[Tanya Rollins] Good morning!
Welcome to the 3rd year of our Disproportionality Webinar Series.
We're being joined today by Dr. Leonard Moore with the University of Texas
I'm going to tell you a little bit more about Dr. Moore in just a moment.
But before I do that, let me go ahead and give you some logistical information.
Your audio is muted. Please use the question and answer feature to ask questions, answer questions or just speak your truth.
No later than Saturday February 16th you will receive an email with instructions on how to receive credit for this webinar.
If you are not actually online and you are only on the phone, you will not receive an email nor will I be able to give you credit for attending the webinar
because the system doesn't recognize that you have attended.
Once again, this will be an interactive webinar. Dr. Moore is anxious for all of your questions today
and we are lucky, very lucky to have Dr. Moore speaking with us today. As you read when you saw the invite, his bio is extensive,  very impressive.
So the fact that he is taking time out of his schedule today to join us, we are very blessed this Black History Month.
A little bit about Dr. Moore before he begins his presentation,
Dr. Leonard Moore is the Vice President for Diversity and Community Engagement and the George Littlefield Professor of American History at the University of Texas at Austin.
He is a native of Cleveland, Ohio earning his BA from Jackson State University in 1993 and his PhD from The Ohio State University in 1998.
He was a history professor at Louisiana State University from 1998 to 2007,
where he also directed the African and African American Studies Program and the Pre-Doctoral Scholar’s Institute.
He has been at the University of Texas at Austin since 2007 and was made permanent Vice President on June 13, 2018 after serving as interim for a year.
My understanding is that students are loving his class and clamoring to get into his classes. And so today we get a lesson for free.
And we always love that.
With his background, we thought he was the perfect person to have this conversation around Black History Month and black migration
and how black migration has taken us into essentially this particular era.
So, Dr. Leonard Moore: How the Great Migration Shaped Black Lives and Transformed America. I will turn it over to you to begin the discussion.
[Dr. Moore] Thank you so much. I hope everybody's doing okay. This is my first time doing a webinar. So this will be a new experience for me.
Yes, I want to talk about the great migration a bit. And just to be clear,
what I'm talking about is the migration of black folks from the South, primarily the rural South,
to the industrial northeast and midwest and then later on to the west coast. And so you had one great migration that occurred
around the time of World War 1 from 1919 to 1930 then another great migration that occurred during the period around World War 2
let's say roughly from about 1945 to about 1965. And both of these migrations, as I say in the title, shaped black lives and transformed America.
When we talk about the great migration we got to remember that at the end of the civil war, over 80 to 90% of all black folks lived in rural South;
you know, formerly enslaved African, small percentage of free blacks.
But after the Civil War and after the Reconstruction period Jim Crow was ushered in around mid 1870s.
One historian called the period between 1870 and 1915 the nadir or the lowest point of African American life.
After the Civil War African Americans make some gains. We get 3 vital amendments; the 13th Amendment which abolished slavery,
the 14th Amendment which granted black folks citizenship and then the 15th Amendment which, at the time, gave African American males the right to vote.
Of course women didn't vote until later on. So you had this period of optimism after the Civil War.
Black folks are running for office there. You have some as Senators, some in Congress, some are serving in Congress largely because the
Union Army was still in control even in the south after the Civil War.
However, the south comes up with something they call Jim Crow, which is legalized segregation and legalized separation.
1877 election, the Presidency of Rutherford B. Hayes, there's a compromise.
What basically northern politicians decide to do, if the south gives them (inaudible) of the presidential elections then the north basically said
we will let white southerners handle their own business. So from roughly 1877 to roughly 1954
federal government, and northerners in particular, basically allow white southerners to handle their own racial problems.
We talk about Jim Crow, you're talking about legalized segregation and that was necessary because black folks needed to constantly be reminded that they were inferior or
indeed not a part of American democracy. So you segregate the bathrooms, you segregate the schools, you segregate the buses, you segregate every facet of American life, even cemeteries.
So, again, black people know that they are inherently inferior and not equals to whites. Now what's interesting about this
is that you don't need segregation or Jim Crow during the institution of slavery. There was no need for black people to,
need to be constantly reminded that they were inferior because they were owned so that's why Jim Crow pops up because white southerners have to have a way to maintain,
initially, psychological control over all these black folks in the south. Also during Jim Crow, another component to Jim Crow, of course black folks weren't allowed to vote.
Convict leasing, we understand that in the south they didn't really build prisons.
If you were an African American and were convicted of a crime you were leased out to a plantation sometimes at a very low cost. Let me talk about this for a minute.
Convict leasing, as it was called, was a model that worked. If I'm the governor of Mississippi I don't want to spend a whole lot of money building a prison to house African Americans. Instead, what I'll do,
I'll rig the judicial system and I will convict them for petty crimes. And instead of them going to prison, I would lease them out to a land owner to get them back on the plantation.
If you've seen the documentary 13, they talk about that briefly. So that is the beginning of the prison industrial complex.
But you also have other components such as sharecropping where black people were perpetually in debt. Sharecropping was a system where
black folks coming out of slavery didn't own the land, they worked the land, they rented the land and whenever the crop came in at the end of the year
they would total up with the land owner and the goal was that they would make some profit at the end of the year. But sharecropping was a system where they never got out of debt
and they had to maintain on that piece of property until they paid off the landowner. And of course lynching, probably the most troubling of all aspects of Jim Crow.
Lynching is nothing more than mass sanctioned murder. In a quick google search, if you google lynching photography, believe me you will see more lynching photographs than you could stomach.
Alright, so now World War 1 rolls around and black folk do not like the conditions in the south. So World War 1 rolls around, white men are all fighting and so what you have in the north now, you have a labor shortage.
White men drafted to the military going to fight in World War 1. But now what you need, you need men to work in industry.
Many of you all know that whenever the U.S. went to war, some industries would convert to wartime production. I'll just give an example.
If you were Levi-Strauss, instead of you making jeans for the general public, you would make military uniforms.
If you were a food manufacturer, instead of making food for grocery stores, you would make food for the military.
Boeing Airplane, that's a later development during World War 2, they would stop making planes for the general public and they would make planes for the military.
So you have all these factories now that need workers so many white business owners would come to the south. They would take out ads
and ask the American newspapers. They would recruit African Americans to go from the south to the north to work.
Now understand this, if you were living in Greenwood, Mississippi you may make a dollar a day picking cotton.
But imagine seeing an ad somewhere or going to your church and somebody telling you 'Well if you come to Chicago, Cleveland or Detroit, you can make 10, 20 dollars a week.
So understand, a lot of black folk went north again chasing jobs. But check this out. If you are a white southern landowner, you probably wouldn't get too excited about seeing all these black folk leave because that is your labor force.
Right before World War and World War 2, during those periods, white southerners tried a variety of methods to keep black people in the south.
One way they did it (inaudible) is through laws. They would say 'Well you can't leave the county if you owe somebody money'. And since many of these folks were sharecropping  they had to stay there until they paid off their debt.
Another way they kept people from leaving was through intimidation. Sometimes they would tell the husband 'I heard you trying to go to Chicago.
If you go to Chicago, I'm gonna kick your family off the land the day you leave'. And the 3rd way they kept black folks in the south was through violence.
There are times where whites would show up at train stations with guns in their hand forcing black people off trains and forcing them back to their rural areas to get back in the field.
So even when black folk wanted to leave, there were things in place that kept them there. When we talk about the great migration around World War 1 you're talking about 1 million black people;
1 million black people leaving Texas, Louisiana, Mississippi, Alabama, Florida, Arkansas, South Carolina, North Carolina, Tennessee
and I'm probably missing 1 or 2 states, but the deep south states. That's where they are leaving and they are going to Milwaukee Wisconsin, Chicago Illinois, Detroit Michigan, Gary Indiana, Cleveland Ohio, New York City, Boston, Philadelphia.
That is primarily where they're going around time of World War 1. Now, if any of y'all ever been to north, you may see a church that says 'Greater Mount Zion Baptist Church' or 'Second Baptist Church'.
Often that was a result of, I'm using the Greenwood, Mississippi example, if I'm a pastor of Greenwood Mississippi and I'm pastoring Mount Zion Baptist Church in Greenwood Mississippi,
if I see my congregation going to Chicago, Cleveland, Detroit, I got two choices; I can stay there and have nobody to pastor or I can follow my congregation up north and that's what a lot of pastors did.
So you may see, it may say Greater Mount Zion Baptist Church number 2 Chicago Illinois, but the original church will be in Mississippi, Louisiana or Alabama.
And that just shows you how things operate.  The way a lot of black southerners communicate with people up north was through African American newspapers.
This is where many white business owners would take out ads at black-owned newspapers. That's how they would know about all the opportunities to work in Cleveland, Detroit, Chicago, Milwaukee, Gary Indiana, whatever, things of that nature.
That is the Great Migration number 1. Prior to the Great Migration, many of these northern cities had a population 1, 2, 3 percent African American prior to the great migration during World War 1.
After World War 1 these cities would be roughly 10 percent black. Cleveland, Detroit, Chicago going to be roughly 10 percent black after World War 1 so still a very, very small population.
Many of these folks who migrated around the time of World War 1 talked about how much they enjoyed being in the north. They, in many ways, called it 'The Promised Land'.
All right. Now let's get to World War 2. The World War 2 piece is critical because this is what explains the modern-day ghetto. It explains the hood. It explains in many ways a lot of the conditions we see today. I tell my students all the time that
the present is a product of the past. World War 2 opens up in 1941. So again, you have this desire for jobs. But between 1941 and 1965, what will make this migration different, you've got 3 million black folk leaving.
You have 3 million black folk leaving in a roughly two decade period. They go to Boston, New York, Cleveland, Chicago, Detroit, Milwaukee, Gary, St. Louis, places like that, Minneapolis.
But what makes the World War 2 migration interesting is that now they start to go to the west coast in large numbers; Los Angeles, Oakland, San Francisco, Seattle and Portland.
A lot of the folks who went to California; Texas. Texas had a strong migration to California because of the weather and it was just a straight shot from Texas to California.
Also, the big area; Oakland, San Francisco and also Seattle, so that's what will make the 2nd Great Migration much bigger because people are now migrating to California.
So you got 3 million black folks fleeing. They are fleeing lynching, can't vote, all that kind of stuff. But here is what is different; when they got to the north, unlike their counterparts during World War 1,
they encountered significant issues of racism in 4 areas. Number 1: police brutality. Number 2: education. Number 3: employment. And number 4: housing.
Those are the 4 issues; police brutality, education, employment and housing.
And that was 50, 60, 70 years ago. These are the 4 issues black folk still deal with today. So let's deal with one initially.  Let's deal with housing initially.
When black folks migrated to the north during World War 2 they were not allowed to move to white areas.
They were not allowed to move to white areas so what you had were black folks going into already overcrowded black communities.
What was created over time were ghetto-like conditions. This is when you start to see housing projects being built; 15, 16, 17 story housing projects.
They begin to just warehouse black people because they were not allowed to move to white-owned areas. Now, you're asking how come they weren't allowed to move to white-owned areas. I'm glad you asked.
Number 1: bank redlining. Many banks had policies. They would not give loans to African Americans to move to white areas.
And the phrase "redlining" is significant because what many bankers did, they would draw a red line around black areas of the city
and they would tell loan officers if anybody applies for a loan from these zip codes, you immediately deny it. No matter the work history, credit report, how much money they had, you immediately deny it.
Number 1: black folks were not allowed to purchase homes in previously white areas. Number 2: there were some communities that passed laws that said we will have no public transportation in our community.
So again, that keeps people out. Other municipalities said that you are not allowed to have more than two generations of the same family living in the house.
How does that impact us? Often, we'll have a grandparent living with us. That was against the law in some places. A lot of these laws just kept black people in rigidly confined all-black areas.
Housing was the 1st issue. The 2nd issue: police brutality.
[Tanya] I'm going to stop you real quick Dr. Moore. Folks, remember that you can ask questions using the question and answer field.
[Dr. Moore] We can make it interactive if that's what you want to do.
[Tanya] Well, we're going to go back and forth. [Dr. Moore] Okay. That's fine. [Tanya] With housing, how does that... that housing... that redlining aspect, which I think most of our viewers and listeners may have heard of at one particular point in time,
has that actually taken us to some of our wealth gap that exists today? [Dr. Moore] Absolutely. [Tanya] And that still impact black families and definitely impact
the families that are being served by human service organizations. [Dr. Moore] Are most your listeners from the state of Texas? [Tanya] Yes. [Dr. Moore] I'll use a Dallas example.
I don't know if anybody has ever been in the Highland Park neighborhood in Dallas. It's right around SMU. If you've ever been on the North Dallas Tollway
it's that community about five minutes outside of downtown where it has the sound barriers up. That's how you know it's a wealthy community, when they have sound barriers.
Let's take for example, let's say 1950, my mom went to buy a house in Highland Park, Texas. Let's say that that house in Highland Park in 1950 cost $80,000.
Alright, let's say they were not allowed to buy there and they were told, 'Well, you got to go to Oak Cliff or somewhere in south Dallas to buy a house.'
Let's say the house we bought in Oak Cliff was worth $20,000.
[Pause]
That house up in Highland Park that somebody bought for $80,000 in 1950 right now may be worth about 2.2 million dollars.
That house in Oak Cliff that was bought for $20,000 in 1950 may be worth, max, $300,000. So you're talking about a significant wealth gap.
And in America most people initially get their wealth through property. Chris Rock tells the joke. He says at one point him, Jay-Z and Mary J Blige all lived in the same cul-de-sac in New Jersey.
And there was one white guy there and he was a dentist. And he was just talking about how all them were millionaires but their white neighbor was a dentist.
I think a lot of black middle-class people see that very well-educated physicians, attorneys, professionals, engineers, blah, blah, blah, you know double income, making great money
but sometimes our white neighbors have no education, you know. I mean you may live next to someone who is a librarian and maybe a state trooper
and you're wondering, 'Well, how did they afford a house for $400,000 or $500,000?' The issue is a lot of them inherited wealth from parents and a lot of wealth in America is initially generated through real estate.
The real estate wealth helps people start businesses, real estate wealth, it means you can leverage it. You know what I mean. That is a great question you asked about that the wealth gap and a lot of it goes back to a redlining.
[Tanya] How does that tie into the current day conversation around gentrification? [Dr. Moore] It's a good thing you asked that and we're seeing gentrification in Dallas now, parts of Houston and of course Austin.
It is all connected. Here's what I remind people: folks who live in inner cities have always demanded an improvement in city services. They want better schools, better police protection, infrastructure. They never got it.
However, when developers want to come in and buy the land they are guaranteed; 'Well, if you do this, we will build the infrastructure. If you do this, we will make sure.' I've seen school districts manipulate boundaries
to make sure that parents moving into gentrified areas, that their kids are able to go to school by themselves and they won't have to interact with the general,
with everybody else in a neighborhood. I've seen all kinds of stuff like that. Yeah, so it's very well, very much so connected. [Tanya] Wow. What's interesting is I've actually heard of what you just said occurring here in Austin
in the recent months as well. [Dr. Moore] Let me give you a story. You know where that Mueller development is in Austin? [Tanya] I do. [Dr. Moore] Me and my wife moved here in 2007. We went looking at some houses in Mueller. For those who aren't familiar, Mueller is about
a mile from UT campus. It's the old site of the old Austin Airport. And we just went there, looked at some houses, we got on their mailing list because they were building there and we got an email. And it said 'Come out and meet the School Superintendent'.
These parents had enough social capital to get the School Superintendent to come to somebody's house on a Sunday afternoon to meet with prospective home homebuyers.
Assuring them that if you all move here, you all will have your own elementary school. [Pause] Yes.
[Tanya] Those of you out there in virtual land cannot see my face as I'm extremely shocked by the possibility that this all ties together. [Dr. Moore] Absolutely.
[Tanya] And the power that is there through, basically, coming through the practices from World War 2, after World War 2. Amazing.
[Tanya] We have a question for you from Lori who says, "What is meant by sound barrier?'
[Dr. Moore] Sound barrier is if you're on the highway or the tollway with the big walls, it's basically wealthy communities have the social capital to say,
this highway is making too much noise we want you to put up, those are sound barriers. It's not just so people can't see in their backyard. It's to keep the sound out.
But, you typically only see those around wealthy areas. [Laughter] [Tanya] So I would say that if you live in the Austin area and you're driving down Mopac and wondering why the construction won't stop
it won't stop because people want sound barriers built along the Clarksville, I cannot remember that other neighborhood, but along that line. [Dr. Moore] West Austin. [Tanya] West Austin. [Dr. Moore] Absolutely. [Tanya] Yes.
Thank you very much! Let's see, we have another one. They also call it a sound wall. Paul Bugsby says, 'They just built some on Mopac.' [Laughter]
Moessa, I hope I'm saying the name right, 'Do you believe that tax is used to keep African Americans in the south during the Great Migration are embedded in the current social service system? If so, give examples.
[Dr. Moore] Let me explain a bit. No. I mean, I need to understand the question a little bit more, I'm sorry. [Tanya] Alright. Can you send an elaboration for that, please?
[Silence]
I'm thinking what you may be asking is those tactics of violence, coercion that Dr. Moore mentioned earlier,
[Silence]
does he believe that those are currently being used in our social service system? I think that's what she's asking.
Are we using, still using some of those same tactics that were used to keep African Americans in the south that you mentioned earlier?
Are we still using those?
Alright.
[Silence]
She just said yes.
[Laughter]
So, how are those, I'm going to reword that a little bit Ms. Allen, how are those tactics embedded into our systems through institutional racism?
Are we still holding black people down in our system and can those tactics from then be compared to the tactics today? [Dr. Moore] No.
No, I wouldn't draw a parallel. She may draw a parallel. I wouldn't draw a parallel between the two. Alright.
[Laughter] I mean I think there was a economic need, economic motive, to keep black folks in the south. I think if black folk wanted to leave now, I don't think anybody will be trying to keep them there.
I think there was a need; 'we got these large pieces of land, this cotton gotta be picked, and all that kind of stuff, you all can't leave.' So I wouldn't make a connection between the two. Okay.
[Tanya] With that you were going on to your next...[Dr. Moore] Let me talk about police brutality.
The reason police brutality is such a big issue now in the black community, because it's the one issue that; police brutality I would argue is the only issue that potentially affects every single African American
regardless of your skin color, regardless of your income, regardless of where you live, regardless of your educational level, regardless of your status.
This is the one thing that affects everybody. For instance, poor schools don't because if I'm black and I got some money, my kids are in a good school. I may sympathize
that there are black kids in poor schools. But that doesn't affect me on a daily basis. You know what I mean? The root of police brutality is that during World War 2
many police departments in the north, as the black community got larger, they would specifically go to the deep south to recruit white police officers because they felt they knew best how to deal with the black population.
Alright. For many white police officers in the south, they had a lot of day-to-day interactions with African Americans within the south.
So to determine police brutality is an all-encompassing term. It means on one end police murder, a police homicide all the way to the other end just harassment of an African American.
During this time period, if you look at any African American newspaper; Cleveland, Detroit, Chicago, New York City, Minneapolis, Madison Wisconsin, Gary Indiana, St. Louis.
Most these are weekly black newspapers. You will literally see an incident of police brutality on the front page every single week of every single newspaper.
[Pause]
The problem of police brutality in the black community has been going on since the late 1800's. It has been one of the most persistent issues affecting African Americans. Alright.
The root of the issue was black people were all presumed to be criminals. You had very few African Americans on the police force. And then the African Americans you did have on the force, they weren't in any kind of supervisory position at all.
You just have a system where a majority white police force now, is now, has to handle the city that is becoming more and more blacker, I would say. Alright.
Let me tell you this. When we talk about World War 2 migration, we talk about 3 million black folks moving to the north. Here's how those cities were affected.
If the black population in Cleveland, Detroit, Chicago was 10% at the end of Great Migration 1, at the end of the 2nd Great Migration many cities would now be a 3rd African American.
30, 35 some places 40% because as black people are moving into the city, white people are moving out. We call that "white flight". They're moving out to the suburbs. Not only are they moving out and buying new homes in the suburbs,
but they're taking their businesses with them. White flight is both residential and commercial. So police brutality would be a persistent issue.
Now, for my parents out there let's deal with education.  I argue this all the time. I don't think African American parents...
[Pause]
I think if you'd ask most African American parents during this time period, they wanted their children to be taught by African American teachers.
One of the issues that would really blow up would be over the educational system. Because since black people now are moving into all black areas, these black schools become severely overcrowded.
Remember, they can't move to white areas. The schools in the white community would be under enrolled significantly but schools in the black community are sometimes off operating at twice the capacity.
It got so bad that in many cities black kids had to go to school on the relay system. Meaning you went to school either in the morning for 3 and a half hours or you went to school in the afternoon for 3 and a half hours.
Now understand this, you only get 3 and a half hours of education but your white counterparts are getting 6 and a half hours of education.
But this was allowed by State Boards of Education because they felt that was the quickest way to solve the issue and they didn't want to integrate white schools. Okay.
Here is where black parents start to have a lot of complaints. Although these schools are a majority black, the teaching force is going to be primarily all-white. Here are some of the complaints the parents had: number 1, there were no black teachers.
2nd complaint: they thought their kids weren't getting a quality education. 3rd complaint: they felt a lot of the white teachers were saying that black kids had learning disabilities.
The black parents were like, 'No. My child doesn't have a disability. You just can't teach.' Alright? 4th complaint: curriculum materials that made no mention of the black experience whatsoever. And the 5th complaint: school overcrowding.
This is where you begin to see people talk about the public school crisis. This is where you see the beginning of it here during the 2nd Great Migration.
And last, let's talk about employment for a minute. Now although black folks initially came for jobs during World War 2, the research shows that as we were coming to the north for jobs, factories were actually closing down as we were coming.
Alright. Many of you heard the phrase the "rust belt", right? Rust belt means these cities like Cleveland, Chicago that were manufacturing hubs, the factories, closed down and the equipment begins to rust.
Black folks dealt with significant employment discrimination. Black women dealt with the stereotype of having an attitude. They said black women were difficult to get along with, they had attitude.
As a result of that, black women weren't given jobs commensurate with their level of training and expertise. Secondly, black men were perceived as being lazy and incompetent.
So again, they weren't given jobs commensurate with their level of expertise and training. As we were coming into jobs in the factories, a lot of us were getting the lowest paid jobs and the most dangerous jobs in the factory.
When we talk about the World War 2, the Second Great Migration, housing, police community relations, education and employment are four significant issues.
Such that, that would give rise to the black power movement. Because unlike in the deep south during the civil rights movement where you had two visible goals, the right to vote and to end segregation, that was the movement in the south.
That's not easy but you know what a victory is. Once we get the right to vote and once we get segregation outlawed, we're successful.
Up north it was different because it wasn't de jure segregation, meaning segregation by law. It was more de facto. D-e-space-f-a-c-t-o.
Defacto means by custom or just by tradition. Up north, you've migrated from the south, you're in Chicago, you're in Detroit, but you're living in the ghetto. Your kid got kicked out of school. You can't get a job.
You're dealing with police brutality. It leads to frustration. This gives rise to Malcolm X who would be the voice of black folks in the north.
Whereas King is going to be the voice of black folks in the south because they are dealing with a visible barrier; the lack of voting and Jim Crow. But up north it's going to be different.
The Black Power movement rises out of this, out of this frustration in the north. And so, Malcolm X, the Nation of Islam, the Black Panthers and other organizations would speak to that black frustration of black folks who had migrated from Louisiana to Oakland.
It's like, 'Well, we dealt with this in Louisiana.' It’s like, 'Well, hell, we still deal with this in Oakland.' You know what I mean?
The laws on the books say you could vote, it says you're integrated and it says there's no employment discrimination but your day to day reality - it would leave some to be very discouraging
because if I left Mississippi, where my family was, where my people are buried and where my DNA is in the soil, and I moved to Cleveland Ohio where its cold
and I'm told that when I get up here I'm going to be able to get a great job, things are going to be a lot different only to find out that it wasn't a lot different.
I tell people I'm a child of the great migration. My dad is from Indianapolis raised in Cleveland, but my mom is from Louisiana.
When they got married in 1959 in Louisiana, my mom came from a very vibrant black community outside of New Orleans where a lot of the black folk owned their own land, they owned businesses. My mom's whole world was in 3 square miles.
Alright, and I said, 'Well mom, what was it like when you moved to Cleveland after when y'all got married and you went to Cleveland to be with dad?'
She said, 'When I went there the 1st time, I said to myself, these people don't have anything.' She didn't understand apartment living. [Laughter]
She understood having a house on 20 acres of land. She didn't understand all the poverty and in her mind she was like, 'Why would people choose to live like this?'
That's what gives rise to a lot of the black frustration. I think even now when you see the Black Lives Matter piece, what we're dealing with now is the legacy of the 2nd Great Migration in a lot of the hidden racism that black folks found when they moved.
[Tanya] Interesting. I want to expound on this concept you just mentioned, hidden racism. Today when you're talking to students, when you're talking to individuals about institutional racism and other forms of racism that exists today,
would you still describe it as, for a lot of people, hidden racism? Some have even described it as we dealt with the voting and the segregation and whether black people could sit at the front of the bus versus the back of the bus,
believing that those were the only main forms of racism that we needed to deal with. In today, 2019, hidden racism, and I really do like that term, are we still getting blindsided by hidden racism?
[Dr. Moore] Let me tell you one thing that I appreciate about being in Texas and people laugh at me for this. I found that I can have, the conversation I can have in Texas
with particularly some of my white colleagues and white friends and white neighbors over race is a lot more refreshing than I ever had in Cleveland, Ohio. I'll tell you what I mean. I'll have people say crazy stuff to me. 
Particularly, I'm in this role at UT which says "diverse" and that alarms people. I gave, I was invited to go to a very wealthy neighborhood to speak to about 80, 90 men, very wealthy.
And when, they invited me now, when the speaker read my bio some people got up and walked out. I could appreciate that. When I was talking, I was sure and I said I'm gonna give this lecture and I'm not gonna say anything about race. 
Didn't say nothing about that, talked about globalization. The first question that was asked, now I'm talking about globalization, the first question that was asked, a man raised his hand. He said well, 'Dr. Moore can you tell us about Black Lives Matter?'
And so I explained. Then he said, 'Well' and I'm quoting now 'if you all would just obey the police you wouldn't get shot.' Now, I appreciate him being honest and being straightforward because unless
we can have those straightforward conversations, nothing could ever get done. He gave his perspective. I said, 'Let me give you mine.' I said, 'Do you think on my bio that I've done everything America has asked me to do?'
He said, 'Yes, Dr. Moore. You went to school and all that.' I said, 'Well, I'm just going to tell you about my interactions with the police. And here's the deal, just like I validated your feelings, I need you to validate mine.'
I told him sometimes when I get on I-35 and a police officer gets behind me, sometimes I get nervous because of my history with the police. My point is when people come at you like that
it allows, I believe, we can have more frank discussions about it. But we can't be so sensitive when somebody comes at us and says something crazy. We can't get offended.
We got to be like, "elaborate on that a little bit. Let me know your perspective because that's not my perspective." And that's what I appreciate about being in Texas.
[Tanya] Wow! And I'm going to tell you that one of the reasons I'm surprised by that, especially as someone living here in Austin, is this notion that Austin, in terms of hidden racism, has often been described as being at the top of that list
due to an inability of people or an unwillingness of people to have those transparent conversations in a city that calls itself liberal and progressive. [Dr. Moore] Yes. [Tanya] Yes, but I do agree with you
about the notion of we have to have the conversation. [Dr. Moore] Absolutely. [Tanya] And we have to have people on both sides speaking the truth with transparency.
[Dr. Moore] After the Trump election, me and my wife, we live in a cul-de-sac in Round Rock, after the Trump election, seven families; one Indian family, me and my wife African-American family, a family from Iran, we invited all the neighbors to our house after the Trump election.
Here's what we said, we said, 'I believe you all are cool people. I believe y'all would look out for me. I believe if I needed some money y'all would give me some. Help me understand. I'm just trying to understand, not passing judgment. Help me understand the fascination with Trump.'
One of my neighbors said, 'Leonard I'll be honest with you,' he sells pharmaceuticals. He said, 'Leonard I was told by my boss that since I'm not a woman and I'm not black or Latino that I wasn't going to get promoted anymore.'
And he said 'Leonard, that is my frustration. I understand black people have been treated bad' he said, 'but Leonard, what did I have to do with that?' I tell people I appreciate his honesty. 
You know, he said 'Leonard, I think some of these affirmative action, I think some of these programs' he said 'quite frankly as a white man, I feel like I get discriminated against.'
What I had to do was understand him. I couldn't say that's crazy. I had to understand his feelings. I think when we can begin to understand, and I think y'all would agree, but begin to understand both sides, I think we can have some legitimate discussion.
[Tanya] Thank you. Ms. Allen, oh we have two questions. Ms. Thomas says, 'What is the solution? Do you feel we as black people should unite resources and build our own communities.'
I do believe we have a history of what has happened over time when black people have built their own community. [Laughter] [Dr. Moore] I don't know about separating ourselves. I don't think that's going to work. I think we're too integrated into the fabric of America.
I don't think we need to separate anything. I think black folk got a right to be here just like anybody else. But I think the one opportunity we have missed, I think we are letting too much land go in the South
particularly those of us who have grandparents out in the country; rural Texas, rural Louisiana, rural Mississippi. I always tell my students when you go home for Thanksgiving ask your oldest relative, 'Where's the family land at?'
There's a lot of young people, they don't want to go to the country, they don't want to go out there. They say it's boring. But what is happening, black people are losing their land.
Some of us are losing it because the taxes aren't being paid. The taxes don't get paid 2 or 3 years, somebody's waiting on the courthouse steps till that property is sold. Then, the next time you go out to the country, that property is being owned by somebody else.
I really think if we got back to this tradition of land ownership. I tell people my grandmother; she lived, she was 94 years of age; had a very peaceful life; had about 80 acres of land; got up every morning at 5:00 AM.
I laugh at Whole Foods because we used to have that in our backyard. [Laughter] You know what I mean? Go kill the hog. Go pick some collard greens. Go pick those tomatoes. And how organic is that?
I think we've gotten away from that because all of us want to move to the city. I understand wanting to live in Houston, Dallas, San Antonio, Austin, but it may not be a bad idea for some of us who are able to go out into these rural areas and buy a few acres of land
and to begin to build up, to have something in our family's name for generations to come. [Tanya]  Very interesting that you say that. Recently I've been having conversations with friends of mine who has family in Macon, Georgia
and my grandmother is from Pittsview, Alabama. We've had those conversations about that land and holding on to that land. I think you're right. Our generation has very much been about 
do away with the land, sell the land, get the money now instead of thinking about long-term wealth and land ownership. [Dr. Moore] Have you watched this movie/TV show called Queen Sugar? [Tanya] Yes. [Dr. Moore] It is a great show. I think it comes on Oprah's network OWN 
but it is a great movie about an African American family outside of New Orleans trying to hang on to all, to a ton of land in this sugar growing region of Louisiana. That's a great movie that deals with what you're talking about.
[Tanya] Yes. For those of you who don't have cable like me, it's also on Hulu. Ms. Allen says, 'Is it truly hidden, especially', I believe she's asking me about the racism, 'especially since we can call it out. 
Or when we say hidden, are we being gracious and allowing ignorance to abound without accountability?' [Dr. Moore] Let me say this, I think saying somebody's racist, that's really harsh to call somebody racist. I think,
I think prejudice may be a better word. Sometimes people are just looking out for their own self-interest. Because I truly believe if you go into a firm downtown and there are no black or Latino employees or no women in leadership, (pause)
this may sound crazy, I don't think they deliberately say, 'We're not going to hire black people, no women in leadership, we're not going to hire Latinos.' I think what most people do is just operate from within their circle. Does that make sense? 
Even me being in a leadership position, I have to make sure that I don't just operate within my circle. Because if that's the case, I run in black middle-class circles. I think we need to get people to begin to operate outside their circle.
[Tanya] Operating within that circle, would you agree that often times that comes in the hiring process under that term, "good fit"? [Dr. Moore] Absolutely, absolutely. Most people hire people they know, hire people they're comfortable with 
and hire people who in many ways are like them. Most managers, if you aren't careful, you will hire yourself. [Laughter] But you're right. That term, "good fit", it does lead to people being excluded. Yeah.
[Tanya] I want to take us back for a moment to police brutality. That is a conversation that I think is on everyone's mind and when they think of Black Lives Matter, they think of police brutality.
When you stated that in the weekly black newspapers every week, every week there was an incident. [Dr. Moore] Every week. [Tanya] Is that any different than today? I can go to Twitter, I can go to Instagram, I can go to Facebook
and I will see an incident, and probably more so today, more graphic because I can watch the entire video which is damaging to the black psyche in it of itself. [Dr. Moore] Absolutely. Right.
[Tanya] We haven't moved. We're still watching these images. What is the solution to police brutality? How do we move, for lack of a better phrase, the needle on this particular issue because you've even stated it's the most pervasive one
and may actually even be one of our systems that has not had any major reforms. [Dr. Moore] Let me say this, I have a lot of respect for police officers. It is a hard job.
There was someone who had, one of my childhood friends, Derrick Owens, he was killed. He was a police officer. Derrick was 28, 29. He was killed by a drug dealer over 40 dollars of weed. I understand the job of a police officer is very hard.
When you talk to officers, have you've seen that movie? I think it's The Hate You Give or something like that. Common plays a police officer. I think the movie did a good job of explaining from a police officer perspective,
every time I stop somebody there's a part of me that fears for my life. So I completely understand that. I think it's also good for us to understand that 99.9% of all police officers are great. Are great, it's the one [laughter]
who seems to have influence over so many others, you know what I mean? That is the problem. I don't want to cast off all of them. All of them are great. The issue is we need to train police better.
One thing that was done when African Americans started becoming mayors of cities in the late 60s and early 70s, the one thing they did, they started requiring new police cadets to learn something about the communities in which they would be serving.
What happens now is so much of the training is about rules and regulations. But it's like, 'No, help me understand the community. What is the black community? What issues are they dealing with? What issues are Latino's dealing with?'
I took my son and his friends up to the Round Rock Police Department for a meet and greet about 2 or 3 years ago and it was very beneficial. The police officer said, 'Well, Mr. Moore, when we tell a kid to stop they need to stop.
I said, 'Officer, I understand that but can you understand from a black or Latino kid's perspective that if they haven't done anything wrong and you tell them to stop and they keep running, they're not trying to disrespect you, they're just scared.
Because in their mind, officer, they haven't done anything.' Me and the officer had a very interesting conversation about that for 15 minutes. I told the officer, 'Officer, for me and for my son and his friends, they've seen their dads get pulled over
and their dad's friends get pulled over for doing nothing so they initially will be scared. I think when police officers can begin to understand the history of law enforcement in certain communities and number 2, more specifically the issue with black and Latino boys and the police, I think we can have some progress.
I asked the school resource officer at my son's middle school in Round Rock, I said, 'I need you to be intentional about reaching out to the black and Latino boys in the school.' He said, 'Well, Leonard, I don't see color'. I said, ' Well, yes you do." [Laughter].
I said, 'But you need to understand that their experience with law enforcement has been different than their white classmates. Things like that, I think will help them to a certain degree. [Tanya] We have a couple of questions online. I also have one for you.
You talked about in the north, as part of black migration, the north going to the south and bringing police officers from the south. [Dr. Moore] Absolutely. [Tanya] With that, I would assume that means they also brought their anti-black, anti-brown bias, with them
[Dr. Moore] Absolutely. [Tanya] Which then, pretty much cements it into the criminal justice system, into law enforcement. [Dr. Moore] Absolutely. [Tanya]  If that is the case, how do you deal with that? What is a solution?
In addition to training, how do we deal with the anti-black, anti-brown sentiment that appears to be inherent in law enforcement from the time of Black Migration and before?
[Dr. Moore] If I had the answer to that I'd be wealthy. But, I think number 1, it requires courageous leadership, number 1. And number 2, I think you have to remember that as a race of people, African Americans have been criminalized.
That's been since we've been here. We've been criminalized. I don't know how you really undo that. Even me, myself, I find myself doing things subconsciously so people won't perceive me to be a criminal.
Like if I have to take something back to a store, I make sure it's in the original bag and I make sure I have the receipt. But some of my white friends, they may not have the bag, may not have the receipt and I'm like, 'I can't do that because then they may assume that I stole that item.'
Even subconsciously, this idea of being labeled a criminal, affects us in ways we don't really realize. [Tanya] Ms. Allen is asking, 'How do we practice addressing racism in the four areas you mentioned? How do we teach our counterparts, who may not be as educated or articulate, how to advocate for themselves?'
[Dr. Moore] What's her name? [Tanya] Ms. Allen. [Dr. Moore]  Let me say this, Ms. Allen, I do a lot of diversity training but my approach is a little different. Some people take diversity training as a moral issue. It's the right thing to do.
Some people take it as a social justice issue. I take it as an aspiration issue. Let me tell you what I mean. Ms. Allen, I teach 2 classes at UT, a class called the Black Power Movement and the class called Race in the Age of Trauma, combined enrollment of 1,000 students.
When I ask people, 'Well, how many white students do you think I have out of those 1,000?' 1 person said, 'Maybe 3 students, maybe 10.' No, I have 600. My approach has been, too often when we want to have trainings we point the finger at all white people: 'You're bad. You're racist. You're prejudiced. You stereotype us. Blah, blah, blah.'
Most people don't learn that way. If I walk into a training, as a man, talking about gender, sexuality and they just say, 'Well, you're sexist blah, blah, blah,' I will probably get defensive and I won't be open to learning. 
What I realized is that it has to be aspirational. What I do with a lot of my students, I tell them point blank, 'You don't have to like anybody. You don't have to like anybody gay, nobody transgender, nobody Latino, nobody black nobody Asian but you better learn how to get along with them.
The 1 example I always give, I ask some of my white business students here at UT, 'If you go get that job on Wall Street and you have no interaction, you know nothing about the black experience, and you just hate Black Lives Matter because it doesn't make sense to you,
what are you going do if I'm your boss and on your first day of work there's a big old Black Lives Matter sticker on my desk? Are you going to quit? What I tell students is that black studies courses, Mexican American studies courses, all these courses, white students benefit from them.
Because we have done them a disservice, because we are bringing them up and training them not to be competitive in an increasingly multiracial and diverse world. Let me give you an example. I was up in North East Texas talking to group of school board members, about 100 of them. 
It was two black people in the building; me and the guy who invited me. I made the statement that they should require, as a high school graduation requirement, every student should be required to be fluent in Spanish when they graduate.
They got into an uproar, 'No, Dr. Moore, they need to learn. Immigrants need to learn the language. Blah blah blah.' I said, 'Let me ask you a question?' I said, 'How many of y’all own a business?' A couple raised their hands.  I said, 'If you have 2 people applying for a job,
same level of expertise, same level of training, same level of experience, one is bilingual and one is not, who are you going to hire?' They said the bilingual one.  I said, 'So, that is why.' People want to be critical of diversity training and all that stuff but it helps everybody.
It helps my white students because now, when they take my class and some other classes, now they feel comfortable if their best job offer is on the east side of Cleveland, the west side of Detroit, a part of Oakland, South Central, LA.
They know, "I'm white but I know I can operate because I know the experience and I know the viewpoints of the community."  I've been stressing that for 22 years.
[Tanya] This also means that they then also understand the concept of white privilege and how that fits into their daily (inaudible) [Dr. Moore] Absolutely.
[Tanya] Ms. Russ, this is a little long, 'Are we as blacks obligated to teach non-blacks about our culture? I feel this is something that happens way too often. I believe we have to demand non-blacks educate themselves on our culture 
just as we have had to do on other culture. I do understand some of this is ignorance and how people are raised but I believe we live in a world where there is so much technology, whereby this information can be accessed.
[Dr. Moore] Do you have an obligation? Nope. But should you do it? Yes. Because if you don't do it, then who will? We talk about them going to get self-educated, what if they get it the wrong way? Whenever I am asked to go speak to a group, I always go. I'm excited because they want to learn.
When you invite me, I can give it to you the way I want to give it to you. But in a perfect world, should every black person have that burden? Absolutely not. But if people are truly desiring to want to learn, let's, by all means, take that opportunity and tell them about our experiences.
[Pause]
[Tanya] Ms. Allen says she was smiling, that earlier you answered what she's trying to ask in the first question, inadvertently, but you answered it.
[Tanya] My next question for you is, 'In the 1970's, my understanding is we begin to experience a reverse migration where black people started going back to the south. What would cause black people to turn around and go back to the South that they fled?
Was it the hidden racism that they weren't expecting to experience in the north or was is it economic reasons? What got us turned around? [Dr. Moore] I think the broader answer, the bigger answer is quality of life. I think the factories closed.
The factories closed. I still have family in Cleveland and I'm like, 'Why y’all still there?' The factories closed, the cost of living is high and I think people begin to realize maybe it's time to go back to where we're from. Cost of living is going to be cheaper in the south. The weather is nicer and the property is a lot cheaper, things of that nature.
I think you begin to see that more and more people are saying, 'Okay, we've been living in these urban environments for 60, 70, 80 years. Let's go back to the south.' I don't find people going back to the rural south as much but you do see them going to some of these outlying suburban communities;
outside Atlanta, parts of South Carolina, Louisiana, Mississippi, things of that nature. [Tanya] Okay, so they weren't going back to the rural south, they were going to Hotlanta. [Dr. Moore] Right. They'll go to rural south to retire. 
Even a lot of my mom's family did that. They would go buy a house back down home and often split their time between Louisiana and Cleveland or Louisiana and Detroit. Things of that nature. But having a desire to spend their last years back where it all began in the deep south.
[Tanya] Very interesting in today's conversation, we've been talking about the black migration; how it started, the impact of it, the disparities related to institutional racism. Yet, we're here in 2019 and there is this constant conversation about black people getting over it.
Yet, in this discussion, you've been able to tie these two together that those same disparities are the same disparities that we're having today. When you talk about education, overcrowding in urban schools are still there. You talked about special ed.
We know that African American children are still being placed in special ed classes. We know that there is discrepancies in disciplinary rates. What's your response when people are not able to connect history to the present and continue to tell people of color get over it?
[Dr. Moore]  I understand because they haven't been taught. What I love about the classes I teach, my Black Power class 500 students, one semester, I had about 10 older UT alum just come sit in the class. These white couples in their 70's.
They came every Tuesday and Thursday, the entire 90 minutes. They said it was so fascinating to them. They said, 'Dr. Moore, I never knew.' And that's what a lot of my white students say. They never know the history. When would they have been exposed to it? [Laughter]
So a lot of them are speaking out of their ignorance because they don't know. But I think when they begin to read and they begin to learn and begin to study, it just blows them away. I had one mom, she didn't want her daughter to take my class. So what she did was she got a copy of the syllabus.
She bought all the books and every day after class her daughter would send her the class notes and they would discuss it. Do you know halfway through the semester that mom became a big advocate for teaching white kids about the black experience because she said she felt so ignorant about it?
They don't know. So I don't get frustrated when they say get over it because in their mind, if you look at the Dallas Morning News, the New Orleans Times, these are white papers. Dallas Morning News, Times-Picayune New Orleans, the Clarion-Ledger in Jackson, Mississippi, the big paper in Atlanta, they didn't cover black issues until the 1970's.
If you read the white paper and then you read the black paper, it's like two different worlds. That's why, when the civil rights movement jumped off in Atlanta, New Orleans, Jackson, Mississippi, white people saying we never knew you all were upset. [Laughter]
We just live in two different worlds. But I don't get upset when people say 'Get over it.' I had an older white pastor tell me the other day, he said, 'Leonard, I'm just learning all this.' He said, 'I thought when y'all got the right to vote and got school integration, I thought everything was fine.' Many people still have that same belief.
[Pause]
[Tanya] I want to go back to something. You mentioned Malcolm X and Black Power. I know that there are members of our audience that got nervous when you said Malcolm X and Black Power. [Dr. Moore] Why?
[Tanya] Those movements, the Black Power movement, the Black Panthers and such, is often a misunderstood movement. [Dr. Moore] Absolutely. [Tanya] Can you explain why that movement is often misunderstood and what the misunderstanding is?
[Dr. Moore] The one thing about Malcolm, when you look at Malcolm's speeches, he's just asking America to be true to what is said on paper. He's just asking America to include black folk in this Democratic experience, so to speak.
I think people get frustrated because all they hear is sound bites and pictures. They just see the Black Panthers running around with guns and they hear Malcolm X calling white people the devil but we know that our history is much more complex than that.
The Black Panthers, they were dealing with the issue of police brutality in Oakland and in parts of California and across the country. Malcolm X was basically just being critical of America to how it was treating African-Americans.
[Tanya] What about the Black Panthers? [Dr. Moore] There are some great documentaries out on the Black Panthers. There are some great autobiographies out on the Black Panthers. That has probably been the one organization in America that has been the subject of the most misinterpretation, things of that nature.
Here's what I have to remind people, although we get Brown versus Board of Education in 1954, you get the voting Civil Rights Act 1964, the Voting Rights Act 1965, a pivotal day for many of us was April 4th, 1968 when King dies.
When King is assassinated, many universities and companies, just by virtue of him being assassinated, created outreach programs to bring more African Americans into the system.
Some would argue that it takes the death of somebody to see social progress. You really don't get the Civil Rights Act of 1964 passed until those three civil rights workers are killed in Mississippi; Schwerner, Goodman, and Chaney, 2 white guys and 1 black guy. That spurs America to action.
The whole Selma piece, the Voting Rights Act of 1965. What gets America to act? Bloody Sunday, when those protesters are brutalized on the bridge. Likewise, you get all these access programs when King is assassinated April 4th, 1968.
[Pause]
[Tanya] Ms. Rust - 'What do you think about resource officers and their role in the school? I have a friend who is an officer in the school district who is constantly having to advocate for the black and brown children in her middle school because of teachers who want to charge the children with crimes
instead of dealing with them administratively. What are your thoughts about what you have heard about this issue?' Before you respond, I would like to say that I often say for us to call resource officers what they are, which is law enforcement in our school.
[Dr. Moore] In Round Rock right now, where my kids are, there's a big debate because the superintendent, he wants to hire a police force. Round Rock ISD wants to hire their own officers. And, of course, he got a lot of push back from black and brown folk and progressive white parents.
One of the responses I heard from a school board member was, 'Okay Leonard, there's going to be some law enforcement in the school. Do you want it to be officers that we can train and develop and recruit? Or, would you rather that be imposed by an outside entity through one of the counties or something like that?'
It was a very interesting debate. I believe that issue right there, with black and brown kids being treated as criminals, that's an issue with leadership of the school. That goes directly to the principal. 
What I would do is get some parents together and have conversations with the principal and partner on a way where there could be more equitable treatment for these, particularly brown and black, kids. [Tanya] Ms. Rust says she agrees.
My last question, and guys it is amazing, ladies and gentlemen, how fast an hour goes, right? What is the future of social justice for black people in America in your opinion? What does it look like?
[Dr. Moore] The one thing that we've been dealing with the last 40, 50 years with a lot of black folks moving to the suburbs, that our communities are divided. 40, 50, 60 years ago the black middle class was right in the neighborhood. 
And I'm guilty of moving to the suburbs. I'm guilty of that. I think when you have a community like that, where everybody's there; pastors there, school teachers there, physicians there, hidden figures, those sisters in the community, I think we were better able to handle some of our own issues.
But I think the black middle class, the blood that we have on our hands is, and I include myself in that, I think that we have in many ways abandoned our less fortunate brothers and sisters to fend for themselves.
I think a lot of us, we live in a middle class African American bubble. We got our Greek organizations, our nice, black, middle class church and a lot of us don't come face to face with the black poor anymore. I think that is something that we need to come to grips with.
[Tanya] Thank you. Is law enforcement, this is from Ms. Allen, is law enforcement in the schools a response to mass shootings? [Dr. Moore] I don't know. I think metal detectors in the school would be a response to mass shootings.
I'm not sure. Where I grew up, I'm from Cleveland, Ohio, we didn't have law enforcement in the school. You had just school security guards. I don't know why we just can't go back to having security. I think when you have law enforcement in the schools with the ability to write tickets and arrest and all that kind of stuff, I think that's problematic. 
[Tanya] Very interesting. With that question, my take has been that mass shootings may be why there's law enforcement in suburban white school. [Dr. Moore] Right. [Tanya] There was law enforcement being put in urban schools long before Columbine.
Would you agree with that? [Dr. Moore] Absolutely. [Tanya] Police officers were in schools because of the Columbine mass shooting. I think that goes to what we were just saying. I think there's a racial aspect to that as we say there's a racial aspect to just about everything. [Dr. Moore] Absolutely.
[Tanya] As we wrap up, wow, any final words? [Dr. Moore] No. I'm thankful for the opportunity. I think Texas is a great place. Like I said, be open to having a conversation with people because I find in Texas you can have a good conversation and something good can come of it. I found here, people are willing to listen
as opposed to back up in the northeast or midwest, where they say, 'No, no problems here.' I'll tell one story. I was at my daughter's, she was at a competitive cheer, which is super expensive by the way, we were in San Antonio. One of the other parents found that I worked at UT. This is a dad from Westlake.
I think I told you this story before. He felt that we were letting in too many unqualified black and Latino students. I just appreciated him being honest with what he felt. We proceeded to have a very fruitful conversation for about 30 minutes. He said, 'Leonard, okay I understand the top 10% now.'
[Tanya] Wow. We make change through conversation. Change laws, policies, but it has to start with an honest conversation. Wow, thank you. I want to come sit in one of your classes. Well, let's start there.
[Dr. Moore] If y'all ever in Austin in the fall semester, Tuesday and Thursday, my Black Power class I think is the best class in all of higher education. It will be about 550 students in there. It's a lot of fun. There's no political correctness.
My white conservative students, they like it because they can they can voice their views and opinions. One of the best complaints I got came from one of my white conservative students. He said, 'Dr. Moore, I disagree with everything you say but whatever class you teach at UT I'll sign up for it.'
For me, I think that's what education is about. [Tanya] That is huge. We thank you for giving us your time today. This is Tanya Rollins, the CPS Disproportionality Manager.
We thank all of you for joining our webinar today and hope that you will tune in for our next webinar in April. On April 17th with Noel Pinnock, from the Houston Bureau of Youth and Adolescent Health, it will prove to be an interesting conversation. 
Once again, thank you, Dr. Moore. Today has been a history lesson that I am very thankful to have gotten. With that, we wish everyone a great day and be safe. [Dr. Moore] Thank you. Thanks so much.
[End of webinar.]
