claremorris.

The family rented a house from Martin Gilligan at Gilligan's Arch at the rear of the Square in Claremorris, While the family lived there, another daughter, Patricia (known as "Patsy") was born in 1929.

In the meantime, Jack Reynolds, brother of Mary Rushe, had married Catherine Hunt from Cloonfad and the couple lived at Mount Street, Claremorris in a rented house which was opposite the present site of the Garda station. Jack and Catherine bought a farm in Hollymount, County Mayo and moved there. Before leaving, they arranged for the Rushes to relocate to the house in Mount Street which they were vacating.

By the time another daughter, Chris, was born in 1933, the Rushes were settled in reasonable comfort in Mount Street. The children were attending the local national school and Tom was working as a carpenter with Gilligans. School holidays were enlivened by a week or two spent with the Mitchells in Leitra. On other occasions, the children went for a few days holiday to Galway. Usually, Coleman stayed with Stephen Rushe, his uncle, while the girls stayed in the house of their aunt Nora (Rushe) and her husband, Reddy Kelly.

Tom Rushe's employer, Martin Gilligan, died and the business experienced a change of management. Horse-drawn traps and sidecars, which accounted for a significant portion of his work, were becoming less common due to the increase in motor car numbers. The scarcity of work resulted in Tom leaving the Gilligan business. Nevertheless, there was still demand among builders for a skilled carpenter and Tom was involved in many projects including a large conversion job at the Convent of Mercy, Claremorris. He also did the woodwork for the renovation and conversion of public houses, particularly in nearby Ballinrobe.

Tragedy struck unexpectedly in 1936. Another son, Michael, known as Mikey, was born in 1934 but, at the age of two, suddenly contracted meningitis. At that time, there was no effective treatment and Mikey died very quickly from the fatal disease. As the family had no burial plot in Claremorris, his remains were buried in the Reynolds family grave in Granlahan cemetery near Meelick.

In 1937, Mayo County Council built a number of houses at Convent Road, Claremorris. The Rushes applied for one and were successful. They moved into number 58, a semi-detached house with two bedrooms upstairs and a living room, sitting room and back kitchen downstairs. The house had a small lawn in front (which soon featured a wooden garden seat made by Tom) and a long garden at the rear which was partly used for growing vegetables while allowing plenty of space for children to play.

In 1938, Coleman was fourteen years old and was legally eligible to leave school. He was happy at school but was also conscious that his friend, Paddy Gleeson, who was in employment, usually had spending money in his pocket. Paddy was slightly older that Coleman and had spare cash to buy cigarettes and go to the cinema. The possibility of helping out with the family finances was also a consideration in Coleman's decision to leave school although he was under absolutely no pressure to do so.

Coleman spotted Mr. Ronan, who owned Ronan's Brush Factory, walking past Convent Road towards the town on his way home from Claremorris racecourse. He approached Mr. Ronan and asked for a job. Despite the unorthodox approach, he was accepted and he commenced work in October 1938. His starting wages were eleven shillings and nine pence per week although he could often earn more by working overtime. He made an agreement with his mother that he would hand her ten shillings and he could keep the remainder for himself. His first extravagance was to commence smoking, a very fashionable activity at that time. He had smoked the occasional cigarette before this but was now in a position to buy his own supply.

Prior to this, Coleman had developed a strong interest in playing music and was particularly attracted to the fiddle. His interest was sparked by Johnny and Gerard Brennan who lived next door at Convent Road and were good musicians. Billy Gleeson, Paddy's brother, who lived on the other side of the Rushe house, was also passionate about music.

Coleman kept his eyes peeled for a fiddle which he could buy and spotted one which was priced at eleven shillings and sixpence. During a visit to Mitchells in Leitra, the topic of music came up in conversation and he mentioned the fiddle to Sarah Mitchell. She promptly gave him a gift of the money to buy the instrument. When he went to buy the fiddle, Coleman was dismayed to discover that the price did not include a bow. His mother came to the rescue and bought a bow for him.

Johnny Brennan gave Coleman some music lessons and he later acquired some instruction books. As his competence grew, he began to play pieces by ear. By this time, Billy Gleeson had started playing the trumpet under the influence of his uncle, Mick Moore, another trumpeter. Impromptu sessions took place involving Coleman, Billy Gleeson, Mick Moore and Mick O'Loughlin, an accordion player.

Mick Moore was playing regularly with Matt McDonagh, who had a dance band. Billy Gleeson also occasionally played drums with the band. Coleman (whose name was often shortened to "Colie") sometimes hung around while the band was practising and joined in when he got a chance. He hoped to be invited by Matt, the bandleader, to join the band. However, any such invitation was pre-empted by Mick Moore. "Colie is coming with us on Sunday night" he said. Matt didn't disagree. Thus commenced Coleman's activity as a working musician. He played with bands most Sunday nights until the mid sixties.

His tenure in Matt McDonagh's band continued for a period until Matt had a dispute with Mr. Ronan, who by now was employer to both Coleman Rushe and Billy Gleeson. Mr. Ronan didn't want them to play with Matt and he suggested that they start a band of their own. He offered them a loan of one hundred pounds to buy equipment. The timing of the offer suited the musicians who were becoming bored with the music being played by Matt's band. Coleman and Billy, together with Paddy Clarke and Mick O'Loughlin formed their new band and quickly built up a good following, especially among the "townies".

Many people, particularly those who lived in the countryside, liked to dance to Irish traditional music with lots of waltzes thrown into the mix for good measure. Many of the younger set, who lived in town, preferred the jazz and standards played by the new band with its line up of trumpet, fiddle, drums and accordion. By this time also, Coleman Rushe, the band vocalist, had developed a fine and popular singing style which added to the band's attraction. The result was a good level of success in the south Mayo area and the quick repayment of Mr Ronan's loan.

In 1945, their success in the music business was such that the band members could afford to buy a car for travelling to gigs. The car was a 1932 Morris which had become idle during the war years due to the shortage of petrol.

The band continued for a number of years until Billy Gleeson was diagnosed with tuberculosis. Paddy Clarke later emigrated to the USA. After that, Coleman played as a musician for hire with various local bandleaders such as Larry Flatley, Johnny Brady and Matt McDonagh. The additional money earned from music was very welcome when Coleman was providing for his young family in later years.

CHAPTER 23 - Railway Encounter

Kitty and Coleman Meet

Ireland's neutrality during World War Two resulted in the 1939-45 period being known as the "Emergency". The economy suffered and there were shortages of some foods and goods. The situation was not good for a tradesman who was depending on small jobs from builders. Tom Rushe heard that there was a vacancy for a carpenter on the railway. He successfully applied to CIE, the railway company, for the job and started work on 10th August 1942. He was to remain with CIE until his retirement in 1966.

Coleman was still working in Ronan's and playing music at weekends. Ronan's Brush factory was located near the railway station. The station was a very busy one, being the junction between the north-south Sligo-Limerick line and the east-west line between Dublin and Westport. Many passengers switched trains at the Claremorris station each day and this usually involved a delay until the connecting train arrived. For this reason, there was a "saloon" where one could obtain a light meal and which had a licensed bar. It also incorporated living quarters for the CIE staff who were employed to operate the saloon. These catering staff were trained by CIE and tended to be moved around the country to various stations as needs arose.

He is not sure where he saw her first. He may have spotted her at the railway station, from the bandstand at a dance when he was playing or he might have seen her around the town. What is certain is that Coleman Rushe became aware of an attractive young woman who had recently arrived to work at the railway station and he was very taken with her. Kitty Ryan also saw the handsome young man, cigarette casually hanging from his lower lip, doing his best to appear nonchalant.

"He probably thinks he's God's gift", she surmised.

Coleman watched from a distance as she became friendly with May Tighe and Julia Connolly, both of whom were friends of his. Some time later, Julia Connolly was visiting the brush factory on an errand and she was accompanied by Kitty Ryan. Julia stopped to speak to Coleman. As they were having a bit of casual banter, Coleman said to Kitty, half jokingly, "I'll call for you for the pictures".

She laughed and shot back: "Fine!".

Because of the casual nature of the exchange, Coleman didn't know whether she was serious in her reply. She was similarly perplexed - was he really offering to take her to the cinema or was this just part of the normal joking and banter? He plucked up the courage and, more in hope than expectation, called at May Tighe's lodgings. He knew that May and Kitty got ready there before going out. Kitty was waiting in an equal state of apprehension and their first date followed.

CHAPTER 24 - Ryans

Ryan Family of Cappamore, Limerick

Before following the fortunes of Coleman and Kitty, let us explore Kitty Ryan's background.

Kitty was born in Cappamore, a small town in the east of County Limerick, near the border with County Tipperary. One of the most remarkable aspects of the area, from the point of view of the genealogist, is the discovery that every second family seems to be named Ryan. This gives rise to the usage of a combination of nicknames, place names and hyphenated surnames to differentiate the families. The practise works very effectively for the locals but such names tended not to be recorded on civil and church records which makes research rather difficult.

The Ryan family name is among the ten most common surnames in Ireland. Originally, the Irish language name was O'Mulryan and, according to MacLysaght, the sept resided in the territory of Owney on the borders of Limerick and Tipperary. The name first appeared in fourteenth century writings. One major figure was Edmund Ryan (1680 - 1724). Known to subsequent generations as "Ned of the Hills", he was a poet, soldier, gentleman and rapparee who was beloved by the people. Other prominent Ryans include two abbes called O'Ryan who were executed during the French Revolution, and many Ryans in the USA distinguished themselves as clergymen.

Lewis Topography in 1837 states that the village of Cappamore or Tuoragh had 711 inhabitants. The village was situated on the Mulcair river over which a "handsome stone bridge" had been built. A Roman Catholic church was "in course of erection".

The wider parish, which was variously spelt as Tuogh, Tough and Touragh, had 3,534 inhabitants on 1,728 acres. Some of the land was described as very fertile. According to Lewis, it was "partly under a tolerable state of cultivation but generally the holdings are small and the inhabitants very poor". Ominously, these words were written a few short years before the famine. One gets the impression of a people ill-prepared to cope with any calamity.

Lewis goes on to mention a particular cluster of houses about two miles from Cappamore village. "At Dromsally (sic) there is an extensive tract of turbary, around which stand a great number of wretched cabins". It was here at Drumsally that we first encounter the Ryans from whom Kitty was descended.

As mentioned by Lewis, and as a visitor to the area today can testify, Cappamore is surrounded by some excellent farm land. In later years, the main employment in the town was provided by a creamery which gathered milk from the fine dairy farms in the surrounding countryside. The land is far superior to that in any other part of Ireland which we encounter on our ancestral journey. Yet this locality was probably more seriously hit by the famine than any other part of the country. Why?

To understand the reasons for the devastating impact of the famine, it is necessary to examine the nature of the farming in the area. The quality and fertility of the land resulted in a higher than usual requirement for farm labourers. They lived in the "wretched cabins" and did seasonal work for the landowners. Due to the nature of their existence, they were a most vulnerable group.

Liam Ryan, Professor of Sociology at Maynooth University, carried out a study of the impact of the famine on Cappamore. He discovered that between 1841 and 1851, the town and hinterland lost a remarkable 47% of its population. Two hundred and fifty families comprising fifteen hundred people disappeared from the Cappamore area during the famine years. Professor Ryan attributes this exceptional loss to the high proportion in the local population of farm labourers who depended on the potato crop for employment and for food.

Kitty Ryan's great grandfather, Pat Ryan, was born in Cappanuke, near Cappamore in 1834 so that he was a young teenager during the great famine. His parents names were John and Ellen. Pat had at least one brother, John, who was born in 1837. Pat married Mary Donohoe, who was aged 26, on 9th February 1864. The marriage record does not specify where Mary was living but it seems likely that she was also from Drumsally where they made their home. According to the 1911 Census, Pat and Mary had seven children of whom five were still alive on the census date. I have only been able to identify three. John was born in 1864, Michael in 1870 and Edmund in 1879.

John Ryan married Margaret Mulcahy on 23rd June 1886. Margaret, who was born in 1864, was described as a labourer and lived in Drumsally. She had at least three siblings : James, who was born in August 1877, Katie and Johanna, all of whom had emigrated to Philadelphia.

John Ryan and Margaret Mulcahy had six children. Patrick was born in 1886, Mary in 1888, Bridget in 1889, James in 1892, Mick (my grandfather) on 3rd August 1894 and John in August 1896. They lived in a farm labourer's cottage in Drumsally. The children's grandmother, Mary Ryan (formerly Donohoe) lived a few doors away. Her husband, Pat, had died and she shared her house with her adult sons, Michael and Edmund and her brother-in-law John Ryan.

The 15th of August 1899 was a Holy Day of Obligation. Tragedy struck the Ryan family when John, aged just 35, died from phthisis, a form of tuberculosis. The death certificate indicates that he had been suffering for two years from the disease. Margaret was left to feed and support six children aged from thirteen to three. Many families in such a situation would have ended up in the workhouse. It seems likely that this was averted because of the support from the children's grandmother and uncles Edmund and Michael who lived nearby and also the kindness of neighbours. It also seems likely that money was sent by Margaret's brother and sisters in Philadelphia. As we will see, they were supportive to the young Ryans in later years.

When the Census was carried out in 1901, Margaret had five of her children living with her at Drumsally. Her daughter Mary, then aged 12, was living nearby with her grandmother and two uncles. Emigration was the only viable option for the fatherless young Ryans and, luckily, the Mulcahys, their mothers relatives in Philadelphia, were willing to help the new generation.

The first of the young Ryans to leave was Patrick, the eldest. He sailed on the SS Germanic from Queenstown and arrived in Philadelphia via Ellis Island, New York on 2nd November 1903. The ship's manifest shows that he was travelling to his uncle, James Mulcahy, who lived at 1840 Marshal Street. James Mulcahy had paid his nephew's fare.

Two years later, Patrick Ryan paid the fare so that his sister, Mary, could join him as soon as she reached the age of eighteen. She landed in New York on 24th May 1906 on her way to her brother's new address at 1614 Hudson Street, Philadelphia.

Less than two years later, the news reached Patrick and Mary in Philadelphia of the death of their mother Margaret. On 10th February 1908, she died from the same disease as her husband. Her age is given as 49 but she may have been younger. My grandfather, Mick Ryan, her youngest child, was only thirteen and already had lost both of his parents.

The pattern of emigration had now been established. As soon as Bridget was eighteen, Patrick paid her fare also. She left Queenstown on the Cedric and arrived in America on 29th November 1908. She gave her home address as Drumsally and her future address as 1840 Marshal Street, Philadelphia. She is described in the ships manifest as 5 feet tall, fair complexion with brown hair and blue eyes. She was going to work as a servant.

In May 1911, when the Irish Census was carried out, the Ryan family had dispersed. John aged sixteen, was living in Drumsally with his seventy-five year old grandmother Mary and his uncle, Michael Ryan. The other brother, James, does not appear on the Census because he was already on his way to join his three siblings in Philadelphia. He arrived on 25th May 1911 to join Patrick at 2456 Leithgow Street. His fare was paid by his sister and he gave the name of his Uncle Michael Ryan in Drumsally as his next-of-kin.

On the census date, my grandfather, Mick Ryan, aged 14, was living with the O'Gorman family who had a farm beside the Ryan's cottage. The 1911 Census shows Michael Ryan, a fourteen year old "servant boy" living with Kate O'Gorman and her family. Among the household was Patrick J. O'Gorman, a grandson of Kate. Patrick J., known as Sonny, was to remain a lifelong friend of Michael Ryan.

My uncle Johnny Ryan, Mick's eldest son, told me that he had heard that Mick was brought up by his grandmother. It is probable that he shared his time between the O'Gormans and his grandmother. I do not yet know when Mick Ryan's grandmother died. She was listed as 75 years old in 1911. She was living with her unmarried son, Michael, who was then aged 40.

Michael Ryan, my grandfather, appears to have been back living in a cottage in Drumsally in 1923. On January 31st of that year, 26 year old Michael married Catherine Howard, a farmer's daughter. The marriage took place at Cappamore church and the witnesses were Patrick Ryan and Ellen Howard, Catherine's sister.

As far as I know, Mick Ryan never spoke to any of his children about his family. Consequently, there was no knowledge among his own children of their relatives in Philadelphia. It seems that, in later years, there was no contact between him and his brothers and sisters who emigrated. It is possible that they did not make an effort to keep in contact with him but this seems unlikely because they were supportive towards one another. As we have seen, the eldest children paid the fares for the younger ones to join them and they seem to have looked after one another in Philadelphia - the newest arrivals stayed with their older siblings or with the Mulcahys.

Perhaps Mick Ryan felt abandoned by the older siblings and rejected efforts to keep in touch with him. I find this equally difficult to believe. He always struck me as a gentle, mild mannered and thoughtful man who loved family life and took pride in his own family.

Maybe there was some falling-out or misunderstanding between them. We may never know.

CHAPTER 25 - Howards

Howard Family of Portnarde

As we have seen, Michael Ryan married Catherine Howard whose family came from Portnarde which is located a few miles away from where Michael lived. Much more is known about the Howards than about Michael Ryan's family. Howard is an old English name and when the O'Hawroe and O'Huer names were being anglicised, they were translated as Howard.

The earliest direct Howard ancestor whom I can clearly identify is Michael, who is described as a labourer when his son John was married to Catherine Fitzgerald on 31st January 1886. The Tithe survey in 1826 shows three Howard and three Fitzgerald landowners in the locality. Griffith's Valuation in the 1850s records two Howards and three Fitzgeralds. However, I am unable to link any definitively to our Howards or Fitzgeralds.

Catherine Fitzgerald, or Kate as she is described on the marriage register, was a daughter of David Fitzgerald and Elizabeth Nolan. Catherine was one of eighteen children born to David and Elizabeth. She was born in Toomaline, Doon, County Limerick and she married John Howard in 1886. The witnesses were John and Mary Fitzgerald, Kate's brother and sister. My mother, Kitty, recalled that Kate had a sister named Lizzie (Fitzgerald) who later lived with my grandparents, Michael Ryan and Catherine Howard. Another sister, Margaret (Fitzgerald), lived with John Howard and Kate for a period.

The Howards lived at Portnarde where John and Kate set up home in 1886. A year later, a son was born and by 1901, he had been joined by six sisters. The children were Michael born 1887, Mary ('89), Lillian ("Lizzie") ('90), Johanna ('94), Ellen ('95), Catherine ('97) and Margaret ('98). Further children followed. John was born in 1901, Norah in 1904 and Bridget ("Biddy") was born in 1906. They lived in a three roomed, stone built, thatched house. The house was flanked by a cowhouse and a piggery.

By 1923, when Michael Ryan and Catherine Howard married, many of Catherine's siblings were overseas. Her brother Michael and two sisters, Lillian and Johanna, were living in Australia while John, Mary and Margaret were in the USA.

After marriage, Michael Ryan and Catherine Howard lived for a time at Drumsally, a short distance from the old Howard family home at Portnarde. John Howard's wife Catherine had passed away by then (she died in 1910 while her 3 children were on their way to Australia). The Howards had been tenants of the house and land at Portnarde. During the first decade of the twentieth century, John Howard bought a small farm at Convent View, Cappamore. Mick Ryan and Catherine Howard moved there to live with him after their marriage. Some time later, John Howard's sister in law, Lizzie Fitzgerald also lived with the family in Cappamore.

There was some tension between the Ryans and John Howard. In his later years, John never spoke to his daughter Catherine and her husband, my grandfather, and they never spoke to him. My mother and her siblings did not know the reason for the non communication. However, John did speak to his grandchildren and was very kind to them. Also, Catherine and Michael Ryan were very loving and generous people and it is difficult to understand what caused the rift.

Despite the problem between them, John passed the farm on to the Ryans in his will. Interestingly, he collected his pension each week and handed it over to his other daughter Biddy who had a large family and lived a few miles away in Drumsally.

As an old man in the late 1940s, John used to keep some ten shilling notes in his pocket and regularly gave one to my mother to "buy milk for the children". His sight faded towards the end of his life. My father described John Howard running his fingers over the face of my eldest sister, Patricia (his great grand daughter who was born in 1948) because he could not see her properly. John Howard died at Cappamore in 1952.

Mick Ryan and Catherine Howard had a son, Johnny, in 1925 and my mother Kitty was born in 1926. Further siblings followed; Margaret, Nellie, Mike Joe and Philomena.

To supplement the income from his small farm, Mick Ryan got a job at the local creamery where he worked for the rest of his life. My memory is of a gentle little man with a mischievous sense of humour. He loved teasing his grandchildren and seemed quite content to let Catherine, my grandmother, take charge. She was a fine energetic woman , full of life. One of my earliest memories is tumbling with my brothers and sisters out of a hired car in Cappamore and racing in to the doorway where she was waiting with arms outstretched as she enveloped all of us in one massive hug.

CHAPTER 26 - New Rushe Home

Marriage and Home at Streamstown

Kitty Ryan, my mother, attended Cappamore national school and afterwards, the local Convent of Mercy secondary school. She enjoyed school and became very proficient in the Irish language as a result of which she attended a summer course in the Irish speaking Gaeltacht area in Cork which she recalled fondly many years later. When I went to secondary school about twenty five years later, and was struggling with French, she confounded me by recalling various French phrases and helping with translations.

After leaving school, she got a job as a waitress in Hayes Hotel in Thurles, County Tipperary. This hotel is famous as the location of the founding of the Gaelic Athletic Association which was to have such a wide-ranging influence on Irish life.

I'm sure that she was pleased to sample the freedom of being away from home, earning her living as an independent young woman. Many years later, she told her children with self-deprecating humour about an event which took place shortly after she started work in Thurles. The manageress of the hotel invited Kitty to join her for her evening walk and, as they strolled, all the local men lifted their hats in salute. The new employee was quite gratified by the obvious respect which she earned as a result of working in such a fine hotel. She recalled with much amusement, that she went for a walk the following evening, this time accompanied not by the manageress but by another waitress. On this occasion, nobody lifted a hat or saluted.

After some time in Thurles, she applied for a job with CIE and was employed to operate the restaurants and bars at the larger railway stations. She loved to recall that, when they heard that she was to be stationed it Claremorris, her family and friends from Cappamore told her that it was "a terrible place". Undeterred, she went ahead, and eventually met my father.

After their first visit to the cinema, Kitty and Coleman began to go out regularly. In later years, she liked to poke fun at my father by reminding him that she could be living a life of luxury if she had made a "better" choice when she was younger. She broke a date with a doctor to go dancing with my father. "I left the poor man standing by the corner at the Bank of Ireland" she would laugh. "I could be rubbing shoulders with big shots now but instead, I went off dancing with your father."

The relationship between Coleman Rushe and Kitty Ryan was progressing very well when, after two years in Claremorris, she was transferred to Rosslare - about as far from Claremorris as it was possible for CIE to locate her. The couple did not allow this temporary setback to halt their relationship. They kept in touch and, a year later, Kitty managed to get herself transferred back to Claremorris. They became engaged and were married in March 1947.

Their first priority was to get a house. They heard that Jim Enright who lived in Streamstown, about three miles outside the town, was relocating. He had married a Protestant lady and they were moving to a house close to the Protestant church in Claremorris. Coleman and Kitty went to Streamstown, looked at the house and agreed with Morans, the owners, to rent it. They were lucky to get such a good house - it was the only slated house in the village and was situated on a quiet road which was safe for children.

There was no running water - everybody used the local spring-water well. Electricity had not yet reached this rural area so that light was provided by oil lamps. Radio was battery powered. All cooking and baking was done over an open hearth. Turf, which was cut and saved by the family in the local bog, provided the staple fuel and a little coal was sometimes added.

As a wedding present for the young couple, Tom Rushe put his carpentry skills to good use and made a bed, a wardrobe and a kitchen dresser for their new home. Kitty's mother from Cappamore, came to visit the "terrible place" and purchased another bed. The Rushes were to live in Streamstown until 1954.

The first child, Patricia, was born in 1948 and a year later she was joined by twins, Michael and Mary. The family had settled into life in Streamstowm. Coleman had a steady job and made a few pounds extra with his music. Granny and Granda Rushe were always available to help with the children if needed. Philomena Ryan, Kitty's younger sister, was a regular visitor as were Coleman's sisters.

Life was good for Tom and Mary Rushe, my grandparents, at this time. Their only son Coleman and his wife, Kitty, were living nearby and Coleman invariably dropped in on his way home from work. Tom and Mary saw their little grandchildren very regularly. Tom had a good job on the railway and so did Coleman at Ronans Brush Factory.

Just when everything seemed perfect for Tom and Mary Rushe, tragedy struck and, thirteen years after losing their two-year old son Mikey, they lost a daughter. Twenty year old Patsy Rushe, Coleman's middle sister, was claimed by the TB epidemic in 1949 after spending some time in a sanatorium at Castlerea. She was buried in Crossboyne cemetery, near Claremorris.

In late 1950, Kitty was expecting another baby, her fourth. As was the normal practise in Ireland at that time, she was having the baby at home. Women tended not to go to hospital for childbirth unless some complications were anticipated.

On 17th November, Coleman was told by Kitty to go to get the doctor as she was going into labour. He cycled quickly to town. A friend, enquiring about the reason for his hurry, told him that the doctor was at Claremorris Golf Club a few miles outside the town. Luckily, the friend was a car owner and gave Coleman a lift to the golf club where they discovered that the doctor was out on the course. Coleman located him - he was just about to finish his round - and they headed back home where I was born shortly afterwards.

I only heard this story in recent years but I've taken pleasure in attributing my long held antipathy towards golf and golfers to the fact that one of them delayed my entry into the world.

CHAPTER 27 - Dark Clouds

Trouble at Streamstown

Just when things were going well for the young family, some clouds appeared on the horizon. Kitty became concerned about the condition of my sister, Mary, and Coleman's job was in jeopardy.

Mary was not developing as well as her twin, Michael. She had no obvious physical handicap but appeared less alert than her brother. Kitty knew that this, in itself, was not unusual but watched the child closely. The parents sought medical advice but were assured that all was well. However, as the child grew older, Kitty's suspicions were confirmed. Mary was unable to speak and was not well co-ordinated in her movements. She also suffered some mental handicap so that she needed constant attention.

For the family, this was probably the worst time to hear that the breadwinner might be laid off work. A summons server, with whom Coleman was acquainted, told him that Ronan's Brush factory was in trouble. We can only surmise that this man or a colleague had served some debt-related papers on the business. In any event, Coleman decided to leave the factory before the inevitable happened and hoped that he might get another job before the remaining factory workers were made redundant. The factory closed permanently soon afterwards.

However, Coleman found it impossible to obtain work locally and he had to take the only option available to Irish people seeking employment at that time; he headed for England where he knew he could get a job until something turned up at home. His father, Tom, would keep him informed of any employment opportunities in the locality.

It was quite common in the west of Ireland at that time for fathers to spend most of the year in England. Some, who had small farms, came home for a few months during the summer when farm work was at its busiest and then returned to earn, save and send some money home. Others came home for Christmas and remained until the money ran out. A few returned to Ireland to take up jobs which inevitably were less well paid, but the majority emigrated permanently.

In 1951, Coleman had no option but to leave and headed for London. Kitty stayed at home to tend to the young children, with help from the extended family. Coleman first got a job at Hayes, Middlesex in a factory which manufactured television sets. He found the noise unbearable and, a week later, switched jobs to a linoleum factory in Staines, also in Middlesex. Money was better than he had been earning at home and overtime was available. He was able to send plenty of money home to the family.

The financial benefits of working in London did not compensate for the fact that the family were living apart. A decision had to be made. It was now 1952. Unless he could get a job at home, would it not be better to relocate the family to London? Suddenly, a letter arrived from Coleman's father. Tom Rushe wrote that a job was available on the railway and who knew how long it would last? Would he come home? He could always return to London if nothing else turned up. At least, he would be reunited with the family for a few months or as long as the job lasted.

Coleman came home, to the delight of the family, and started work with CIE. After six months, it was announced that, due to major cutbacks, seven hundred workers were being let go by the railway company nationwide. Coleman was out of work again.

He approached Balfes, a building firm and was taken on as a labourer. Six months later, just before Christmas, he was told that he was being laid off again. He was bemused - it seemed to him that Balfes had enough work on hands, yet all the workers were being laid off. However, all became clear when it was explained that he would be taken on again by Balfes after the Christmas break. By laying off the workers, Balfes avoided paying them for two days holiday over Christmas.

He called into the railway station to check whether there was any part-time employment opportunity. He was told that they needed a temporary man to help on a lorry for a few weeks. He took the job and rejected Balfes approaches after the holiday. When his spell as a lorry helper was over, he was reallocated to other jobs in CIE, mainly covering for people who were off work for various reasons. In May 1953, he was given a full-time job by CIE and worked with the company until his retirement in 1989.

The Rushe's landlord in Streamstown was Michael Moran, who lived next door. Originally, the house was let to the Rushes by Michael Moran's brother who had since emigrated to the USA. I am told that, in the early fifties, a friend of Mr. Moran was visiting Ireland from the USA and was asked to check on the condition of the house. Following the directions given by the owner, he stepped out of his car outside the only slated house on the road. He spotted a very young boy, myself, looking at him inquisitively over the low garden wall.

"Is this Mr. Morans house?" he enquired.

"No! It's ours!" was the belligerent reply.

In the face of such logic, the visitor retreated in some disarray.

CHAPTER 28 - Murneen

Murneen - Young life and death

The house in which the Moran family lived was not nearly as good as the one occupied by the Rushes next door. Mr Moran obviously decided that, rather than carry out major and costly renovations to the old family house, it made more sense to reclaim the rented house, which he was quite entitled to do. It is difficult to argue with his logic.

Michael Moran's solicitor served a notice on the Rushes requesting them to vacate the house. Coleman showed the letter to a solicitor who told him that, so long as he kept the rent up to date, there was little that could be done to displace him. However, the Rushes began to look around for another house.

Houses for rent were scarce in the area. The Rushes had been very lucky to hear about the pending vacancy of the Streamstown house years before. Now it would be extremely difficult to locate another suitable home for the family.

Occasional notices were being received from the solicitor and were passed on to Rushe's solicitor as before. To the credit of the Morans, the cordial neighbourly relations between the families continued during this period. Michael Moran left the issue to the solicitors and showed no impatience at the lack of progress. Presumably, he trusted that the Rushe family would move as soon as they reasonably could but he never allowed the subject to arise in conversation.

The Rushes heard that the Smyth family who lived in Murneen, a few miles north of Claremorris, were leaving for America and the house, a council cottage might be available. Coleman contacted the Smiths, paid "key money" to them for the lease and arranged to move into the house. It soon transpired that Coleman should have made arrangements with the County Council and not the tenant. However, this was sorted out and the Rushe family placed all their belongings on Andy Creighton's lorry and moved to Murneen in the summer of 1955.

The house was a three bedroom bungalow on one acre of land and was initially rented from the County Council before being purchased outright many years later. The location was about one mile from the church and about three miles from Ballyfarna school. A half dozen houses are situated nearby and contained quite a number of children of school-going age.

As in most of the rural west at that time, the house did not have a running water supply. Two good spring wells were situated nearby. One was at Mullaneys which was fifteen minutes walk away and another near the abandoned graveyard at Kilcolman. Within a year or two, the Council acceded to local requests, bored for water and sank a pump at the crossroads about one hundred yards from the Rushe house.

The Rural Electrification Scheme, which was set up in the forties, was gradually bringing electricity to houses in the Irish countryside. People could opt not to be connected and some were happy to continue with the old ways. If you wanted to be connected, it was necessary to employ a local electrician to wire the house before the supply was made available.

Electricity had just been provided to Murneen houses before the Rushes moved in. The Smyths, who were due to depart, had opted out so that the house was not wired. Coleman Rushe was anxious to be connected but was told that the house would be put on the waiting list as soon as it was wired - the waiting period could then be three months. With a view to speeding up the process, he told the electricity company that the house was already wired. A day or two later, the Electricity Supply Board workers arrived to connect the house and were taken aback to find that no wiring was in place. However, they ran a power line to the house. A local electrician was hastily employed to wire the house and he connected the supply.

Apart from the electric light, such "luxuries" as an electric radio and an electric kettle were soon being taken for granted. Another improvement was the replacement of the open hearth with a range resulting in more reliance on coal and less on turf.

Patricia, the eldest of the Rushe children, had already commenced attendance at school in the Convent of Mercy, Claremorris before the family relocated. She was happy there and it was decided not to move her to the local school. She continued to attend school in Claremorris and lived on weekdays with her grandparents at Convent Road. She went to Murneen each weekend to stay with the family. Very shortly after moving house to Murneen, Michael and Coleman both started to attend Ballyfarna National school.

Mary, who was now five, was not capable of coping with school and was cared for at home. Education or help for children with learning difficulties or other disability was non-existent in Ireland in the fifties. Indeed, many such children or adults were committed by families to mental institutions or kept strictly indoors out of sight of prying eyes. Many people were ashamed to have family members in such a category.

However, her parents were determined that Mary would have as full a life as possible. She was involved in family activities and was cared for and accepted by the other children both in the home home and in the neighbourhood.

The family went to Cappamore by train for an extended holiday each year. On one such occasion, a woman, upon seeing Mary with the family on the train, said to my mother that "the girl should not be out. She should be kept at home". I do not know exactly what she replied, but when she recalled the incident over the following years, the intense annoyance in my mother's voice was startling, coming from such a normally calm, considerate and placid person.

It is a great pity that the supports and skills to develop Mary's abilities were not available at that time. She clearly had inherited a musical talent from her father. Although she could not speak, she could hum a tune and she had a remarkable ability to pick up the melody of a new song after one or two hearings on the radio. She would keep perfect time by gently drumming her fingers on the lid of a tin box.

Mary's short life ended abruptly in June 1961 when she was just 12 years old. My mother was in hospital in Castlebar to give birth to a baby. Her sister, Philomena Ryan, was staying in Murneen to help out while Kitty was away and would remain for a while to provide support when mother and baby came home. Mary died suddenly in her sleep from heart failure. My mother, who was not told of the tragedy, had the baby who died shortly after birth. My father broke the news about Mary to her in the hospital a few days later. Mary was buried in Crossboyne cemetery near Claremorris beside her aunt Patsy, who had also died at a young age.

CHAPTER 29 - Kelly Strikes

Recent History

I will be brief about the more recent history of my family which can be recorded at another time.

As a family, it always seemed to me that we fared better than most of our contemporaries. While this was taken for granted at the time, at least by me, I later realised that this was due to the enterprise and protection of our parents.

There was quite an amount of poverty in the rural areas of County Mayo in the fifties and early sixties. Farms were small and could barely provide a livelihood for families which were often quite large. Until the gradual improvements which came about as a result of Ireland joining the Common Market (later renamed the E.U.) in the mid sixties, the only solution for many was emigration of the older children as soon as possible. They were expected to send money home to make life a little more bearable for the rest of the children. Signs of such help from England or America included the replacement of thatch by slated roofs and parcels of clothes which included colour schemes and styles not available locally. In later years, when you went to a dance proudly wearing that fashionable, new coloured shirt and were in the process of chatting up a girl, some wag was bound to say in a voice audible to all amused bystanders ; "Ah! I see you got another parcel from America!"

My son and daughter accuse me of claiming that I went to school in bare feet with cabbage sandwiches for lunch. A vile calumny! I've never eaten cabbage sandwiches nor have I ever seen one. I have to admit that, on some hot summer days, we hid our shoes in O'Dea's cart-house and went to school barefoot in order to show how tough we were. Our mother would have "murdered us" if she found out. Due to the heat, we inevitably got tar on our feet. We had to try to remove it secretly by melting it with butter before our deception was uncovered. The glamour wore off quite quickly.

It would be completely misleading to suggest that the Rushe children experienced any poverty during these years. With the benefit of hindsight, I'm sure that the family finances were on a shoestring but, to the credit of my parents, we children were blissfully unaware of this. There was always plenty of food on the table, new shoes when you needed them and, at Christmas, Santa invariably brought those two essentials, the present you really wanted together with the surprise present you hadn't even hoped for. As we got older we realised that Santa got some help from grandparents, and aunts, especially the nuns, my mother's sisters.

Other memories are more personal. Holidays in Cappamore. Trips to Claremorris town highlighted by a visit to grandparents. Secretive pocket money from Granny. Fishing with Grandad. Days out at the Horse Show. Going to the Circus in the fair green. A family outing by hired car to a rare visit by Chipperfields Circus to Castlebar. Going with Dad to Gaelic football matches on Sundays. Birthday parties and presents. Blackie, the family terrier and, earlier, Sydney, the cat. Trips to the seaside at Salthill. Football with brother Michael in our back garden and in everybody's garden. Acting as Wren boys each St. Stephen's day. Ice cream after Sunday Mass. Extended visits by the nuns and visits from Reynolds, Rushes and the aunts, uncles and cousins from England. Our first leather football sent from America by neighbour, Eugene Glynn. Being encouraged to join the lending library and to read. First football boots. Being persuaded by my mother to play "Wooden Heart" on my mouth-organ for my father and my mother coming home from Cappamore with a shining new harmonica which my father had asked her to buy for me. Playing and fighting with brothers and sisters. Above all, the security, safety and support of family.

Some of the less favourable memories are school and teachers and weeding the potato and vegetable gardens and going to the well or the pump for water and being called in from football to do homework.

Sean was born in 1955 followed by Kieran in 1957. In 1963, two years after Mary's death, Kay was the final addition to the family bringing the number of children back up to six.

Patricia, having finished secondary school, went to Dublin to join the Civil Service in 1965. Michael, who attended Claremorris Vocational school, joined the Irish Air Corps in 1966 and I finished secondary school at St.Colman's College, Claremorris in 1968 before joining Bank of Ireland.

In 1970, a strike of bank officials was looming. Strike pay was not available and the job situation in Ireland was not encouraging. Like many of my fellow workers, I contemplated going to England to get a temporary job. Having obtained his address from his mother, I dropped a line to Frank Kelly, an old school friend who now in Manchester. Frank, who had dropped out of secondary school a few years earlier, was working in the building industry and encouraged me to join him. I took the boat to Liverpool, the train to Manchester and a taxi to Frank's address.

Frank, one of the kindest, most generous and least self-serving people I have been privileged to know, could also be most persuasive and not averse to using a bit of coercion if needed. Within an hour of our meeting, after he got home from work, he had arranged a job for me, given me half of his dinner and fixed me up with lodgings in the house next door. Then he said:

"I need you to do me a small favour".

"What do you mean?"

"Well, I'm going out with this girl, you see, and she always brings her friend with her when we meet and I'm getting nowhere, if you know what I mean. Now, if you came along tonight, you could keep her distracted and ..."

"No, Frank. It's been a very long day. Anyway, you have one gooseberry already. The last thing you need is another one tagging along. Three is a crowd ; I don't even know what four is called..."

"Ah, come on. You might even like her. She's just your type."

"You don't have a clue what my type is, Frank."

"Yes, I do. You like tall women with long hair..."

"Frank, maybe some other evening..."

"Anyway, we should go out tonight to celebrate the fact that today you got a job and digs and..."

"Ok! Ok! I give up! But just this once - never again!"

An hour later, we were waiting in Alexandra Park.

"Here she comes", said Frank. "Now, what do you think?"

A tall, elegant, striking young lady with flowing black hair was striding towards us, smiling warmly. She was accompanied by an attractive young woman with short dark hair who was at least six inches shorter than her friend.

"I'll take it all back", I said. "Maybe you do know what my type is, after all".

"No. She's mine", replied Frank. "Your's is the smaller one."

"Frank!"

"Colman, this is Bridget Ansbro. Bridget, I'd like you to meet Colman Rushe".

The rest is history.

APPENDIX - Other Family Stories

Rushe - O'Donnell - Folan - Howard - Fitzgerald - Reynolds - Egan - McManus - Ryan - Mulcahy - Ansbro.

Rushe - Galway

What fate befell the remainder of the Rushe family of Claddagh, Galway?

Stephen Rushe and Mary Rushe (nee O'Donnell).

It is possible to verify that they were in the workhouse at various times during their later years. However, they may also have lived for periods in the Claddagh with one of the family. Despite the break up of the family and the fact that the younger children were taken into care, they had another child, Thomas, who was born in 1907. Thomas died from phthisis in 1914.

As we have seen, Stephen, the father of the family died on 2nd October 1909. He was aged 55 and died from typhoid at Galway Fever Hospital. His address at the time was Galway Workhouse. Apart from the fact that he drank to excess, we know little about him as a person. He could neither read nor write; he used his mark when completing official documents. John, his son, has a vague recollection of his father, pacing up and down, his hands clasped behind his back.

The 1911 Census shows that Mary was working as an attendant in Galway Workhouse at that time. She understated her age by 3 years but confirmed that she was a widow and had eleven children of whom ten were born alive. She spoke both Irish and English and could neither read nor write. Mary died from phthisis on 19th July 1915 aged 52 years at Galway Workhouse.

Martin Rushe

Martin Rushe was born in 1882 at Claddagh, Galway. He was baptised on 11th October. (Martin later gave his birth date to the Navy as 1880 but he provided the correct name and address for his parents.)

The next official record we have of Martin is the 1901 Census which was carried out in March. His age is given correctly as 18 - his eighteenth birthday would have been the previous October. He is described as a fisherman.

Many of the young fishermen in Galway sought work as deckhands on the trawlers or joined the Royal Navy. The Royal Navy Reserve (RNR), originally founded in 1859, was set up as a standby force of seamen who could be called up to assist or join the Navy in time of war. Training ships were located at various ports around Britain and Ireland so that seamen and fishermen could undertake gunnery and other training.

The Merchant Navy records show that, on 27th January 1902, Martin received basic naval training. The "HM Ship or Depot" where the training took place is listed as "Renmore". I cannot establish whether there was a training ship named "Renmore". It is also possible that the training may have been carried out in the vicinity of Renmore, Galway, possibly in or near the army barracks.

Martin next received eight weeks training on board the "Melampus" commencing on 5th April 1904. The "Melampus" was a coastguard vessel which was normally based at Kingstown, Dublin. Immediately after this training, he was formally enrolled in the Royal Navy Reserve(RNR) on 1st of July 1904.

The next record is a retainer payment of 30 pounds to Martin on 13th November 1909 at Galway. (According to the British National Archive, this would be worth about 1500 pounds in today's money). He must have travelled to Liverpool immediately after he received the payment because, on his first recorded voyage, he sailed from Liverpool to Boston aboard the "Slovenia" on 13th December 1909. The ship returned to Liverpool on 15th January 1910 and, two days later, Martin collected another payment of 30 pounds. His address during this period was Burton Street in the docks area of Liverpool. His seafaring career was on its way.

From 1910 until the outbreak of war in August 1914, Martin's overseas sailing schedule is reasonably well documented. He served on multiple voyages to destinations such as Quebec, Montreal, Halifax, Genoa, Constantinople, Alexandria, South Africa and River Plate, Argentina

In 1912, he was living at 59 Waterloo Road, Liverpool. According to the previous year's Census, this was a lodging house run by Josephine Dean, originally from Ireland. Nine Irish working men were lodgers in the house on the Census date.

No records are available of Martin's service during the war years. However, there are interesting notes on his records during this period. On 6th of July, 1916, the Merchant Navy received a letter from Mary Kelly, Martin's sister back in Galway. She was enquiring about the whereabouts of her brother, Martin. A reply was sent to her on 12th July but, unfortunately, the contents of the letter are not recorded. However, there is a faint note (probably in pencil) on his record sheet that he sailed on the Craftsman from Liverpool on 15th February. Is it possible that this information was given to Mary or was she merely informed that, at last sighting, he was safe and well?

Despite the absence of records of his wartime voyages, we know that Martin served during this period because on 3rd of September 1919, he was awarded two ribbons. The Mercantile Marine Medal and the War Medal which recognised voyages with the Merchant Navy in a danger zone during World War 1.

Details of voyages are sketchier for the post-war years. However, the records show that Martin participated in at least twenty voyages between 1919 and 1931.

There is a further gap in the available records until 1939. On 22nd December 1939, Martin sailed from Liverpool on the Port Alma. This ship was used almost exclusively on voyages to River Plate to bring cargoes of Argentinian beef back to the UK in wartime.

The few documents for Martin which are available provide some personal information about him. He is described as 5 foot 10 inches tall with blue eyes, dark hair and a dark complexion with a chest measurement of 38 inches. One one form, he gave his date of birth as 10th October 1880 and on another as 10th of May 1880. He had tattoos, in keeping with the tradition among sailors, and these are described on his file. He had an anchor, a symbol traditionally associated with the merchant navy, on the back of his left hand and a cross on his middle finger. On the back of his right hand, the tattoo is described as "heart and clasped hands". While this symbol obviously didn't mean anything to the person making the note, it is immediately recognisable to most of us as a representation of a Claddagh ring. Clearly, Martin liked to be reminded of his origins and family back in Galway.

Martin's contact with the family was quite limited in later years. However, he arranged to meet his brother John at a railway station in Liverpool in the 1920s. When I interviewed John, he detailed the circumstances of their meeting although he couldn't remember how they made contact with one another. In 1921, John went to England. He lived in St. Helens in Lancashire and worked in the mines for five years. John, who had not been born when Martin left home, waited on the platform until the crowd cleared but failed to see anybody who looked remotely like any of the Rushes whom John had met previously. Eventually, the only person left was a tall, large man who, to John's surprise, was the elusive Martin. John said that Martin weighed 17 stone 12 pounds, was a boatswain in the navy and was "fond of drink".

John, who was the youngest surviving child of Stephen and Mary and who was quite a small man, was surprised about Martin's physique but Martin had also been expecting to meet somebody of similar girth to himself. "Where did they get you?" he enquired.

Martin promised to visit Galway to see the family and later did so (although John was not aware of this when I spoke to him). According to the family members in Galway, Martin drank heavily while on his visit - clearly, he inherited his father's problem with alcohol. The only anecdote recorded about his visit involved a fall which resulted in the destruction of a bottle of whiskey which as in his pocket.

He once visited Dublin where he stayed with his sister Ellen. While there, he also met Reddy Kelly, the husband of his other sister, Mary, who had made enquiries about him during the war.

In later life, when he needed a birth certificate, he wrote to Galway from a home for old sailors in England. It is also thought that he may have worked in a school, possibly as a caretaker, in his later years.

On 14th January 1958, a Martin Rush died at 13 Parliament Street, Liverpool. His age was given as 75 which means that he was born in the same year as our Martin Rushe. His occupation was unknown. Probably because he was found dead, he was examined by the coroner who carried out a post mortem. The cause of death was heart failure due to chronic bronchitis and emphysema and hypertension. As the death was attributed to natural causes, an inquest was not necessary. The remains were released for burial to R.C. Jenkinson of 48 Melling Avenue, Liverpool. In the absence of family, the body would normally be released to an undertaker or to an acquaintance who offered to deal with the burial. I can find no record of an undertaker named Jenkinson in Liverpool. It seems likely that Mr. Jenkinson was an acquaintance of Martin's who found him dead. Mr Jenkinson and his wife are both dead.

I can find no other record of a death in the Liverpool area of a Martin Rush or Rushe who would have been born in the 1880s. It seems reasonable and logical to conclude that Martin Rushe from the Claddagh died alone in Liverpool in 1958.

Mary Rushe

Mary Rushe married a local man, Redmond ("Reddy") Kelly in about 1903. She was about twenty and Kelly was eight years older. They had four children, Mary born 1904, Maggie born 1905, Ellen born 1909 and Bridget born 1910. Despite having a young family of their own, Mary and Reddy made an effort to help some of the Rushe children. They gave a home to Mary's younger sister Margaret who was probably initially taken into care before being "fostered" by the Kellys.

They also took in Thomas, the baby who was born in 1907 to Stephen and Mary Rushe. The 1911 Census showed the six members of the Kelly family and Margaret ("Maggie") Rushe, aged 17, and Tom Rushe, aged 4, living in Claddagh. Tom died in December 1914.

Reddy Kelly was a sailor in the Royal Navy Reserve. Accordingly, he was away from home quite a lot so that Margaret provided companionship for her married sister and was helpful in looking after the younger children.

Reddy and Mary had another son, Nicholas, but he died as a two year old in an epidemic in 1915. Margaret was present at his death in the Claddagh.

Ellen McGrath

Ellen, who maintained contact with the younger members of the family, was brought up as a young girl by her grandparents, Coleman and Teresa O'Donnell. In about 1904 she was sent to work with a family in Virginia, County Cavan. She may have worked with a doctor's family. In any event, she was advised by a local doctor that she was subject to rheumatism and that the local conditions would worsen her condition. She moved to Dublin and worked as a maid and a children's nurse. The 1911 Census finds her in service with a Coyne family in Whitehall, Dublin. The family, with whom she worked, treated her very well and remained in contact with her for many years. She became Ellen McGrath on marriage and had a family. She lived in Dublin until her death in 1982.

She and Michael McGrath had seven children. Now Ellen has grandchildren and great grandchildren living in Australia, New Zealand, USA, Canada, the UK and Ireland.

In 2012, following a family get-together, the descendants of Ellen and Michael McGrath, together with their spouses and partners, decided to make a CD featuring the musical contributions of various family members. The CD was professionally recorded and features songs and instrumental music from Ireland and overseas. Following release, it was featured on Irish radio and is available from www.makethecirclewide.com. The proceeds of this innovative and admirable family history project go to charity.

Coleman Rushe

Coleman was about 18 when the family broke up. He emigrated to England and lived in Birkenhead. He was born in 1887 and was still living in Claddagh in 1901 according to the census. He married in Liverpool in August 1912 and gave his occupation as a mariner.

His wife was Rosanna Foley, a barmaid. (She was later known to the Rushes in Galway as Mary Frances and was named as Frances on Coleman's death certificate.) In a Birkenhead trade directory in 1914, Coleman Rushe was named as the licenseholder of the Myrtle Inn on Cleveland Street, Birkenhead.

Coleman died on 14 November 1914 - he had only been married for 2 years. His death certificate shows "delirium tremens" and "heart failure" as cause of death. As far as I can ascertain, they had no children. I have not yet found out what became of the widow but I understand from my father that she visited the Rushe family in Galway after Coleman's death.

Stephen Rushe

As we have seen, Stephen lived for a time with the Maher family in Athenry as a farm worker. He also became involved in a seafaring life. He worked as a minesweeper in the Royal Navy Reserve and married Nora. They lived in the Claddagh and had a son named Patrick who died as a one year old baby. The child's death, which was caused by pneumonia, occurred in March 1918. Stephen was demobilised from the Navy in 1920. In recognition of his sarvice, he was awarded the British War Medal and the Victory Medal. Stephen and Nora had a daughter, Peggy, who died in 1942, and another daughter, Mary, who married Paddy Barrett, a carpenter. They also had sons named Stephen, Paddy and Coleman and have descendants in Galway and Moycullen.

In later years, Stephen worked in McDonaghs in Galway. He died on 25 April 1979.

Stephen Rushe had an ex serviceman's house in Galway as had the Kellys. These dwellings were built and maintained for former members of the Royal Navy Reserve of whom there were a significant number in Galway.

Margaret Rushe

Margaret lived with her sister Mary and her husband, Reddy Kelly. Margaret never married and died on 18th January 1971.

John Rush (Unlike the rest of his siblings, John spelt his name as "Rush".)

John left the Keaveneys at the earliest opportunity - probably about 1920 when he was sixteen. He recalls that the Keaveneys would have had to pay him if they wanted him to stay any later than his sixteenth birthday. He went to his brother Michael in Leitra and was taken in by the Mitchells. He served his time for a year as a carpenter in his brother Michael's workshop in Leitra but stayed with the Mitchells for a few years. It was during this period that he worked in Lisrivis with the Husseys while his brother Paddy was in the south of Ireland with the IRA.

In 1921, he went to England. He lived in St. Helens in Lancashire and worked in the mines for five years. It was during this period that he met his mariner brother Martin in Liverpool. He recalls forming a business partnership with a Kerryman and signing a contract to build tunnels. However, the general strike of 1926 changed their plans and he came back to Dublin.

He worked as a builder with Cramptons and married. He and his new wife operated a very successful pork butcher business in High Street in the Liberties area of Dublin. When Dublin Corporation bought the premises from them, they moved the business to a new location at Walkinstown Cross where they also lived. Some of their many children and grandchildren still live in the Dublin area.

Despite the harsh treatment experienced on the farm, the Keaveney boys kept in contact with John in later years. They emigrated to the USA as soon as they could get away and made good lives for themselves. Their mother died in the workhouse and, according to John Rushe, none of her sons attended her funeral.

John Rush died aged 96 in January 2000.

Michael "Tom" Rushe

Despite a most traumatic childhood, my grandfather, Michael, emerged as a well adjusted, humourous, convivial man and put his difficulties behind him. He was a well loved and kind father and was idolised by all his grandchildren. (While I did not know John Rush as well as I knew my grandfather, it seems to me that he also emerged relatively unscathed from his ordeal). A large part of the credit for this outcome is due, in my opinion, to the care and kindness shown to the Rushe brothers by Maurice and Sarah Mitchell and the efforts of Ellen, their sister, to maintain contact. Marriage of the Rushe brothers to two very resourcefull women was also a crucial contributory factor.

Michael did harbour some resentment towards his older siblings for many years but did not allow this to harm the relationship with them. He felt that they could have done more to help the younger ones in the early years. However, with the passage of time, he changed his mind and accepted that, in most cases, they were trying to bring up their own young families in relative poverty.

My grandmother Mary (Reynolds) died in Claremorris in 1983. Tom Rushe, my grandfather died in 1986. He was taken ill while he was visiting his daughter, Chris, in Coventry. He was hospitalised and my father and I went to see him. He had become visibly weaker and more frail since we saw him last but, as usual, was in good spirits and was pretending to be bothered by the prospect of sharing a house with Chris's lively dog. Chris was offering to return to Claremorris for a while after my grandfather returned home in order to help him recuperate but she would have to bring her dog. "Ok", he said, "but I'll shoot the dog first!".

He died in Coventry a few days after our return home. He is buried at Crossboyne with his wife Mary, their daughter Patsy and my sister Mary.

As we have seen, Mary Rushe, my father's sister married Johnny Ryan, my mother's brother. Mary's sister, Chris, emigrated to England and lived in Coventry. She married Bob Heath, who worked in the local Jaguar plant and they had three children, Michael, Peter and Marion. All three are married with children. Bob died suddenly in the eighties after which Chris moved to the north-east of England where she lives close to Marion, her daughter.

Kitty Rushe suffered ill health in her later years and left us in 1997. Coleman Rushe moved to live with Kay, his youngest daughter, and her family in Donegal as his health began to fail. He died there in November, 2006.

Coleman and Kitty were buried in Mayo.

***

O'Donnells and Folans

The O'Donnells and Folans originated in Lettercallow Island in Connemara. The 1901 Census showed O'Donnels and Folans still resident in the area but I have been unable to connect them with certainty to my family. I have also been unable to trace the fate of Mary's younger brother, Coleman, who was born in 1866. Mary's parents, Coleman and Teresa (Folan), lived out their old age in the Claddagh and helped to bring up some of the Rushe children. Ellen McGrath (Rushe) spoke warmly of the care she received from her grandmother.

Coleman O'Donnell died at the Claddagh on 24th March 1904 from Bright's Disease. His wife Teresa passed away on 19th May 1908. Regrettably, when she died she was resident in Galway Workhouse where her daughter Mary was to die seven years later. She is described in the death certificate as a charwoman. Cause of death is recorded as "natural causes" and age as 71.

***

The Howards

In 1901, the members of the Howard household at Portnarde, Cappamore were:

John Howard aged 34.

Catherine (formerly Fitzgerald) aged 33 , his wife.

Michael aged 14.

Mary aged 12.

Lizzie (Lillian) aged 10.

Johanna aged 7.

Ellen aged 6.

Catherine aged 4.

Margaret aged 3.

Margaret Fitzgerald aged 19 (sister of Catherine and sister-in-law of John).

As we have seen, Catherine married Michael Ryan, my grandfather. What of the remainder of the family?

In 1910, Michael, Johanna and Lillian emigrated by sea to Australia. Upon arrival, they went to Thursday Island, possibly to visit an aunt, Mary Fitzgerald. They were greeted with the news that their mother had died while they were at sea. During their stay at Thursday Island, both met their husbands. Lillian married William Warren and Johanna (Josie) was wed to Eric Nicholson, who worked with the Burns Philip Shipping Company. Both couples moved on to mainland Australia.

Michael Howard

Their brother Michael Howard first enlisted in the Australian armed forces on 1st February 1915 with the First Unit - Unallotted Light Horse and was sent for training to Enoggera near Brisbane. However, he was discharged on 22nd March because he "failed in riding test and was not willing to transfer to infantry."

Four days later, on 26th March, he enlisted again in the 2nd Division at Liverpool, Sydney. The unit which he joined was D Company, 20th Battalion 5th Brigade. He provided his Cappamore, County Limerick address and named his father John on the enlistment form. Michael is described as 5 ft. 5 1/2 inches with blue eyes and brown hair. He gave his occupation as a stockman and was aged 27. As next of kin, he nominated Mary Bowers of Thursday Island. Mary Bowers was the married name of his aunt, Mary Fitzgerald, who had emigrated from County Limerick.

On 25th June 1915, Michael sailed for Europe on HMAT Berrima, a passenger ship carrying about 250 soldiers. The Australian and New Zealand armies, grouped together as the ANZAC force, had already gone ashore together with the British at Gallipoli in April in a costly and ultimately unsuccessful campaign against the Turks. The ANZACs suffered massive losses. The 2nd Division, to which Michael J. Howard was assigned, landed in Gallipoli in August. There continued to be heavy warfare but the carnage of the previous months had subsided.

The force was eventually evacuated from the peninsula in December 1915 and transferred to Egypt. By then, Michael had been hospitalised. His army records show that, in September 1915, Michael was moved from Gallipoli on a hospital ship, the "Guildford Castle" suffering from diarrhoea. He was next listed a few days later at Mudros. This is a hospital on Lemnos Island, Greece to where Gallipoli casualties were evacuated. Later that same month, he was in Cairo, Egypt. It is not clear if he was in hospital or convalescing but if he had returned to full duty, he would be back in Gallipoli with his unit.

In November 1915, he moved to Luxor, Egypt. He seems to have been "discharged to base" but a week later, on 25th, he was readmitted to hospital with "diarrhoea and debility". He was transferred to Mena House hospital in Giza, Egypt.

On 7th December, he was moved to another hospital at Heloa, Egypt, where he was diagnosed as suffering from dysentery. Before Christmas, he was moved back to his base camp at Giza. There is a note that he was "taken on strength" which is a term used to signify that he was now back to being a fully functioning member of his unit.

Michael's recovery seems to have been short-lived. By mid January 1916, he was on the "Kanimla Valley" hospital ship (possibly in quarantine). He was then returned to his unit at Tel-el-Kebir in Egypt. His Division had now relocated to Egypt and preparations were in hand to move the Australian forces to France. Michael was to remain free of illness until May 1918.

On 10th March, 1916, the 2nd Pioneer Battalion was formed and was assigned to provide back-up services to the Second Division of the Australian army. Four days later, Michael was transferred to this new Battalion as a driver and five days after that, they sailed from Alexandria, Egypt. They landed at Marseilles, France on 26 March and travelled to Rue Marle, near Armentieres in north east France near the Belgian border.

The next notation in Michaels service record is eighteen months later in September 1917. To get an indication of his activities during this period, it is necessary to follow the progress of the Second Division to which Michael's 2nd Pioneer Battalion were providing services. I quote a brief synopsis of the progress of the Second Division : -

"The Division was formed in Egypt July 1915 and moved to Gallipoli in August, serving there until the withdrawal to Egypt in December 1915. In March 1916 it was the first division to move to France, taking over part of the "nursery" sector around Armentieres. On 27 July 1916, it relieved the First Division at Pozieres and captured the Pozieres Heights at great cost. Two more tours of the Somme followed in August and November.

In March 1917 a flying column of the Second Division pursued the Germans to the Hindenburg Line. At Lagnicourt on 15 April 1917, it struck by a powerful German counterattack, which it repelled. On 3 May 1917 the Division assaulted the Hindenburg Line in the Second Battle of Bullecourt, holding the breach thus gained against furious counterattacks. During the Third Battle of Ypres, it fought with great success at Menin Road in September and Broodeseinde in October."

On 22nd September 1917, Michael was promoted to Lt/Cpl Driver. I assume that he was operating as a driver during this period, probably for superior officers. This might have contributed to his survival at a time when there was huge loss of life, particularly at the Somme. Michael's health also seems to have stabilised. In January 1918, he was given some time off and went to England. He returned to service on 9th February as agreed.

Illness struck again in May 1918 when Michael was diagnosed with PUO (pyrexia of unknown origin) which was another name for trench fever. He was moved from the 61st CCS (Casualty Clearing Station where emergency help was given prior to removal to hospital) in the field to the 26th General Hospital at Etables, near Calais, France. He was put on the hospital ship HS Brighton and brought to England where he was admitted to hospital in Croydon and was diagnosed with bronchitis. He was released on furlough on 28th May until 11th June. It was common in WW1 to allow soldiers 14 days furlough upon release from hospital. Michael reported to Hurdcott in Hampshire after furlough. The Australian army had established a convalescent hospital in Hurdcott where soldiers rested before returning for duty. In July, he had recovered sufficiently to be moved to Longbridge Deverill in Wiltshire where there was a large military encampment.

The following month, he left Longbridge Deverill and sailed back to France from Folkstone, Kent. He rejoined his battallion on 14th August. The next notation on his service record is in February 1919. During the period following his return to France, the Second Division fought in the Battle of Amiens in August. In September, it took Mont Saint Quentin in what is described as "one of the finest feats of fighting of the war". It fought on to the Hindenburg Line and beyond before becoming the last division to be withdrawn.

On 2nd February 1919, Michael was sent to England in readiness for his return to Australia. Eleven days later, he was given leave and was due to report back by midnight on 3rd March. He did not return and was adjudged absent without leave. He finally returned at 8pm on 10th March. The reason for his late return was that he married Annie Isabel Neal on 2nd March.

Annie lived at 136 Tollington Park in the Finsbury Park area of north London. When the 1911 Census was completed, her father Walter Thomas Neal, a baker, and her mother Caroline were living at Woodfield Road, Paddington and Isabel was working as a waitress at Waterburton Road. She seems to have been an only daughter but she had at least two older brothers, George and Albert, who had moved from home by 1911. Her father had died by the time Annie married in 1919.

They had a Roman Catholic marriage at the Church of Saint Peter in Chains, Womersley Road, Stroud Green not far from where Annie lived. Annie was 33 and Michael was 30. Michael's address was given as Codford, Wiltshire. This was an army barracks where soldiers were billeted while awaited repatriation to Australia. Upon Michael's return to duty a week later than agreed, he was charged with being AWOL. On 11th March, he was reverted to the rank of driver and fined a weeks pay.

On 13th April, 1919, Michael Howard sailed from Devonport near Plymouth to Australia on the "Castalia". He disembarked on 1st June and was discharged from the army on 1st August 1919. He was awarded the 1914/15 Star Medal, the British War Medal and the Victory Medal.

Annie Isabel Howard (nee Neal) is unlikely to have travelled with him and probably sailed to join her husband on another ship. In any event, the 1921 Electoral Roll verifies that Michael Howard and Annie Isabel Howard were living at Crase Street, Fortitude Valley, Brisbane. Michael was working as a quarryman and Annie was described as doing "home duties" i.e. housewife. They were still in the Fortitude Valley area in 1925 but by now they were living at Rosemount Street, Windsor.

On 15th February 1922, a child was born in Brisbane to Michael and Nancy Howard and she was named Joan Mary Howard. On 6th June 1933, Michael Howard completed a sworn declaration that he had lost his Discharge papers in the flood of 1931. He was still living at Windsor in Fortitude Valley but now was at Taylor Street. Perhaps his application for replacement papers was an indication that he was getting his affairs in order. In any event, Michael died in 1933 according to the Queensland death records. He was aged about 45.

His widow Annie Isabel Howard lived in the Brisbane area of Queensland for the remainder of her life. The available Electoral Rolls show her living at various addresses. She is sometimes described as an office cleaner. The Queensland death register shows that Annie Isabel Howard, daughter of Walter Thomas Neal and Caroline Lyons passed away in 1957. She was aged about 72.

Joan Howard

Joan Howard was eleven years old when her father died. At the age of 19, Joan married Selby Reginald Moore on 10th May 1941 in Holy Rosary Church, Brisbane. Selby Moore, who was born in 1918 and was descended from a convict who was deported from Ireland in 1830, also served in WW2.

Selby and Joan lived in Montrose Street in the Kendron area of Brisbane in 1949 and were still there in 1954. The 1949 and 1954 Electoral Rolls also show that Annie Isobel Howard, Joan's widiwed mother, also lived in Montrose Street. The Rolls do not list house numbers but it seems that Nancy Howard lived with her daughter and son-in-law in the years leading up to her death in 1857. By 1958, Selby and Joan had moved to Conroy Street, a few miles further north. In 1963, they were in Stanley Street, East Brisbane and by 1968, their address was Boston Road, Belmont, Brisbane.

They had five children Brian Joseph, Anne Denise, Alan Selby, Paul Francis and Denis Howard.

Selby is described in the earlier Electoral Rolls as a labourer but he soon changed his occupation to "travelling showman". In fact, he set up a travelling boxing troupe which toured the Queensland country show circuit for about twenty years as the Selby Moore Boxing Troupe. Selby became highly respected in boxing circles and many of his tent boxers went on to become Australian champions. In a number of newspaper interviews with his boxers in later years, he was regularly described as a caring father figure who looked after and mentored the young men. He was posthumously recognised by Queensland Boxing Hall of Fame in 2008.

Selby Moore died on 4th August 1968 at Chermside Hospital, Brisbane. Alan, the eldest son, took over the troupe when his father died. In a newspaper interview, he explained that he managed to keep the business going for about six months during which time, he took his sister on the road as cook. When the business closed down, his mother, Joan, sold the sites which they had leased on the showgrounds. Alan, who had about 400 tent fights while travelling with his father, was offered a professional boxing job and took the bus to Sydney. Within two years, he was crowned Australian Welterweight champion. He retired in 1973 and immediately became a referee and judge, roles which he fills today.

Another son, Paul, who had similar experience with his father's troupe, followed in his brother's footsteps and went to Sydney in 1970 and he won the Australian welterweight title in 1973. The Moores are the only two brothers to have held the Australian welterweight title and they were two of only three champions at their weight who were never knocked out or stopped inside the distance. Paul and his wife now run the Belleview Hotel pub in Toowoomba, 75 miles west of Brisbane.

Another son, Dennis, works as a motivational speaker in the New South Wales area.

Joan Moore (formerly Howard) died in Sydney on 4th August 1979. Her remains were brought back to Brisbane where she was buried with Selby in Hemmant Cemetery. I do not yet know why she was in Sydney when she died. She may have moved there when her two sons had successful boxing careers in the city or it may be that her daughter lives in the Sydney area.

Lillian Howard

Lillian met William Warren on Thursday Island where they married in 1912. She and William lived at Punchbowl, New South Wales and had four children, only one of whom, Margaret, was still alive recently. Billy, Lillian and William's son, was a sergeant with the Royal Australian Air Force and was stationed in Scrampton, Lincolnshire, England during World War Two. He was a war casualty at the age of 21, on 10 Nov 1942. He was on a Lancaster bomber which was returning from a mine-planting mission and crashed on high ground close to Scrampton airfield. Poor visibility was a contributory factor to the tragedy in which all on board perished. He is buried in the War Graves Plot at Scrampton.

Johanna Howard

Johanna married Eric Nicholson in 1914 on the day following her 21st birthday. They moved from Thursday Island to Inisfail, Queensland, where William Fitzgerald, Johanna's uncle also lived. Johanna also had her share of unhappiness. After she and Eric Nicholson had seven children, Eric, who was a gambler, left her and she was obliged to bring up a young family on her own. To her great credit, she did this successfully in difficult times. She suffered ill health including heart problems, blood pressure and strokes. She died in 1955 aged 62.

Lillian and Johanna now have many grandchildren and great grandchildren in Australia.

Other Howard Siblings

Mary Howard emigrated to the USA. Mary married Michael O'Donnell, a carpenter and they lived in Troy, New York. They had at least six children. One of their sons, Father Frank o'Donnell, is still alive.

Nora Howard married Kieran P Rosney and they also lived in Troy, New York. They had four sons before Rosney was killed in 1937 in a freak accident when someone fell from a high rise building and hit him. Nora died in 1964. She is buried with her husband at St Mary's Cemetery, Troy, New York.

John Howard also emigrated to the USA but little is known about his life there. My mother thought that he might have owned a chain of shops. The ship's passenger list which recorded his voyage to the USA is one of the only piece of hard information which we have about him. The details recorded are as follows:

John Howard aged 20. Labourer. Sailed on SS Baltic from Liverpool to New York on 11 Dec 1921. He was five feet seven inches tall, brown hair, blue eyes. He had forty dollars in cash and his fare was paid by his sister Mary. He was going to live with his brother-in-law, Michael O'Donnell at 8 South Street, Troy, New York. He gave his contact person as Ellie Howard, Convent View, Cappamore.

When his sister Nora died in 1964, the newspaper report indicated that John survived her and was based in Devon, Connecticut.

Margaret Howard emigrated to the USA but I have been unable to find out anything about her.

Ellie Howard remained in Cappamore and married Mick Walsh. They lived at Dromalty and had no children.

Another sister, Biddy, also married Gerard Ryan and lived at Drumsally, Cappamore. They had six children.

***

The Fitzgeralds

As set out previously, the Howards were descended from the Fitzgeralds who lived at Toomaline, Doon in east County Limerick. David Fitzgerald and his wife Elizabeth (Nolan) had eighteen children. One daughter, who remained in Ireland, married John Howard as we have seen. Five of the Fitzgerald children, Mary, John, William, Johanna and Margaret, emigrated to Australia and this is a brief outline of their lives. I do not yet know why the Fitzgeralds headed for Australia. It is quite possible that they had some relatives there already.

Mary Fitzgerald

Mary was the first to arrive in Australia. She landed at Thursday Island in 1888. On 17th February 1889, she married Michael Bowers in the local Roman Catholic Church. William was a signalman and Mary described herself as a servant. According to family sources, Mary used to act as the town midwife and she also operated a boarding house for men, mainly public servants and bankers.

Michael died in 1923 and Mary died in 1926, both at Thursday Island.

Michael and Mary Bowers had the following children:-

Elizabeth Mary Bowers born 1889. She moved to New Zealand and married William Thomas Bandy, a soldier who died in 1916, leaving her with two young children.

Frederick David Joseph Bowers born 1902. While at Catholic boarding school in Charters Towers, he died aged 17 during the influenza epidemic following the Great War.

Frances Catherine Josephine Bowers (known as Fanny) born 1903 married Cornelius O'Leary in 1927. Cornelius became involved in protecting the welfare of Aboriginals in the 1920s. He was based at the Palm Island Aboriginal Settlement before being appointed as Inspector and Deputy Chief Protector of Aboriginals, based in Brisbane. He later became Director of Native Affairs and following his retirement in 1963, was awarded an OBE in 1964. He died in 1971.

Fanny, his wife, was also involved in the Australian Red Cross Society and the Queensland Countrywomen's Association. They had three children. John married Mary McClafferty, Margaret married Gregory Krijnen and Kevin became a brother in the Sacred Heart Order and was known as Brother Neil.

John Fitzgerald

The second of the family to land in Australia was John who arrived at Thursday Island in 1889. Known as Jack, he was not much more that five feet in height but was strong and was described as a "wiry fighter" when affronted. Jack became a miner in Queensland.

Jack was 31 years old when he married 16 year old Bridget Mary Martin in Charters Towers in 1900. They moved around due to the mining work and lived at Koorboora, Chillagoe and Millchester before settling in Innisfail where he built a house with the assistance of his brother William, who had immigrated from Ireland and owned a construction firm.

Jack and Bridget had the following children:-

Violet Mary born 1900 who married Frank Costello and lived in Brisbane.

David John born 1909 who married Annie McDonald and lived in Herberton.

Bill born 1905 who married Molly Fitzgerald and lived in Sydney.

Paddy born 1907 who married Ellem Alma Carter and lived in Blackheath, NSW.

Bessie born 1909 who died aged 15 in Innisfail.

Kitty born 1920 who married Louis Marturia and died in 1956 at Innisfail.

Ned born 1914 who married Florence Louisa Toon and lived at Townsville.

Mick born in 1917 who died in Melbourne in1947

Biddy born 1920 who married Jim Hill and lived at Townsville.

Patricia born 1924 who married Lisha Selim Kayrooz and also lived at Townsville.

Jack was uncomfortable with urban living and was much more comfortable in the outdoors hunting, mining or prospecting. Although he found some gold, he was more successful financially in mining tin. Jack died in 1933 from tuberculosis which resulted from his mining days and is buried at Herberton.

Johanna Fitzgerald

The next of the Fitzgeralds to arrive at Thursday Island was Johanna in 1898. In 1902, she married James McGregor, a Scot, in a Catholic marriage at the house of Mary Bowers, her sister. James was a carpenter and they lived for a few years at Thursday Island before moving to Innisfail.

Johanna and James had the following children:-

Christina Isabella born 1902. She became a nun, Sister Dominic, she taught at schools in Kensington, Sydney and at Bowraville, NSW. She died in NSW in 1936.

Elizabeth Mary born 1907 who married Charles Sylvester Jones in Innisfail.

Mary Anastasia born 1911 who married Cecil Woods.

In 1915, James McGregor enlisted in the armed forces and served in Europe during WW1. (He served with his wife's nephew, Michael Howard). Following his discharge from the army, the family moved to Brisbane but James died in 1920. He had suffered from exposure to gas during the war and this was a contributory factor in his early death.

Johanna continued to live in Brisbane and she was visited by her nephew Mick Howard, his wife and daughter. She also maintained close ties with her other brothers and sisters in Australia. Johanna died in 1937 and is buried with her husband at Nundah Cemetary in Brisbane.

William Fitzgerald

William arrived in Australia in 1900. He was 27 and embarked at Thursday Island. He worked as a carpenter and later lived with his sister Margaret who arrived two years after him. He moved to Charters Towers and later lived at Geraldton where he married an Irish woman, Hannah McCarthy, in 1908.

Their children were:-

Bessie born 1909 who married Jack Magill and died in 1992.

Dave born 1910 who became a Catholic Missionary Brother and died in Sydney in 1998.

John born 1912 who married Ellen Savage and lived in Townsville, Queensland.

Ned born in 1914 who served in the RAAF in WW2.

Jimmy born 1915 who died in 1917 as a result of a kick from a horse.

Joe who married Iris.

Terry who died in 1925 aged 2 or 3 years from lead poisoning.

William Fitzgerald, the father, was a builder and taught the trade to his sons. They had a business, Fitzgerald Builders, in Innisfail and were responsible for building many houses in Innisfail, the Tablelands and Townsville. They were also involved in building the Catholic Church in Innisfail.

William wrote poems, some of which survive.

Margaret Fitzgerald

Margaret was the last of the siblings to arrive. She landed at Thursday Island in 1902. She married William Osmond Bailey, a switch board attendant, at Ravenswood in 1908. William died in 1925.

The children of William and Margaret were:-

Caroline Margaret born 1909 who married Thomas Loadman Simpson.

Osmond, Edith and David, triplets born 1913 who all died in infancy.

Dorothy Louisa who married George Herbert Fitch.

Margaret visited her sister Johanna in Innisfail where she appears in many family photographs. She died in 1950.

Other Fitzgerald Siblings

Many of the remaining eighteen Fitzgerald children died very young. Of those who survived infancy , there is the following information

Michael born in 1873 died in Ireland in 1937.

Elizabeth born in 1883 lived at Cappamore, Limerick with her nephew, John Howard. She helped to look after the children of Catherine Howard and Mick Ryan, my grandparents. There is a photograph of her with my mother and her two little brothers which dates from about 1930.

Deaths of David and Elizabeth Fitzgerald

On 13th November, 1899, Elizabeth Fitzgerald, described as a farmer's wife, died at Cappamore. Her death was reported by her husband, David Fitzgerald. Cause of death was bronchitis. Her age was given as 57 which, if correct, implies that she was born in 1842.

David Fitzgerald, widower, died on 20 November 1906 at Cappamore. His death was reported by Katie Howard, his daughter (my great grandmother). Cause of death is given as "old age". His age at death is recorded as 73 which, if correct, means that he was born in 1833. We know from the 1901 Census Returns that David was living at house no 13, Main Street, Cappamore with his daughters Alice and Elizabeth.

***

Reynolds

In 1911, Mary Reynolds, my grandmother, lived in Meelick with her parents who, as we have seen, died in the early nineteen twenties. Also in the house were Mary's brothers Martin and John (Jack), her uncle Thomas Reynolds, and Patrick Kearns, a neighbour's child who worked and lived with the Reynolds.

Patrick Kearns emigrated to America according to his sister whom I met at Meelick in 1992.

Jack Reynolds married an American, Catherine Hunt, and lived briefly in Claremorris before moving to a farm at Cloonfad (at which stage my grandparents moved into the house Jack had been renting in Mount Street). Jack and Catherine bought land at Hollymount. However, it appears that it was on a short lease. Jack's uncle Thomas Reynolds, who acted as godfather to my father, Coleman, lived with Jack and his wife.

The Reynolds moved to Mountrath, Co Laois. There are still descendants living in the local area.

Martin Reynolds, Mary's other brother, was a colourful character. He lived for a while with Jack in Cloonfad and worked periodically as a farm labourer. He drifted around the countryside, staying with relatives and friends for a few weeks at a time and moving on before he outstayed his welcome. Like the bards of centuries before, he composed songs about local and national events and sang them to his hosts. He received an acknowledgement from the White House for a song which he had composed about the John F. Kennedy visit to Ireland. A sample of his work was collected by the Department of Irish Folklore in 1938 and now forms part of its archive.

He was over-fond of drink, much to the disapproval of his sister, Mary. However, on the occasions he stayed with us when I was young, he did not drink, as far as I am aware. He liked to back horses and I remember him asking me, as a young child, to pick a horse from a list of runners in the newspaper. The experiment was not repeated so we can assume that the horse did not win.

When my brother, Sean, was a baby, Martin stayed with us briefly. Sean was crying and was being comforted by my mother. Martin offered to look after the baby as my mother went to the clothesline. As she left the kitchen, Martin was saying: "There, there. What's the matter? Who's a nice little boy". When my mother was passing the open window, she was highly amused to hear Martin say : "Will you shut up, you little bastard?"

In his later years, Martin would sometimes go into the County Home in Castlerea during the winter months and work part-time with farmers during the summer. He died in the County Home in Castlerea in January 1973. I accompanied my father, Martin's nephew, to Castlerea when he arranged for Martin's remains to be brought to Claremorris. Martin is buried in the Rushe family plot in Barnacarroll.

***

Egan

My great grandmother, Mary Egan, returned from Newfoundland and married William Reynolds in 1895. The Egans lived at Ballagheaguag, Co Galway, not far from the Reynolds household.

Mary had a brother, Denis, who also returned from Newfoundland to get married to Margaret Cuffe. They married on 8 February 1895, a few weeks before Mary Egan's wedding. Denis and Margaret had three children Martin (1896), Denis (1897) and Mary Ellen (1899). Mary Cuffe, Margaret's mother also lived with them. The father, Denis seems to have died in 1899 and Margaret was remarried to Patrick Kenny by the 1901 Census date. She and Kenny had no children and he died in the first decade of the new century.

The house where they lived is still in use, having been refurbished and extended.

***

McManus

Following the death of their parents during the 1840s, the three young McManus children, John, Robert and Anne were cared for by their uncle, John McManus and his wife, Bridget at Derramacoffin.

Anne did not marry. Robert had two children. One of the them, named John, has five grandchildren who live in the London area today and one, Terence, who is the only direct descendant of the three "original brothers", still lives at Fenagh. Robert's second son, Edward, lived at Cloone, Leitrim and his three children emigrated and settled in Southport, Lancashire.

As we have seen, the other sibling "Fenaghbeg John" married Mary McManus. John and Mary had nine children. Their second son, named John after his father, moved to Manchester and married Margaret Lee. The fate of the seven other children of "Fenaghbeg John" and Mary McManus was as follows:-

James (1876 - 1951). He emigrated to the USA and married Katherine McGowan (1882 - 1957). They had four children, James (1905 - 1951), John (1909 - 1977), Tom (1912 - 1966) and Edward (1910 - 1988). There was at least one grandchild of James, also named James McManus, living in the USA as recently as the 1990s. He kept in touch with Mollie McManus in Manchester and he wrote down some details of the family which he sent to Mollie to be forwarded to me. Unfortunately, I have no address for him.

Annie McManus, born 1878, became a nun in the USA.

Catherine (Kate), born 1881, also became a nun in the USA.

Edward, born 1883, married Mary Collins from Galway and may have settled in England. They had two children, May and Austin.

Robert, born 1885, stayed in the home place for a time. He was still there in 1911 (per the Census).

Ellen (Ellie), born 1888, married Michael Baxter and lived at Fenaghbeg for the rest of her life. She and Michael had no children. After they died, the house became derelict.

Elizabeth, born 1890, went to England and didn't marry.

Mary, born 1894, was still at home aged 17 in 1911. She remained in Ireland.

***

Ryan

My grandmother Catherine Ryan (formerly Howard) died in the late fifties and her husband Michael passed away in 1968. I was doing my Leaving Certificate Exams in June and the weather was very hot. My grandfather sent me a note to wish me luck and enclosed ten shillings "to buy lemonade" to quench my thirst during exams. Sadly, by the time the results came out in August, he had passed away.

My mother's siblings were Johnny, Margaret, Nellie, Mike Joe and Philomena.

Johnny went to England to work as driver of heavy machinery for the building trade. He met and married Mary Rushe, my father's sister, who had also emigrated after working in a hotel in Claremorris. They settled in Chatham, Kent where Mary still lives and brought up three children Michael, Kevin and Maureen. Kevin and Maureen now have children of their own and Michael was ordained as a priest in 1997.

Margaret and Nellie Ryan left home as teenagers to join the Sisters of Mercy in Derby and both became teaching nuns in the English midlands. Margaret was head of St. John Fisher's School in Derby for a long period before her retirement. She moved to the parish of Nottingham where she did parochial work before her death in 2002. She was energetic and approached all aspects of life with enthusiasm. She was particularly passionate about music and singing. The level of respect in which she was held was demonstrated by the massive attendance at her funeral and particularly by the tributes paid to her by many anonymous individuals who approached the family to voice their appreciation for many unspecified acts of kindness.

Nellie also taught until her retirement. Quieter and more serene than Margaret, she showed a particular aptitude for sewing and handcrafts which she passed on the generations of pupils. She now lives and carries out pastoral duties in Derby.

Both nuns showed great kindness to their various nieces and nephews who were not forgotten at Christmas and birthdays.

Mike Joe remained at home and worked in Cappamore Creamery with his father Michael. His main pastime was the breeding of greyhounds and this passion was shared by his friend Joseph Gorman, in whose family home his father Michael Ryan had been brought up many years before. Mike Joe died in 1978.

Philomena, the youngest, married Paschal O'Connell and they live at Cloughready in Tipperery. They had four children and now have grandchildren also.

***

Mulcahy and Ryan - Philadelphia

As we have seen, the siblings of my grandfather, Mick Ryan, emigrated to Philadelphia to join their mother's siblings, the Mulcahys.

As mentioned earlier, when Patrick Ryan left Cappamore for America in 1903, the ship's manifest recorded that he was going to join his uncle, James Mulcahy, in Philadelphia. James and Johanna Mulcahy had sailed on the Teutonic from Queenstown, Cork and arrived in the USA on 9th March 1892. Johanna correctly gave her age as 20. James was only 15 but claimed that he was 18, presumably because it would have been illegal for a minor to enter the country without an accompanying parent. I cannot establish when Katie Mulcahy, their sister, emigrated. We do not know why they travelled to Philadelphia. It is possible that some friends or relatives had already settled there.

In 1899, Kate Mulcahy married John Wixted in Philadelphia. I have verified this on the marriage register. Sometime before 1895, Johanna Mulcahy married Patrick Wixted, who was a brother of John.

In 1900, both couples were living at the same address, 1819 Sheradin Street. Johanna had two small children. Living with them was James Mulcahy, then aged 22. James and both of the Wixted brothers were working as moulders.

By 1905, James Mulcahy had moved to 1614, N. Hutchinson Street nearby, as shown in a Trade Directory. In 1909, he married Mary Fitzgibbon and, from then onwards, lived with her and her elderly father at 446 St Paul Street.

In 1910, Johanna and her husband Patrick Wixted and their three children lived at 2136 Darien Street. Patrick was still a moulder at the iron foundry. A few streets away, at 1840 Marshal Street, Kate and John Wixted lived with their four small children. They had a lodger, Patrick Ryan, Kate's nephew who, as we have seen, had arrived in the USA in 1903. Patrick was working as a woodworker while John was a moulder at the iron foundry.

In September 1913, Patrick Ryan married Mary Hughes who originally came from Ballyclosh, County Antrim. They set up home at 1838 Judson Street and started a family. Patrick was interviewed by the WW1 Draft Registration people on 6th June 1917. He confirmed that he was born in Cappamore on 17th August 1886, that he had a wife and two children and was employed as a woodworker with Henry H Sheip and Co. at Columbia Avenue. (This company manufactured cast iron and a number of woodworkers were employed to make the moulds into which the iron was poured for casting. These men were also known as moulders.)

John Wixted was also interviewed for the Draft. He was now living with wife Catherine (Katie) at 2456 Leithgow Street, gave his date of birth as 10th May 1874 and worked as a moulder with Philadelphia Hardware and Malleable Ironworks.

When the 1920 Census was carried out, John Wixted and Kate (Mulcahy) and their five children were living at Leithgow Street. John still worked as a moulder.

Patrick Ryan lived nearby at 1834 Judson Street with his wife Mary and two children, Mary aged 5 and Edward aged 2. James Ryan, who had arrived in 1911, was living with them also. Pat is described as a carpenter and James was employed as a clerk at the iron foundry. Meanwhile, Johanna and her husband Patrick Wixted were also living close by at Eight Street. Pat continued to work as a moulder at the iron foundry. Two children were still at home. Mary, aged 21, worked as a book-keeper with a fire insurance company and James, aged 18, was a printer with a publisher.

The 1930 Census shows Johanna and Patrick Wixted still lived with adult children Mary and James at 6961 Ogontz Avenue. Kate and John Wixted lived with their five adult children between the ages of 21 and 28 at 2021 N Ninth Street. All the children were in employment.

James and Mary Mulcahy still lived at 446 St Paul Street and James, aged 54, continued to work as a moulder.

Patrick and Mary Ryan (Hughes) lived at 2011 N Lambert Street with four children. Mary aged 16, Edward aged 12, Catherine aged 10 and Margaret aged 9. James Ryan, Patrick's brother, continued to live with them. He was now a shipping clerk in the iron foundry.

On 22nd April 1942, Patrick Ryan, then aged 55, was again interviewed by the Draft Registration authorities due to the involvement of the USA in WW2. He was now living at 2227 Fountain Street with Mary, his wife. He was unemployed. His last employer had been Henry H. Sheip and Co.

***

Fate of the Ryans

Patrick Ryan

As we have seen, Patrick married Mary Hughes from Antrim. They had four children, Mary, Edward, Catherine and Margaret. A photograph, taken in the late 1930s, shows Mary Ryan (known as Mame) and her sister Catherine (Cassie) who was about six years her junior. These young women are first cousins of the Ryan-Howards of Cappamore. They were photographed at a graduation with a male cousin.

Mary Ryan

Mary arrived in Philadelphia in 1906 to join Patrick and to work as a servant. There are at least three Irish-born Mary Ryans living in PhiladelphiaI in 1910 who match Mary's age. I have been unable to identify her or to trace her movements since then.

Bridget Ryan

Bridget arrived in Philadelphia in 1908 to find work as a servant. The 1910 Census lists a Bridget Ryan who arrived from Ireland in 1908. Her age also matches Bridget from Drumsally. She was a servant girl with H. Lloyd Howell and his family in Lower Merrion, Montgomery, Pennsylvania which is close to Philadelphia. I can find no subsequent trace of Bridget.

James Ryan

When he arrived in 1911, James went to live with his brother Patrick and his wife Mary. He was still living with them in 1930.

John Ryan

I have been unable to trace John, the youngest of the Ryan family. A John Ryan died in Philadelphia in July 1969 aged 71 years. He had lived in the part of the city where the Ryans, Mulcahys and Wixteds all lived. I cannot establish whether he is the John Ryan who left Drumsally and can find no trace of him in earlier records.

As mentioned earlier, John was living with his grandmother and his uncle Mick Ryan at Drumsally in 1911. A large number of people named John Ryan left Limerick for the USA during the following decades but the name is so common that it makes tracing difficult.

His other uncle, Edmond Ryan, who was living in the Drumsally house in 1901, had left by 1910. He was aged 21 on the 1901 Census. An Edmond Ryan, aged 23, from Cappamore arrived in the USA on 15th May 1903 on his way to join his sister Bridget at 281 Provident Street, Brooklyn. He married in 1906 and, when the 1910 Census was carried out, he was living at 448 Pelham Street in the Bronx, New York with his wife, Mary and their two children. If this is the Edmond Ryan who lived in Drumsally, as seems highly likely, it follows that Pat Ryan, my great-grandfather, who married Margaret Mulcahy, also had a sister named Bridget who emigrated to New York.

I do not yet know when Mick Ryan's grandmother died. She was listed as 75 years old in 1911. She was living with her son, Michael, who was then aged 40. He was single.

Note.

The various addresses in Philadelphia mentioned above are all located within one neighbourhood.

***

Ansbro

Thomas Ansbro, who left Mayo before 1900, had a few brothers and sisters. We do not know what became of all of them.

Martin and John remained in the home place. When they passed away, the farm was offered for sale to any member of the family who might be interested. In the absence of a taker, it was sold and the proceeds distributed among the surviving siblings.

According to Pearse Ansbro, my father in law, James Ansbro, the eldest of his father's brothers, moved to Liverpool. I examined the 1901 Census for Liverpool and the only James Ansbro is a 33 year old man of Irish birth. He was living with his Irish born wife Mary and a young son named Martin. I located their marriage details and discovered that James Ansbro married Mary Kennedy at Balla, County Mayo on 30th November 1899. The certificate confirms that John Ansbro was the father of James, who was baptised at Balla on 8th Dec 1866.

James and Mary lived at Cubbin Street, Kirkdale, LIverpool when the 1901 Census was compiled. Their first child, Martin was born in 1900 and he was followed by John Patrick in 1904, Joseph Michael in 1906 and James Gerard in 1908.

The eldest son, Martin, died in 1910. By then, the family lived at 122 Latimer Street, not far from Cubbin Street, and James worked as a builder's labourer. Two of the sons, John Patrick and James Gerard later emigrated to the USA and lived in the Washington, Oregon area where they raised families.

As we have seen, Thomas Ansbro raised a family in Manchester, England. His children were Pearse, my father in law, John, Gerard, Rose, Kitt, Tom and David.

John, who became a bank manager, married Peggy. They had two children.

Gerard, who was unmarried, also became a bank manager in Manchester. He lost a leg in an accident while still young.

He developed a great interest in his Irish heritage. He joined the Gaelic League in order to learn the Irish language and was involved in organisations and activities which were forging links between the Irish community in Manchester and Ireland. He was heavily involved in fund-raising to set up the museum at the birthplace on Michael Davitt, the founder of the Land League, in Straide, County Mayo.

David married Kathleen and they had children and grandchildren.

Tom Ansbro married Margaret. They had no family and lived in their later years in the Birmingham area.

Rose and Kit were unmarried and lived with their brother Gerard.

Pearse Ansbro passed away on 1994 after a spell of illness. His wife Kay, aged 93, died in Blackrock, County Louth in February 2008. In her later years, she alternated between the homes of her daughters in Ireland and England.

Pearse and Kay were buried in Manchester.

***

ETHNOANCESTRY

Background.

As a result of my interest in genealogy, I was aware of advances made in recent years in the usage of DNA profiling to build up a picture of where our distant ancestors came from. My curiosity was intensified when I watched the TV documentary "Blood Of The Irish" on RTE.

As a 60th birthday present, Stephen, Kathryn, Michele and Bridget arranged for me to have a DNA saliva test in order to clarify my genetic profile.

The Test.

The test identifies the paternal lineage by examining the Y-Chromosome which is transferred from father to son through countless generations. Subtle changes or markers take place in the DNA and these are then passed down. The markers on the chromosome are analysed so that my results can be compared to others. This enables us to identify which historic cluster I come from and even possibly to find genetic matches i.e. other people who have a genetic profile similar to mine. For example, close male relatives such as my father, brothers or son will have an identical DNA signature to mine i.e. all our markers will be the same. More distant ancestors will differ on some markers - the level of difference can indicate how far back we have to go before finding a common male ancestor.

The original ancestors of all the people on earth migrated out of Africa about 65,000 years ago and eventually settled in various parts of the world. As they adapted to their environment, their genes changed slightly in various ways. As a result of these changes, groups of people with similar genetic characteristics can be identified. These are known as haplogroups. People have been tested all over the world in order to identify the frequency and dispersal of these haplogroups. As more test results like mine are added to databases, a clearer picture will emerge.

What did the test reveal?

We Rushes are descended from the original settlers who arrived in Ireland 10,000 years ago. Before we get too carried away, we should realise that 75% of the Irish population has a similar origin. This R1b haplogroup, which is also known as the Pretani or the Artisans, is prevalent in western Europe and becomes more frequent as you get further west. They comprise about 2% of the Turkish people and this increases to 50% in central Europe. The average in Ireland is 75% but this gets as high as 98% along the west coast. This is explained by the fact that, as other waves of emigration arrived from the east, the percentage of the original Irish in the population is gradually reduced.

DNA tracking shows that our ancient ancestors moved north from the Rift valley in east Africa until they reached the Mediterranean and then slowly spread east to Arabia and onward towards the Indian Ocean. Some of our ancestors remained in the orient and there are still clusters of people in Western China, India and Russia who have a similar DNA imprint to ours, i.e. we share a common ancestor. Our haplogroup spread to the west towards Europe and, as they evolved and became more sophisticated, developed flint tools and were among the first to wear beads and jewellery.

During the Ice Age, they took refuge in caves in the south of France and in Spain and they are responsible for the cave paintings which have been discovered in these areas. When the ice receded, they gradually moved north and repopulated western Europe.

The Irish

The first people arrived in Ireland only 10,000 years ago. Many people now living in Ireland are descended from these first settlers. Obviously, others are descended from vikings, Normans, Scots, English and from later immigrants. It was thought that the original Irish were Celts who came here from Wales or Scotland. The earliest manuscripts claimed that the Irish were known as Milesians and came by sea from Spain but this was regarded as myth. Archaeological discoveries have now revealed that Ireland was settled in pre-celtic times i.e. long before the Celts arrived and the connection with Spain is supported by the DNA evidence.

Apart from the west coast of Ireland, the only other location where Pretani/Artisans comprise 98% of the population is the Basque coastline in northern Spain. It has often been remarked that Irish people on the west coast have a dark-skinned Spanish appearance and this was attributed to survivors from the Spanish Armada who "went native". However, all the historical evidence suggests that the Armada survivors who came ashore were either massacred or rescued and returned to Spain.

Interestingly, Spanish people point out that some natives of the Basque country have Irish facial features. There are remarkable images of such people on the Blood Of The Irish DVD. There is also a local Basque tradition that some of their earliest ancestors sailed away to an unknown land in the north.

DNA testing now shows that many Irish people with distinctly Spanish features had ancestors here for thousands of years before the Armada. It is now thought that the people who originally settled in Ireland are most likely to have come here by boat from the north of Spain rather than from England or Scotland. This would explain the very high proliferation of similar DNA profiles in both locations.

To summarise, the DNA evidence suggests that we are directly descended from the earliest settlers in Ireland who probably arrived by sea from northern Spain about 10,000 years ago.

Where do we go from here?

It is possible to submit the results of a DNA test to a number of database websites so that people with similarities in their profiles can get in touch with one another to explore their family histories with a view to finding a common ancestor. I have already provided the data to some such databases.

I have been contacted by one man with similar readings to mine. He has German ancestors but we were unable to establish any connection between our families.

More interestingly, I am in contact with an Eric Rush, who is a geneticist at the University of Nebraska and with whom I share many DNA markers. Our surnames lends credence to the likelihood that we have a common ancestor within the last five or six generations. The earliest ancestor whom he can reliably trace is Noah Rush who was born in North Carolina in 1818. Noah's father was also born in North Carolina around 1780. Noah Rush died in Kansas. Rumours about Eric Rush's family origins have passed down through the generations. Some of the family think that they came from England in the mid 17th-century but others, including Eric and his father, believed that originated in Ireland in the late 18th-century. The fact that the family have been Catholic lends further credence to the Irish connection.

The DNA evidence together with the almost identical surnames seem to confirm that I and Eric have a common ancestor about five or six generations ago. We have as yet been unable to find historical records to prove this. As more DNA results are added to databases and more genealogical records become available, it may be possible to identify this ancestor and to find other "distant cousins".

***

Links

Photographs relating to this book can be viewed at: http://tinyurl.com/ntubd3v

Rushe/Ansbro Family Tree can be viewed at: http://colmanrushe.myheritage.com

Colman Rushe - Facebook: http://facebook.com/colmanrushespain

Colman Rushe - Smashwords: http://smashwords.com/profile/view/ColmanR

BIBLIOGRAPHY

Hall,Mr. & Mrs.S.C., Hall's Ireland (1841).

Hardiman,James, The History of Galway (1820).

Waldron,Jarlath, Maamtrasna-The Murders and The Mystery (1992).

O'Dowd,P. and Lawlor,B., Galway...heart of the West (1991).

Morton,H.V., In Search of Ireland (1930).

Hamrock,Ivor, The Famine in Mayo (1998).

Maddox,Brenda, Nora - A biography of Nora Joyce (1988).

Morash,Chris and Hayes,Richard, Fearful Realities - New Perspectives on the Famine (1996).

O'Hara,Bernard, Mayo - Aspects of its Heritage (1982).

Dickson,David, Arctic Ireland (1997).

Pakenham,Thomas, The Year of Liberty (1972).

Moody,T.W. and Martin,F.X., The Course of Irish History (1967).

Hayes,Richard, The Last Invasion Of Ireland (1937).

Engels,Friedrich, The Condition of the Working Class in England (1845).

NiCheanainn,Aine, The Heritage of Mayo (1982).

Carr,Peter, The Night of the Big Wind (1993).

McDonnell-Garvey,Maire, Mid Connaught - The Ancient Territory of Sliabh Lugha (1995).

Gillespie,R. and Moran,G., A Various Country - Essays in Mayo History (1987).

MacLysaght,Edward, The Surnames of Ireland (1957).

Dunphy,Eamonn, A Strange Kind of Glory (1991).

Groarke,Vona, Flight (2002).

O'Dowd,Peadar, Vanishing Galway (1987).

O'Dowd,Peadar, Down by the Claddagh (1993).

Semple,Maurice, Some Galway Memories (1969).

Frow,Edmund and Ruth, Essays on the Irish in Manchester (1991).

Douglas,Ken, The Downfall of the Spanish Armada in Ireland (2009).

DVD

Blood of the Irish - Who Are The Irish And Where Did They Come From? Produced and Directed by Brian Hayes for Crossing The Line Films(2010).

