 
Exploring the Word of God  
Acts of the Apostles  
Volume 5: Chapters 15:36–18

###### By Paul Kroll

Copyright 2012 Grace Communion International

Published by Grace Communion International

All scripture quotations, unless otherwise indicated, are taken from the Holy Bible, New International Version®, NIV®. Copyright ©1973, 1978, 1984, 2011 by Biblica, Inc.™ Used by permission of Zondervan. All rights reserved worldwide. www.zondervan.com   
The "NIV" and "New International Version" are trademarks registered in the United States Patent and Trademark Office by Biblica, Inc.™

Artwork by Ken Tunell. Copyright Grace Communion International.

**Table of Contents**

The second missionary journey begins: preaching in Asia Minor (Acts 15:36-41)

Timothy joins the group (Acts 16:1-10)

Philippi and imprisonment (Acts 16:11-40)

Thessalonica and persecution (Acts 17)

Athens and Paul's speech at the Areopagus (Acts 17:16-34)

Corinth, and return to Antioch in Syria (Acts 18)

About the author

About the publisher

Grace Communion Seminary

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# 

## The Second Missionary Journey  
Further Preaching in Asia Minor (Acts 15:36-16:10)

### Visit the believers (15:36)

After the Jerusalem Council, Luke begins to narrate Paul's second major journey. Paul's original objective on this trip seems to be more pastoral than missionary. Paul says to Barnabas, "Let us go back and visit the believers in all the towns where we preached the word of the Lord and see how they are doing" (15:36).

Paul apparently wants to deliver the Jerusalem decrees to these churches personally. He is encouraged to have the support of the other apostles, especially Peter and James. He knows that the Judaizers have created problems among the believers in Galatia – problems that he addresses in his letter to the Galatians, which may have been written before the Council. Now he wants to see how the churches in the region have responded to his letter.

### Controversy about Mark (15:37-39)

Barnabas agrees that another trip through Galatia is in order. However, he wants to take Mark as an assistant. Paul refuses, and their disagreement over Mark is so bitter "that they parted company" (15:39).

The story of the disagreement between Paul and Barnabas does not make pleasant reading, but Luke's realism in recording it helps us to remember that the two men, as they themselves said to the people of Lystra, were "human beings with feelings like" any other ( _The Book of Acts,_ The New International Commentary on the New Testament [Rev. ed., Grand Rapids, MI: Eerdmans, 1988], page 301).

Paul believes that Mark's refusal to go with the missionaries into Galatia during the first missionary trip amounted to desertion (15:38). Perhaps Mark has some defect in his character that makes him unreliable.

On the contrary, Barnabas, the "Son of Encouragement," sees some promising qualities in Mark and wants to give him experience and training. Mark is his cousin, and Barnabas knows the family traits (Colossians 4:10). Or perhaps family loyalty was more important to Barnabas than commitment to the work.

In the end, Mark proved Barnabas right, and perhaps Paul was being too hard-nosed (Colossians 4:10; Philemon 23). Years later, Paul would say to Timothy of the young man he had once rejected: "Get Mark and bring him with you, because he is helpful to me in my ministry" (2 Timothy 4:11). Actually, both Paul and Barnabas may be right: Mark would do poorly under Paul's leadership, but would grow while helping Barnabas.

Barnabas has occupied a central part in Luke's story as a trusted representative of the Jerusalem church (11:22-24). He has been vital to Paul's work and his relationship to the church — as his associate on the first missionary tour (13:1-14:28); for intervening on his behalf with Jerusalem (9:27); in recruiting him for missionary work at Antioch (11:25-26); and in supporting his Gentile mission at the Jerusalem conference (15:12).

But after separating from Paul, Barnabas is not again mentioned in Acts. Luke's story is about Paul, not anyone else. Barnabas is referred to in passing in only three other places in the New Testament (1 Corinthians 9:6; Galatians 2:1, 9, 13; Colossians 4:10). In his letter to the Corinthians, Paul speaks of his and Barnabas' need to get jobs in order to support themselves while doing missionary work. Since this epistle was written after the split between the two men, it indicates that they worked together again, or at least had buried their differences.

### Paul chooses Silas (15:40-41)

Barnabas takes Mark and sails for Cyprus, presumably to visit the churches on that island (15:39). Luke doesn't tell us anything about this mission, probably because it isn't a trip that advances the gospel toward Rome.

Paul chooses Silas as his missionary partner and sets out on a tour of the churches in eastern Asia Minor. Silas (or Silvanus) is a good choice as an associate. He was a leader in the Jerusalem church, and can speak with authority on its behalf (15:12, 27). He is a prophet (15:32) and a Roman citizen (16:27). He is respected in the church as well as in the wider Roman society.

With Silas, Paul begins his trip by traveling through Syria and Cilicia, strengthening the churches in these provinces (15:41). But what begins as a pastoral visit turns into an extensive missionary journey through large parts of Asia Minor, as well as Macedonia and Greece. It is on this missionary tour that the gospel reaches the eastern frontier of Europe.

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## The Second Missionary Journey, Continued  
Acts 16

### Derbe and Lystra (16:1-2)

After his pastoral visit to the churches in Syria and Cilicia, Paul travels to the city of Derbe. His first trip to this and other cities in Galatia was discussed in 14:6-21. After his activities in Derbe are completed (Luke gives no details), Paul takes the northwest road to Lystra. Again, Luke says nothing about what Paul does in the city. Luke's main interest here is to show how Timothy becomes Paul's associate.

Apparently Lystra is Timothy's hometown (20:4). He is already a member of the church, as the disciples in Lystra and Iconium speak well of him. Most likely Timothy was converted as a result of Paul's preaching on his first missionary journey. Timothy's mother and grandmother are also Christian believers (2 Timothy 1:5). His mother, Eunice, is Jewish and has instructed Timothy in the Hebrew Scriptures.

Timothy will become the most important of Paul's associates in his mission to the Gentiles. Luke mentions his role several times in Acts (17:14-15; 18:5; 19:22; 20:4). Paul refers to Timothy as a "co-worker" (Romans 16:21). Two New Testament letters are addressed to Timothy personally. In several, he is listed as an author alongside of Paul.

Paul has a special affection for Timothy, calling him "my son whom I love" (1 Corinthians 4:17). In Paul's mind, there is no individual quite like Timothy, whose thinking is so much like his own (Philippians 2:19-20). Timothy remains a close confidant and friend up to Paul's death. Paul even sees him as a successor who will continue his work. He is used on a number of occasions to help with Paul's pastoral and gospel-preaching responsibilities (1 Corinthians 4:17; 16:10; Philippians 2:19; 1 Thessalonians 3:2, 6; 1 Timothy 1:3).

At some point, Timothy is ordained to the ministry. Perhaps it is at this time in Lystra. Paul says that Timothy was given a special divine ability, and the knowledge of it came as a result of divine revelation (1 Timothy 1:18). "Do not neglect your gift," Paul admonishes him, "which was given you through prophecy when the body of elders laid their hands on you" (1 Timothy 4:14).

### His father is Greek (16:1)

Because Paul wants to add Timothy to his missionary team, he is faced with a public relations problem. Luke tells us that while Timothy's mother was Jewish, his father was Greek, probably pagan, and perhaps now deceased. Timothy was the product of a mixed marriage. Jews will not look kindly on such a situation, because it dilutes Jewish identity (Nehemiah 13:23-27; Ezra 9:1-10).

The father, who had authority over the household, did not allow Timothy to be circumcised – but he did allow her to instruct the boy in the Hebrew Scriptures. The Jews know that Timothy is not circumcised. But since his mother is Jewish, Timothy is also considered a Jew. But because he is uncircumcised, he is considered an apostate Jew.

This presents Paul with a dilemma. Circumcision is of no value in salvation (1 Corinthians 7:19; Galatians 5:6). In one of his most angry moments, he tells Gentiles, "If you let yourselves be circumcised, Christ will be of no value to you at all" (Galatians 5:2). In his more diplomatic times, he allows that "circumcision has value if you observe the law," but he quickly notes that the real circumcision is "of the heart, by the Spirit, not by the written code" (Romans 2:25, 29).

### Timothy is circumcised (16:3)

Paul decides that in the case of Timothy, circumcision will be helpful, so he has Timothy circumcised before taking him on the journey (16:3). Paul will be preaching in synagogues, with Timothy as his helper. But Jews will not look favorably at someone regarded as an apostate sitting in their midst. Timothy is not circumcised as a condition of salvation or discipleship. It is simply a way to assure his acceptance among those Jews with whom he and Paul will work (1 Corinthians 9:19-23).

"It was Timothy's mixed parentage that made Paul decide to circumcise him before taking him along as his junior colleague. By Jewish law Timothy was a Jew, because he was the son of a Jewish mother, but because he was uncircumcised he was technically an apostate Jew. If Paul wished to maintain his links with the synagogue, he could not be seen to countenance apostasy." (Bruce, 304).

Since Paul has Timothy circumcised, who technically is only a half-Jew, this takes the wind out of a later criticism that he is teaching Jews not to circumcise their children (21:21). Luke tells his readers ahead of time that such an accusation is without foundation. By circumcising Timothy, Paul is showing that he is not flouting Jewish customs nor trying to destroy Judaism. (He does the same thing by his own observance of Jewish laws.)

### Deliver the decrees (16:4)

Timothy now joins Paul and Silas, and the team travels "from town to town" (16:4). Presumably, Luke is referring to villages in southern Galatia. At each church they visit, they read the letter from the Jerusalem church (16:4). In an interesting juxtaposition, in two consecutive verses, Luke shows Paul circumcising a half-Gentile and then delivering decrees saying that Gentiles do not have to be circumcised. This shows that Paul has Timothy circumcised only for expedience, and that it doesn't conflict with the essence of the gospel.

Regarding the Jerusalem decrees, Paul never refers to them in his letters, even when dealing with practices they touch on. We may see this as odd, but it reveals his position regarding the _real source_ of his teaching. He is in harmony with the council's judgment, and so he reads the letter from Jerusalem containing the decrees James laid out. But Paul's gospel depends on direct revelation from Christ, not on what Jerusalem approves. Hence, in his letters, he does not need to rely on the document for his authority.

### Churches grow daily (16:5)

Paul and his team travel throughout Syria, Cilicia and Galatia (15:41; 16:4). They take stock of the churches that were raised up on the first missionary journey. Paul strengthens the believers' convictions, organizes them where necessary, and instructs them in the basics of the faith. Luke can now conclude with another summary statement of the progress of the messianic community: "So the churches were strengthened in the faith and grew daily in numbers" (16:5).

This is the fourth of Luke's brief and general reports on the progress of the church (6:7; 9:31; 12:24). Besides these more sweeping progress reports, Luke also gives more specific updates regarding the church. Commentators have identified the following ones up to this point: Acts 2:41, 47; 4:4; 5:14; 6:1, 7; 8:25, 40; 9:31; 11:24-25; 12:24; 14:21-23.

### Prevented by the Holy Spirit (16:6)

Luke doesn't say what plans Paul had for after the missionaries completed their pastoral work in Syria, Cilicia and Galatia. He gives a generalized summary of their subsequent movements: "Paul and his companions traveled throughout the region of Phrygia and Galatia" (16:6).

The precise meaning of the phrase "Phrygia and Galatia" is unclear. There is a similar reference to "the region of Galatia and Phrygia" in 18:23. On that occasion Paul is traveling west, toward Ephesus (19:1). It is difficult to determine the exact boundaries of Phrygia, and its relationship to Galatia. Strabo has an extensive discussion of this region ( _Geography_ 12, 7, 1-5).

One reason for the vagueness is that the Roman provincial boundaries were superimposed on older ethnic regions. (We see a similar situation today where African national-political boundaries created by European powers cut across tribal lands.) Phrygia apparently lay partly in the province of Galatia and partly in the province of Asia. Pisidian Antioch and Iconium — two cities Paul visited — might have been in Phyrgia.

From Luke's description, it appears the apostle Paul has been moving steadily westward, probably along the road known as Via Sebaste. The cities of Derbe, Lystra, Iconium and Pisidian Antioch are all connected to this important highway. Perhaps Paul intends to follow this road to Ephesus, the capital of the Roman province of Asia, which stretches across the west coast of Asia Minor.

However, some dramatic occurrence interferes with his plans. Luke says the missionary team is "kept by the Holy Spirit from preaching the word in the province of Asia" (16:6). Luke doesn't explain what the Spirit uses to keep Paul out of the province. Whatever the circumstance, Luke recognizes that it occurs under God's direction. He takes every opportunity to show God's involvement in the spread of the gospel, and this is another situation he uses to make clear that Paul's work is directed by God to achieve his own purposes.

#### Paul's missionary journeys display an extraordinary combination of strategic planning and keen sensitiveness to the guidance of the Spirit of God, however that guidance was conveyed — by prophetic utterance, inward prompting, or the overruling of external circumstances. (Bruce, 306)

In this case, God causes events to occur in such a way as to prevent Paul from entering the province of Asia. Perhaps political factors, weather or bandit activity are factors. Whatever it is, Paul's original intent to travel to Ephesus is thwarted. To get around Asia, Paul and his associates travel north through the Phrygian part of the province of Galatia.

### On to Bithynia (16:7)

Paul and his party kept on traveling north. "When they came to the border of Mysia, they tried to enter Bithynia" (16:7-8). Paul is somewhere around the city of Dorylaeum, north of Pisidian Antioch. From Dorylaeum the missionaries could travel to such Bithynian cities as Nicaea and Nicomedia. It is natural for Paul to think that if the large province of Asia is not open to evangelism, then perhaps they should go northwest to the province of Bithynia. It is along the Black Sea coast of northwest Asia Minor, and has a number of civilized Greek cities as well as Jewish settlements.

Later, Peter writes to Christian communities in Bithynia (1 Peter 1:1). Yet later, Pliny the Younger, the province's governor under Trajan in A.D. 110-12, complained about the many Christians in the area ( _Letter_ 10:96-97).

But Paul is also prevented from doing missionary work in Bithynia. Luke writes that "the Spirit of Jesus would not allow them" (16:7). This is the only time that the expression "Spirit of Jesus" occurs in Acts. Luke may be trying to tell his readers that Jesus continues to take an active role in directing the preaching of the gospel. Jesus has already made his appearance in Acts as one who mandates the apostles' work of preaching the gospel (1:3; 7:56; 9:5). The Holy Spirit is called by his own name, or is referred to as "the Spirit of God" (Matthew 10:20), "the Spirit of Christ," or "the Spirit of Jesus" (Romans 8:9; Galatians 4:6; Philippians 1:19; 1 Peter 1:11). But there is only one Holy Spirit, of course.

God has again intervened in the plans of the missionaries. He is directing Paul and his associates to a historic new phase of the work. But for the moment, they are unaware of what is happening to them.

### Stopping at Troas (16:8)

If they can't preach in Asia, nor in Bithynia, the missionaries can at least get to the coast of Asia Minor — and then decide what to do. Luke tells us "they passed by Mysia and went down to Troas" (16:8). (They had to go through Mysia in order to reach coastal Troas.) Mysia is a somewhat indefinite region in the northwest corner of Asia Minor. It is the land that abuts into the Aegean Sea, and its northern border is the Dardanelles (the Hellespont) (Strabo, _Geography_ 12, 4, 5). Mysia includes the historic seaport of Troas, and the site of ancient Troy, about ten miles inland.

Troas is an important port, connecting the land masses of Europe (Macedonia) and Asia Minor as well being near the passageway between the Aegean and Black Seas. It is a regular port of call for trading vessels plying these waters, and it is an important hub for the Roman communication system.

What Paul does not yet realize is that God has boxed him in. He is in a coastal city with nowhere to go except west across the Aegean Sea to Macedonian Europe.

### Man of Macedonia (16:9-10)

It is at Troas that the apostle Paul has a strange vision. During the night he sees the figure "of a man of Macedonia standing and begging him, 'Come over to Macedonia and help us'" (16:9). (Luke doesn't explain how Paul knows the person he sees in his vision is from Macedonia.)

This is a pivotal event, for Paul now understands that he is being given a divine call to evangelize Macedonia. This province lies west, across the Aegean Sea from Troas, which makes this seaport the ideal place jumping-off point for the mission. A short boat ride across the Aegean will bring Paul to Philippi, a chief port of Macedonia.

### "We got ready" (16:10)

It is at Troas that the first of the "we" sections of Acts appears (16:10-17). Luke writes: "After Paul had seen the vision, _we_ got ready at once to leave for Macedonia, concluding that God had called _us_ to preach the gospel to them" (16:10). For the next several verses Luke unobtrusively inserts himself as the fourth member of the missionary team, including Paul, Silas and Timothy. This first "we" section ends in Philippi (16:17).

The next "we" section begins when Paul revisits Philippi after the third journey (20:5-15). (The other "we" sections are in 21:1-18 and 27:1-28:16.) It's reasonable to conclude, then, that Luke stays at Philippi after Paul, Silas and Timothy make their way across Macedonia, and then go south into Achaia. Perhaps Luke is left there to build and organize the church.

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## The Gospel in Macedonia  
Acts 16:11-17:15

### Sailing to Neapolis (16:11)

The missionary foursome (Paul, Silas, Timothy and Luke) sail from Troas for the Macedonian port of Neapolis (the port city of Philippi), passing by the island of Samothrace. Like many other captains, the captain anchors his vessel overnight at the island's port. The entire crossing of 125 to 150 miles usually takes two days. However, the ship Paul is on for his later return trip from Neapolis to Troas encounters rough seas and contrary winds. Because of this, it takes the missionary company five days to cross the Aegean on that occasion (20:5).

### Philippi, a chief colony (16:12)

Neapolis (the modern Kavalla) is the port city; Philippi itself lies 10 miles (16 kilometers) inland on the Via Egnatia. This important highway runs east to Byzantium and west across the Balkan peninsula to Dyrrhachium on the Adriatic coast. Travellers reaching Dyrrhachium can then cross the Adriatic to Brundisium, on the Italian mainland. Here they can connect with another important highway, the Appian Way, which leads to Rome. Perhaps the thought crosses Paul's mind that he might preach in cities along the Via Egnatia and eventually make his way to Rome.

There's no indication that Paul preached at Neapolis. Luke hurries the missionaries to Philippi, which is a "Roman colony and the leading city of that district of Macedonia" (16:12).

"The Greek of this verse is confused, but the reading adopted by the Good News Bible probably represents what Luke intended, namely, that Philippi was 'a city of the first district of Macedonia.' It was certainly not 'the leading city of the district of Macedonia' (RSV) nor even of this particular subdivision (NIV). That distinction belonged to Amphipolis, and Thessalonica was the capital of the whole province." (David J. Williams, _Acts,_ New International Biblical Commentary, pages 280-281).

Philippi had become part of the Roman Empire in 167 B.C. After the second civil war in 42 B.C., when Mark Anthony and Octavian (Augustus) defeated Brutus and Cassius (assassins of Julius Caesar), many Roman army veterans were settled at Philippi, and the city became a Roman colony.

Colonies are governed by the emperor, rather than provincial officials. Roman colonies uses Roman law and have constitutions modeled on the city of Rome.

#### Apart from the deployment of army units throughout the Empire, the Romans strengthened their hold on the provinces by the creation of "colonies." These were towns, strategically selected, whose inhabitants were given the rights of Roman citizenship, lived under Roman law and were governed by a Roman type of constitution; they were often used as settlements for retired soldiers of the Roman army, and thus were tantamount to garrison towns. Although these colonies presented the normal architectural features of Greek civilization...they were veritable "little Italies" transplanted overseas, with the Latin ethos and language much in evidence. (E. William Neil, _The Acts of the Apostles,_ The New Century Bible Commentary [Grand Rapids: Eerdmans, 1973], 181)

Philippi is the only city Luke _names_ as a colony, though other cities appearing in Acts are also Roman colonies: Antioch of Pisidia (13:14), Iconium (14:1), Lystra (14:6), Troas (16:8) and Corinth (18:1). Philippi is an especially important center for Paul's European mission. The Philippian church generously supports him financially in his work (Philippians 4:15-18; 2 Corinthians 11:9). The church there has a "partnership in the gospel from the first day" (Philippians 1:5).

### On the Sabbath (16:13)

Luke begins his account of the events in Philippi with the conversion of a woman named Lydia. Paul meets Lydia on the Sabbath day when he and the other missionaries go "outside the city gate to the river, where we expected to find a place of prayer" (16:13). Luke is still signaling his presence by using the pronoun "we" (16:13, 16). The river, called the Gangites, is about a mile and a half west of the city.

Paul usually goes to a local synagogue on the Sabbath, where he can preach the gospel when he is asked to speak. But in Philippi, he goes to a river, suggesting that the city does not have a synagogue, probably because it does not have many resident Jews. Jewish law requires that at least ten male heads of households should be available for regular attendance before a synagogue is formed (Mishnah, _Sanhedrin_ 1.6). If the minimum of ten cannot be met, a place of prayer is selected for an informal Sabbath gathering in some peaceful setting, either in a building or outdoors. Those present recite the Shema, pray, read from the prophets, and discuss their readings.

If that is the situation Paul encounters at the "place of prayer" near Philippi, then possibly only women are present (16:13). As a traveling Jewish teacher, Paul is allowed to speak some words of wisdom, offer some exhortation, and deliver a blessing. This is exactly what he does (16:13).

### A woman named Lydia (16:14)

One of the women listening to Paul is Lydia, "a dealer in purple cloth" who was "from the city of Thyatira" (16:4). Thyatira is in the ancient kingdom of Lydia, which in Paul's day is part of the province of Asia (Pliny, _Natural History_ 5.10). Thyatira is renowned for its purple clothing dyes.

Some commentators suggest that since Thyatira is considered to be in the region of Lydia, Luke was speaking of the woman's place of origin, not her real name. Some scholars propose that the real name of the "Lydian lady" is either Euodia or Syntyche of the Philippian church (Philippians 4:2). This is only a guess. We shall continue to call her "Lydia."

Lydia may be the local representative or retailer for a guild in Thyatira, selling its wares in Macedonia. Purple dye and cloth was a luxury trade (Luke 16:19) and we can assume that Lydia is rather well-to-do. She is apparently either a single woman or widow. The fact that she owns her own home and can provide hospitality to the traveling missionaries underscores the point that she is a woman of means (16:15).

Luke calls Lydia a "worshiper of God" (16:14). Commentators suggest that the term is indefinite — she may be a pious Jew or a Gentile who worships the God of Israel as a proselyte or God-fearer.

Luke centers on Lydia as a person who is especially influenced by the gospel message. Since Luke writes some years later, perhaps Lydia is still influential in the church. Luke also identifies women as being prominent among the believers in the next three cities in which Paul preaches — Thessalonica (17:4), Berea (17:12) and Athens (17:34). (In the secular world, too, women have a more prominent role in Macedonia than in many other provinces.)

### Opened her heart (16:14-15)

Luke says of Lydia that "the Lord opened her heart to respond to Paul's message" (16:14). Luke speaks of such "openings" elsewhere in his Gospel. The disciples' eyes (24:33), their understanding of Scripture (24:32), and their minds (24:45) are opened by Jesus after the resurrection. Luke sees conversion as God's action on human beings, opening their understanding to the message of salvation. In this he follows Paul, who says that people cannot believe the gospel because Satan darkens their minds (2 Corinthians 4:4). Their hearts have to be opened miraculously by the enlightening Spirit of God.

Lydia's baptism seems to take place rather quickly after she responds to the message (16:15). But this is not unusual in Acts. She and her household (family, dependents and servants) become the first converts in Europe, so far as we know. After being baptized, Lydia invites the missionaries to stay at her house, which they do. She puts her Christianity to work, inviting the "strangers" to share in her goods (cf. Matthew 25:35).

### Demon-possessed slave girl (16:16-18)

Lydia now disappears from Luke's account, and the rest of the narrative dealing with Philippi centers around Paul's imprisonment. The crisis begins when the missionaries are going to the place of prayer again. They encounter "a female slave who had a spirit" (16:16). The Greek here is _pneuma pythona,_ or a "Pythian spirit." Luke is describing demon possession in the common parlance.

#### The Python was a mythical serpent or dragon that guarded the temple and oracle of Apollo, located on the southern slope of Mount Parnassus to the north of the Gulf of Corinth. It was supposed to have lived at the foot of Mount Parnassus and to have eventually been killed by Apollo (cf. Strabo, _Geography_ 9.3.12). Later the word _python_ came to mean a demon-possessed person through whom the Python spoke — even a ventriloquist was thought to have such a spirit living in his or her belly. (Richard N. Longenecker, "Acts," _The Expositor's Bible Commentary,_ vol. 9 [ed. Frank E. Gaebelein; Grand Rapids, MI: Zondervan, 1981], page 462)

The demon-possessed girl keeps bothering Paul and his group "for many days" (16:18). The demon inside the girl kept shouting, "These men are servants of the Most High God, who are telling you the way to be saved" (16:17). The demonic spirit knows that the presence and power of God is with the missionaries. The demon's shouting is probably done in mockery, and is intended to disrupt, not enhance, the preaching of the gospel. Luke has already told us about a similar situation Jesus encountered, where a demon keeps on shouting that Jesus is "the Holy One of God" (Luke 4:34). Jesus encountered a similar situation on several occasions (Luke 4:41; 8:28; Mark 1:24; 3:11; 5:7).

Paul finally becomes "so annoyed" that he does what Jesus did on numerous occasions — he commands the demon to leave. Paul does it in Jesus' name, and "at that moment the spirit left her" (16:18).

### Profit also left (16:19)

When Paul casts out the demon, he creates a confrontation between himself and those who have a financial stake in the demon-possessed girl. She has "earned a great deal of money for her owners by fortune-telling" (16:16). Luke has already recounted several incidents where people were interested in financial gain. The actions of Judas (1:16-21), Ananias and Sapphira (5:1-11) and Simon Magus (8:18-24) are all examples of greed being exposed by the truth of the gospel.

Now, in Philippi, God's power used on behalf of the gospel has ruined a business making money from the superstitions of the ignorant. When Paul casts the demon out from the girl, she can no longer tell fortunes, and a business is wiped out. In exorcising the demon, Paul has also cast out the slave owners' means of income. Luke points this out in a literary way by using the same Greek verb for both the "leaving" of the demon and the slave owners' profit-making business.

### Before the magistrates (16:19-20)

The owners do not take kindly to the closing down of their enterprise. They grab Paul and Silas and drag them before the local magistrates (16:19). Why are only Paul and Silas the targets of persecution? Paul is responsible for casting out the demon, and Silas is another leader of the missionary group. They are both Jews, and perhaps this makes them convenient scapegoats. (Timothy is half Gentile and Luke may be completely Gentile, and this may save them from trouble.)

This is only one of two occasions in which Luke reports Gentiles persecuting Christian missionaries. The other occurs in Ephesus (Acts 19:23-41). Both episodes come about because the power of the gospel threatens the vested economic interests of the persecutors. Here the owners of the slave girl drag the two missionaries before the town council and demand that the magistrates prosecute Paul and Silas (16:20-21).

"Magistrates" is the first of three different civic officials Luke mentions in this chapter. Since Philippi is a Roman colony, its government is carried on independently of the provincial administration, which is in Thessalonica. Like other colonies, Philippi's governing administration is in the hands of two chief magistrates called duumvirs, but they prefer the honorary title of praetors. The Greek equivalent would be _strategoi,_ and that is the word Luke uses for them.

The second group of officials that Luke mentions are the "policemen" or "officers" (Greek, _rhabdouchoi_ ) of the city who serve under the magistrates (16:35). These individuals carry out the instructions of the magistrates in such law-and-order matters as flogging criminals and administering capital punishment.

The third official mentioned in this chapter is the jailer (16:23). Jailers are often retired army veterans, and their military skills are helpful in controlling inmates and preventing prison escapes.

### Unlawful customs (16:20-21)

The angry owners of the slave girl frame their accusation against Paul and Silas in political terms: "These men are Jews, and are throwing our city into an uproar by advocating customs unlawful for us Romans to accept or practice" (16:20-21). The accusers begin by appealing to anti-Semitic prejudice. Emperor Claudius had recently issued an edict expelling Jews from Rome because of the civil unrest they caused, which we shall consider later (18:2). No doubt, rumors and official notices of these disturbances reach the patriotic Roman colonies. The officials are therefore somewhat predisposed to think that Jews are troublemakers.

The specific charges the slave owners bring against Paul and Silas are made of two related parts. As plaintiffs sometimes do, they hide their real grievance, which was financial. They claim that Paul and Silas are causing a public disturbance — "throwing our city into an uproar." This would be a timely "scare tactic" to frighten local officials who know about the problems Jews had recently caused in Rome.

Secondly, the plaintiffs claim that Paul and Silas — those vagabond Jews — are promoting illegal customs. Thus, they deftly counterpoise anti-Semitism with the town's pride in being "Roman." Paul and Silas are charged with disturbing the Pax Romana and advocating an illegal religion. Ironically, Paul will soon be accused of a similar charge, but this time by Jews (17:6-7).

### Flogged and jailed (16:22-24)

The magistrates order Paul and Silas to be beaten with rods and thrown into the local jail (16:23). The jailer is ordered to "guard them carefully." He places the two missionaries "in the inner cell and fastened their feet in the stocks" (16:23-24). Luke carefully notes these details about their imprisonment — that they are locked in the stocks of an inner cell that was carefully guarded. He wants to prepare his readers for a miraculous event that will occur shortly.

This is not the only time Paul is beaten, and as Acts tells us, Paul is in prison several times. Paul later looks back on his many sufferings, including those at Philippi. He says his trials included being "in prison more frequently" and having been beaten with rods on three occasions (2 Corinthians 11:23, 25).

Here, at Philippi, Paul endures both a beating and imprisonment. It is something he doesn't forget, and he refers to the bad experience as having "suffered and been treated outrageously in Philippi" (1 Thessalonians 2:2).

### Escape from prison (16:25-29)

Luke now turns to describe the miraculous occurrences that happened while Paul and Silas are in prison, and the consequences that follow. He picks up the account with the imprisoned Paul and Silas praying and singing hymns at midnight (16:25). Luke doesn't say what the two missionaries were praying about. However, since they are singing, we can assume they are expressing joy. Luke wants his readers to know that Jesus' disciples are people who turn to prayer in times of crisis (1:14; 2:42, 47; 4:23-31; 6:4; 7:60; 9:11; 10:2, 9; 12:12; 13:2-3). Paul and Silas are like Peter and John, who after being beaten, rejoice "because they had been counted worthy of suffering disgrace for the Name" (5:41).

Around midnight, God intervenes by shaking the prison by means of an earthquake. The prison doors fly open, the prisoners' chains are opened, and the jailer is awakened. To his horror, he sees the prison doors standing open. Thinking the prisoners have escaped, he is about to commit suicide. (In Roman law, a guard who allows his prisoner to escape can suffer the same penalty as the prisoner would have suffered.) At this point, Luke's readers may be concerned that the jailer will face dire consequences. Luke has already told us that when Peter escaped from prison, Herod "cross-examined the guards and ordered that they be executed" (12:19).

On this occasion, however, none of the prisoners escape. Paul and Silas are still in the jail. When Paul perceives that the jailer is about to kill himself, Paul shouts, "Don't harm yourself! We are all here!" (16:28).

One might wonder why the other prisoners, whose chains have fallen off, don't escape through the open doors. Perhaps they are paralyzed with fear by the supernatural power that seems to be with Paul and Silas. The prisoners have been listening to the two missionaries singing to their God, and may assume that the earthquake is an answer to their prayers. But that part of the story is not pertinent to Luke's account, and he simply doesn't give us the details.

### "What must I do to be saved?" (16:30-32)

More important, from Luke's perspective, is that the jailer rushes into the cell and falls down before Paul and Silas, in great fear. "Sirs, what must I do to be saved?" he cries out (16:30).

It's not clear what the jailer's understanding of "being saved" is. He wants to be rescued from something, but from what? Does he fear some kind of retribution from these two "magicians"? (The jailer has probably heard about the exorcism of the demon from the slave girl.) Perhaps he heard something of the gospel being preached in town. Aspects of the message of salvation may have been conveyed to the jailer in the prayers and songs of the imprisoned missionaries.

In any case, he is soon educated as to what it means to be saved. Paul answers the jailer's question by saying, "Believe in the Lord Jesus, and you will be saved — you and your household" (16:31). Of course, there is more to being saved than simply uttering the words, "I believe in Jesus." Jesus himself said, "Not everyone who says to me, 'Lord, Lord,' will enter the kingdom of heaven, but only the one who does the will of my Father who is in heaven" (Matthew 7:21).

"Believe on the Lord Jesus Christ, and you will be saved" is a summary confession of the Christian faith. "Believing on the Lord" is Luke's shorthand statement for the faith as a whole. He has already used it several times (5:14; 9:42; 11:17).

Paul summarizes the gospel to the church in Rome in the same way: "If you declare with your mouth, 'Jesus is Lord,' and believe in your heart that God raised him from the dead, you will be saved" (Romans 10:9). This confessional summary implies that human works do not earn salvation. Since salvation comes through Jesus Christ (4:12), one must believe in him as Savior in order to experience him _as_ salvation.

But faith in Jesus needs to be explained. Paul does this for the jailer and his family. The two missionaries speak "the word of the Lord to him and to all the others in his house" (16:32). No doubt they explain the gospel of salvation in terms the jailer and his household can understand. They also probably discuss something of what it means to have a new life in Christ. Further instruction will come later within a church of believers organized in Philippi.

### Family baptized (16:33-34)

The jailer takes Paul and Silas into his quarters and washes their wounds. Then, he and his family are baptized — as in the case of Cornelius. The jailer is then "filled with joy because he had come to believe in God — he and his whole household" (16:34). Since Luke is speaking from hindsight — and perhaps he even served as pastor for these people — he knows that their conversion is real.

#### The gift offered to the jailer is also offered to his whole household. The New Testament takes the unity of the family seriously, and when salvation is offered to the head of the household, it is as a matter of course made available to the rest of the family group (including dependents and servants) as well (cf. 16:15). It is, however, offered to them on the same terms: they too have to hear the Word (16:31), believe and be baptized; the jailer's own faith does not cover them. (I. Howard Marshall, _Acts,_ Tyndale New Testament Commentaries [Grand Rapids, MI: Eerdmans, 1980], 273)

Luke describes the conversion of the jailer in terms of believing in God. As a pagan Gentile, the jailer would be taught about the one true God. Paul has already told him that a person has to believe in Jesus to be saved. To believe in the one true God is to believe in Christ; to believe in Christ is to believe in God. As Jesus said, "Whoever believes in me does not believe in me only, but in the one who sent me" (John 12:44).

Luke, in passing, gives two practical examples of the jailer's new-found faith. He tends the prisoners' wounds and brings them into his own house and feeds them. It's doubtful that an army veteran would have shown compassion to prisoners in his prior life. We should also note that Paul has no hesitation at eating with Gentiles, something that would be impossible for a devout Jew to do.

### "We are Romans" (16:35-38)

After the meal, Paul and Silas voluntarily return to their prison cell. The next morning the magistrates send the police officers to the prison with instructions to release the two missionaries. Paul and Silas have paid the penalty for their suspected disturbance of the peace by being beaten and imprisoned overnight. Now they can be freed, and perhaps commanded to leave town.

But Paul surprises the officers by saying, "They beat us publicly without a trial, even though we are Roman citizens, and threw us into prison. And now do they want to get rid of us quietly? No! Let them come themselves and escort us out" (16:37).

When the magistrates learn that Paul and Silas are Roman citizens, they are alarmed (16:38). They come to the prison, escort the missionaries outside, and plead with them to leave the city peacefully. If any officials appreciate the value of Roman citizenship, it would be the magistrates of a Roman colony. The Valerian and Porcian laws, issued in bygone days, said a citizen could travel anywhere within Roman territory under the protection of Rome. It is illegal to punish or imprison a Roman citizen who appeals for a trial at Rome, rather than under local authorities.

By the time of this incident at Philippi, A.N. Sherwin-White points out, the original laws regarding the rights of the arrested had been modified. A Roman citizen might under some circumstances be chained or beaten at the orders of a Roman magistrate ( _Roman Society and Roman Law in the New Testament,_ page 73). However, under no circumstances can any punishment be given without a trial. This is the issue Paul brings up. He and Silas were beaten and imprisoned without first being tried (16:37).

We have little evidence of how this exercise of the rights of a citizen is normally made. Neither are we certain how an individual can support his claim of Roman citizenship on the spot. In the case of Paul, he is probably registered as a citizen in the provincial records of Tarsus, and a copy of the registration can be obtained, but that could take months. And we have no evidence that Paul is carrying such a document with him.

Much of our information on a Roman citizen's rights regarding trial and appeal actually comes from the book of Acts itself. These matters are touched on in the following verses: 16:37-39; 22:25-29; 25:9-12; 26:32; 27:1; 28:16.

One might wonder why Paul and Silas don't appeal to their Roman citizenship _before_ they are beaten and imprisoned. Perhaps they do, but in the heat of the moment no one pays any attention to them. Cicero cites a case in which a prisoner is beaten even as he shouts that he is a Roman citizen ( _In Verrem_ 5.62). At a later time in Jerusalem, Paul will claim his citizenship rights before being beaten (22:25). But in that case he is about to be scourged, which is a more deadly form of beating than that administered by the officers' rods.

Paul insists on a public apology from the magistrates of Philippi. It serves notice that the missionaries had been wrongly disgraced, which is not so important for Paul, but very helpful for the believers who remain in the city. They will not stand for any arbitrary bad treatment — either here or elsewhere in the empire.

### "Leave the city" (16:39-40)

Paul and Silas do not leave the city immediately, even though they were requested to. This, too, makes a point with the authorities. Yes, Paul will leave, but he will not scurry out of town in fear as though he had been guilty of a crime. The missionaries return to Lydia's home. There they meet with the believers and encourage them. After this, they leave with Timothy and travel westward toward Thessalonica. Luke may stay in Philippi. This is indicated by the fact that the "we" section ends. It does not begin again until Luke and the other missionaries sail from Philippi several years later (20:5).

During the interim, Luke may be the pastor for the small church in Philippi, which perhaps meets at Lydia's house. The congregation presumably begins to grow in size, organization and faith. Paul later writes the church a letter, commending it for its continuing concern for him (Philippians 2:25-30; 4:10-19).

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###### back to table of contents

## Acts 17: The Gospel Goes into Macedonia and Greece

### On to Thessalonica (17:1)

After Paul, Silas and Timothy leave Philippi, they travel west through the next two towns — Amphipolis and Apollonia. If any missionary work occurs there, Luke has no interest in telling his readers about it. Luke simply says that Paul and his company go through these towns. Amphipolis is about 33 miles (53 kilometers) southwest of Philippi, along the Via Egnatia. Apollonia is 27 miles (43 kilometers) west-southwest of Amphipolis.

Luke is hurrying the missionary group to Thessalonica, about 35 miles (56 kilometers) west of Apollonia. Each town is about a horseback day's journey from the next. Thessalonica (modern Salonika) is the capital of the province of Macedonia, and its largest and most prosperous city. Thessalonica is a large city of perhaps 200,000 people. It has a good location on the Thermaic Gulf. The Via Egnatia is the main street of Thessalonica, and it is still a major thoroughfare of Salonika.

In Luke's day, Thessalonica is an important link between the rich Macedonian agricultural interior and land and sea trade routes. Paul seems to view Thessalonica as a strategic center from which to preach the gospel in the Balkan peninsula. Paul knows that he does not have to go to all these areas — once he begins a church in one city, the believers themselves will begin spreading the good news to nearby areas. Perhaps that is why Paul just passes through Amphipolis and Apollonia — he knows they will be evangelized from the churches in Philippi and Thessalonica. Paul can later write to the church, saying, "The Lord's message rang out from you not only in Macedonia and Achaia — your faith in God has become known everywhere" (1 Thessalonians 1:8).

Paul teaches in the largest cities of the Roman world — Antioch, Thessalonica, Corinth, Ephesus and Rome. These cities are seaports and on busy trade routes. Churches established in these cities provide a jumping-off place from which nearby towns and villages in the hinterland will be evangelized.

### As his custom was (17:2)

When Paul comes to Thessalonica, he goes into the synagogue "as was his custom" and for "three Sabbath days he reasoned with them [the Jews] from the Scriptures" (17:2). Paul uses a simple strategy in spreading the gospel of God. When he arrives in a new city, he almost always visits a local synagogue. This becomes his regular practice (13:14, 44; 14:1; 16:13, 16; 18:4; 19:8).

A Sabbath in a synagogue is a wonderful teaching opportunity for Paul. Here Jews and devout Gentiles gather to read and interpret the Scriptures — the Old Testament in Greek translation. In such a setting, Paul finds people who already know the true God. They share Israel's hope for a Messiah and the kingdom of God.

At Thessalonica, Paul is able to speak in the synagogue during three Sabbaths. This is probably only the beginning of a longer campaign in Thessalonica. We learn from Paul's letter to the Philippian church that he receives financial aid from Philippi on several occasions (4:16). But he is also supporting himself even while he is preaching the gospel in the city (1 Thessalonians 2:9; 2 Thessalonians 3:7-8). This implies that Paul is in the city for some time.

It appears that most of the converts in Thessalonica were originally pagans, not God-fearers who attended the synagogue (1 Thessalonians 1:9). This implies that Paul is teaching pagan Gentiles directly, probably after his three sessions in the synagogue. Most likely, the three weeks in the synagogue are only the beginning of Paul's work in Thessalonica. Perhaps the synagogue kicked him out after those first three weeks, and he then teaches the Gentiles directly, but Luke doesn't describe this part of Paul's mission in Thessalonica.

### Reasoning from the Scriptures (17:2-4)

In the synagogue, Paul is "explaining and proving that the Messiah had to suffer and rise from the dead" (17:3). Paul tries to be methodical in his teaching. He "reasons," "explains," "proves," and "persuades" his hearers. What probably surprises, and angers the Jews is Paul's claim that the Messiah "had to suffer" (17:3). Preaching a suffering Savior who died is not a popular message for most Jews, since they are looking for a heroic Messiah (1 Corinthians 1:22-23).

Paul argues that Jesus fulfills the conditions for a suffering Messiah — which the Scriptures speak of. Thus, he _is_ that Messiah. But to the Jews, Jesus is a criminal and insurrectionist who was executed by the Romans. It's not surprising that Paul probably lasts only three weeks in the synagogue before being ejected as a heretic, or fool.

#### The preaching of Paul in the Book of Acts generally and at Thessalonica particularly took the form of a "proclaimed witness" — i.e., a witness to the facts that Jesus of Nazareth is the Christ, that his suffering and resurrection were in accord with the Scriptures, and that through his earthly ministry and living presence men and women can experience the reign of God in their lives. (Longenecker, 469)

In its simplest form, this is the essence of the gospel Paul preaches from the Hebrew Scriptures. He writes later of this "good news": "For what I received I passed on to you as of first importance: that Christ died for our sins according to the Scriptures, that he was buried, that he was raised on the third day according to the Scriptures" (1 Corinthians 15:3-4).

Some of the Jews believe this gospel and join Paul and Silas. As well, so do a number of God-fearing Gentiles who attend the synagogue and a few "prominent women" (17:4). These all become disciples. Once Paul is barred from the synagogue, he turns to teaching the pagan Gentiles. He apparently receives a much more favorable response from them, as Thessalonians implies. It is helpful to read Paul's two letters to the Thessalonians in connection with this section of Acts. The epistles flesh out Luke's account of Paul's stay in the city and put a very human face on his relationship with the converts there.

### Jews accuse Paul and Silas (17:5-9)

Paul's success with the Gentiles both within and especially outside the synagogue ignite the Jews' jealousy (17:5). Not only is Paul the renegade rabbi stealing converts from their private preserve, he is having unprecedented success in making proselytes from the Gentile community at large. The unbelieving Jews decide it is time to stop Paul's evangelizing activities. So they "rounded up some bad characters from the marketplace, formed a mob and started a riot in the city" (17:5). The mob is composed of criminal types who hang around the public square with nothing to do but cause trouble. The Jews probably pay them to start a riot. Apparently, their goal is to implicate Paul and Silas in a civil disturbance.

The Jews assume the missionaries are in the home of a convert named Jason. They storm the house but find only Jason and some other believers. (Jason's home probably serves as a house church, as did Lydia's.) Some connect this Jason with the individual mentioned along with Luke (Lucius) and Sosipater (16:21) in the letter to the Romans. However, Jason is a common name and any connection can only be speculative.

The Jews apparently hope to bring Paul before the popular assembly of citizens, the Greek _demos_ (17:5). The translation of the NIV, "crowd," is unfortunate. (See its footnote or marginal reference, "assembly of the people.") Failing to find Paul and Silas, the Jews drag Jason and some other believers before the city officials, or politarchs. These are the magistrates of Thessalonica, and the title is known from a number of inscriptions.

The Jews bring a charge of disturbing the Pax Romana against Paul and Silas. They claim, "These men who have caused trouble all over the world have now come here" (17:6). (The traditional KJV translation, "turned the world upside down," although memorable, gives an improper nuance to the Greek.) The Jews don't have Paul and Silas in hand, so they accuse Jason of being part of the conspiracy by allowing the insurrectionists to use his home as a safe house. The Jews also accuse the missionaries of "defying Caesar's decrees, saying that there is another king, one called Jesus" (17:7). Naturally, charges of insurrection, subverting the empire, and a plot against Caesar are extremely serious. If they hold up, the missionaries could be executed.

The magistrates of Thessalonica apparently know of the recent troubles in the Jewish community at Rome. These are described by the Roman biographer and historian Suetonius (born c. A.D. 70) as the "constant riots at the instigation of Chrestus" ( _Life of Claudius_ 25.4). The continuing tumult forces Emperor Claudius to issue his edict around A.D. 49-50, which tries to expel all the Jews from the city. The Jews of Thessalonica are probably playing on these fears, intimating that similar riots might erupt in their city.

This may have had something to do with the accusation that the missionaries are "defying Caesar's decrees" (17:7). Perhaps the decrees had to do with prohibitions against public assemblies (including religious ones) or the fomenting of riots — meant to prevent the sorts of disturbances that occurred at Rome. The Jews also accuse the missionaries of saying there is another king, Jesus, instead of Caesar. Perhaps the decrees in question contain oaths of loyalty to Caesar. Preaching Jesus as a rival emperor would violate such regulations.

Of course, the Jews are twisting the meaning of the confession that declared Jesus to be the Messiah and Savior. The Jews are putting a politically inflammatory twist on what is a personal and spiritual confession. (Although Jesus is not a king of this world, the gospel _does_ call people to give greater allegiance to Jesus than to Caesar.) The Thessalonian politarchs are "thrown into turmoil" when the Jews make these accusations (17:8). They don't want riots in their city, certainly not like the ones at Rome. The politarchs will be held accountable if they allow the violation of any imperial decrees.

But it seems that the magistrates see through the Jews' plot and recognize the accusations as erroneous. Perhaps the officials recognize the rioters as the ne'er-do-wells of the town square. What's more, Paul and Silas, supposedly the leaders of the riot, are nowhere to be found.

#### The politarchs took what they thought to be a moderate and reasonable course of action. They made Jason and those with him post a bond, assuring them that there would be no repetition of the trouble. This probably meant that Paul and Silas had to leave Thessalonica and that their friends promised they would not come back, at least during the term of office of the present politarchs. (Longenecker, 470)

### To Berea by night (17:10-15)

The Jews probably continue to look for Paul, so as soon as nightfall comes, the disciples spirit him out of the city and send him to Berea. Once again, Paul is forced to make a hasty and humiliating departure, as he did from Damascus (9:23-25), Jerusalem (9:30), Antioch of Pisidia (13:50-51) and Lystra (14:20).

Berea (modern Verria) is about 50 miles (81 kilometers) west-southwest of Thessalonica. It takes Paul about three days to reach the town. Berea is considered an out-of-the-way place, of little historical or political importance. Paul again goes into the synagogue to preach, but he is given an unusually warm reception by the Jews. Luke presents the Berean Jews as openminded individuals. "The Berean Jews were of more noble character than those in Thessalonica," he writes, "for they received the message with great eagerness and examined the Scriptures every day to see if what Paul said was true" (17:11).

The Berean Jews apparently meet with Paul every day (not just on the Sabbath) to examine the Scriptures. Luke implies that they are zealous to understand the truth. If the Jews in Thessalonica took the time to search for and evaluate the promises of the Hebrew Scriptures, they too would discover that Paul was speaking the truth.

Many Jews in Berea believe the gospel, as do some prominent Gentile men and women (18:12). Among the believers is Sopater son of Pyrrhus, who is identified by Luke as being from Berea (20:4). Sopater might be the same person as the Sosipater of Romans 16:21, but there is no way to be sure.

Luke emphasizes that the converted Gentiles are "prominent," perhaps in social standing. (One can almost catch a purposeful contrast here. The gospel can attract good people, while the Jews must rely on the rabble and riff-raff to foment a fake riot.) However, the antagonistic Jews of Thessalonica learn that Paul is teaching in Berea. They send some agents to stir up the crowds there. The Berean disciples take immediate action and send Paul "to the coast," down to the sea (17:14). It's not clear whether his friends put him on a ship bound for Piraeus, the port of Athens, or escort him by land to Athens. A sea journey would make more sense; otherwise Paul would have to travel a long distance over rough roads to get to Athens.

Silas and Timothy remain in Berea, but Paul gives instructions with the returning Bereans that they should rejoin him as soon as possible (17:15). They apparently rejoin him at Athens later, although Luke doesn't tell us when (1 Thessalonians 3:1). Paul sends Timothy back to Thessalonica (1 Thessalonians 3:2). Silas returns to Macedonia (perhaps Philippi), and then with Timothy rejoins Paul in Corinth (18:5).

Commentators speculate that Paul has not really planned to teach in Athens. Perhaps he would rather follow the Via Egnatia across the Balkan peninsula to Dyrrhachium on the Adriatic, and then cross the sea to Italy — and go to Rome. It may be that political considerations in Macedonia make it impossible for him to continue west. And because of Claudius' edict expelling Jews from Rome, it is not a good time to visit the city. Whatever his intentions, it's clear that Paul comes to Athens mainly to escape persecution.

## Paul Preaches in Athens and Corinth  
Acts 17:16-18:17

### Paul at Athens (17:16)

Athens has a 1,000 year history of glory when Paul enters its gates. The city is famous as the founder of democracy. It is a literary, artistic and philosophical center. Aeschylus, Epicurus, Euripides, Plato, Socrates, Sophocles, Thucydides and Zeno are part of its heritage.

The Romans conquered Athens in 146 B.C., but they are so impressed with Greek learning that they foster Athens' continuing dominance in cultural and intellectual matters. Athens continues to function as a free city. She lost her great wealth and pre-eminent position long before Paul teaches there. Athens, while still a great university town, has to live off its history, its reputation, its ancient glory. Its population during Paul's days is only 10,000.

### Teaching in the agora (17:16-17)

Paul is in the midst of an intellectual city, proud of its pagan heritage. Luke tells us that while Paul is waiting for Silas and Timothy, "he was greatly distressed to see that the city was full of idols" (17:16). Paul becomes emotionally troubled by the people's ignorance of the true God. The Athens of Paul's day is a city of many gods. Ancient historians such as Livy ( _History of Rome_ 45:27) and Pausanius ( _Description of Greece_ 1, 14, 1-1, 15, 7) attest to the fact that Athens is filled with religious statues.

"It was said that there were more statues of the gods in Athens than in all the rest of Greece put together and that in Athens it was easier to meet a god than a man" (William Barclay, _The Acts of the Apostles,_ revised edition, The Daily Study Bible Series [Philadelphia: Westminster, 1976], page 130).

Paul continues his usual practice of teaching in the synagogue on the Sabbath day, where he reasons with Jews and God-fearing Greeks (17:16). But he also pursues a parallel strategy of going to the Gentiles on weekdays. Paul reasons "in the marketplace day by day with those who happened to be there" (17:17). The marketplace is the _agora,_ west of the Acropolis. It is the center of Athenian social life, and serves as its forum and a place where goods are bought and sold. Paul, like certain philosophers were known to do, challenges the crowds with the gospel message.

### Stoics and Epicureans (17:18)

Paul soon finds himself confronted by Epicurean and Stoic philosophers who apparently teach in the _agora_ as well. Athens is a home base for these rival schools of philosophy.

Epicurus (341-270 B.C.) said that pleasure is the chief goal of life. "Pleasure," in his view, is the enjoyment of life that comes with freedom from pain, distressing emotions, superstitions, fears, and anxiety about death. To him the greatest pleasure is the absence of pain, suffering and fear. Today, epicureanism is sometimes confused with hedonism, indulging in physical pleasures without restraint. But that is not what the Epicureans teach in Paul's day. While they consider pleasure the highest good, it is more of an intellectual detachment from the cares of this life than attachment to physical desire. They know that physical desires can lead to addiction and unhappiness; one of the "pleasures" they seek is simply friendship.

Epicurus and those who followed him do not deny the existence of the gods, but they say the notions held by the multitudes are wrong. The Epicureans argue that the gods are "far off," with little or no interest in the ordinary lives of people. Epicureans have little motivation to seek after God or to fear his judgments.

The Stoic school of philosophy was founded by Zeno (340-265 B.C.), from Citium in Cyprus. Stoics emphasize human rational abilities, individual self-sufficiency, moral worth and duty. They stress reason and logic as principles that should govern the lives of people. The gods of popular mythology are said to be expressions of this universal Reason. The Stoics are pantheists in that they think of the divine as a kind of "world-soul."

### This babbler (17:18)

It's clear why the Epicureans and Stoics disagree with the gospel of salvation Paul is teaching in the _agora._ Thoughtful people rely on these two philosophies to explain the nature of human existence to help them cope with a world of suffering. These two philosophies try to explain the plight of humanity apart from any revelation of God's purpose. In that sense, the gospel message is a great challenge to them. It brings truth and light regarding humanity's purpose, and calls into question the usefulness of these philosophies.

To believers in Epicureanism and Stoicism, Paul's "philosophy" sounds alien and foolish — perhaps even dangerous. It's not strange, then, that upon hearing Paul speak, some of these philosophers say, "What is this babbler trying to say?" (17:18). The Greek word for "babbler" is _spermologos._ The word originally described the action of birds picking up grain. It was then applied to scrap collectors searching for junk. Finally, it came to refer to people who sell the ideas of other people without understanding them. The word _spermologos_ describes teachers who have only bits and pieces of learning, but who are trying to sound learned. Or it might refer to busybodies or gossips.

Paul is contemptuously dismissed by the Stoics and Epicureans as ignorant (1 Corinthians 2:23). Others are less derisive but more perplexed, saying, "He seems to be advocating foreign gods" (17:18). They say this because Paul is "preaching the good news about Jesus and the resurrection" (17:18). The philosophers seem to misunderstand what he is talking about — the "foreign gods" may refer to a new god (Jesus) and a goddess (Resurrection, or _anastasis_ in Greek). Perhaps these philosophers think that Paul wants to have these "new" deities added to the Athenian pantheon.

### To the Areopagus (17:19)

The suspicious philosophers take Paul to a session of the Areopagus. It is the city council of Athens, and in Roman times it is still the chief judicial body of the city. The court has perhaps 30 members, and is considered a select body. Interestingly, the word "Areopagus" survives today as the title of the Greek Supreme Court.

The council probably meets on the 377-foot hill called the Areopagus, or the Hill of Ares or Mars. (Ares, the Greek god of war, was equated with the Roman god Mars.) The hill is just northwest of the Acropolis. The council may meet at the Stoa Basileios, a columned building in the _agora_ , the city center.

The Athenian Areopagus is the town council responsible for culture, education and religion. It also deals with cases of homicide and has oversight of public morals. The Areopagus evaluates the competence of visiting lecturers to speak in their city.

It's not altogether clear whether the philosophers simply ask Paul to go before the Areopagus or whether they made a citizen's arrest and force him to go. The way Luke presents the proceeding it appears to be more of a curious inquiry rather than a formal hearing, and much less a trial. Since Luke doesn't imply the existence of a legal proceeding, it appears that Paul is asked to present his views before a normal session of the Areopagus. But it may be something of a command performance, not to be refused.

Perhaps we can envision the Areopagus meeting in open session like a city council. It hears reports from citizens regarding issues of vital interest to the community. After all, Luke does say that "the Athenians and the foreigners who lived there spent their time doing nothing but talking about and listening to the latest ideas" (17:21). The Areopagus probably reflects this on-going talk show, and they would be curious to hear Paul's "new ideas," even if they seemed strange and far-fetched.

Johannes Munck is probably right when he says, "Curiosity about his teaching, not an accusation made against him, brought Paul and his audience to the Areopagus" ( _The Acts of the Apostles,_ The Anchor Bible [New York: Doubleday, 1967], 169). Nevertheless, while this is probably not a judicial hearing, there is an implied threat in being brought before the council.

Josephus gives several examples of Athenians being punished for offending the gods of Athens ( _Against Apion_ 2.262-269). Among those recently executed, says Josephus, is "a certain priestess, because she was accused by somebody that she initiated people into the worship of strange gods" (2.267). Even under the best of circumstances, an offer to present one's views about "strange gods" before the council is not to be taken lightly.

#### The philosophers' interest in Paul's teaching was probably no more than academic, but there may have been just a hint of threat in it, because in Athens the introduction of strange gods, though common enough, was a capital offense if for this reason the local deities were rejected and the state religion was disturbed. (Williams, 303)

Perhaps we should see Paul's "defense" before the Areopagus as being a kind of preliminary hearing to determine whether charges are to be filed. How he fares before this "grand jury" may determine his fate.

### "You are very religious" (17:20-22)

Paul now stands before the Areopagus and the council asks him to speak. "May we know what this new teaching is that you are presenting?" the Areopagus asks, "You are bringing some strange ideas to our ears, and we would like to know what they mean" (17:20).

What Paul does in his speech is to point out the weaknesses of popular idolatry. But he does this by relying on the insights of Greek philosophers to show that some pagans have an understanding of God that contradicts idolatry. However, Paul then points out that the philosophers don't go far enough. Here Paul introduces a new understanding of God and his purpose, and calls on his listeners to abandon their ignorance, and to repent.

Paul immediately takes the side of his listeners by saying, "People of Athens! I see that in every way you are very religious" (17:22). Other people in antiquity are also impressed by the devoutness of the Athenians (Pausanias, _Description of Greece_ 1.17.1; Strabo, _Geography_ 9.1.16; Livy, _History_ 45.27). Josephus says the Athenians are considered to be "the most religious" ( _Against Apion_ 2.130).

Paul doesn't accuse the Athenians of idolatry or any sin, but acknowledges their interest in the divine. Paul builds on their piety, he doesn't condemn it. Privately, of course, he is very distressed by the fact that their worship is directed toward idols (17:16). The word for "religious" used here is ambiguous. It can mean either "superstitious" or "devout." "Perhaps Paul deliberately chose the word with kindly ambiguity so as not to offend his hearers while, at the same time, expressing to his own satisfaction what he thought of their religion" (Williams, 304).

### "To an unknown god" (17:23)

Paul next refers to an ignorance of the divine that the Athenians themselves admit. He says, "As I walked around and looked carefully at your objects of worship, I even found an altar with this inscriptions: to an unknown god. So you are ignorant of the very thing you worship — and this is what I am going to proclaim to you" (17:23).

We should notice a few things about the way Paul is approaching his "defense" before the Areopagus. First, he is not yet directly challenging their idolatry. Since the Athenians admit that they don't know who or what this God is (since he is "unknown"), they are in no position to deny his nature as Paul explains it. Also, Paul is not attacking their gods and leaving himself open to a charge of atheism. The God he is speaking of is a "new" one.

Second, Paul does not use anything from the Jewish Scriptures in his speech. Paul is not trying to prove that Jesus is the Messiah — that would be meaningless for a council whose members were probably followers of the major philosophies of the day.

#### Paul does not begin his address by referring to Jewish history or by quoting Jewish Scriptures...He knew it would be futile to refer to a history no one knew or argue from fulfillment of prophecy no one was interested in or quote from a book no one read or accepted as authoritative. (Longenecker, 475)

Third, this is an excellent example of Paul's willingness to "become all things to all people" in order to preach the gospel (1 Corinthians 9:22). To those like the pagan Athenian council members — "those not having the law" — Paul "became like one not having the law" to win them over to Christ (verse 21). The speech is a wonderful specimen of Paul's approach to preaching to pagan Gentiles. The other example, of which Luke gave us a much briefer summary, we have already seen (in 14:15-17).

As to the actual altar, "To an Unknown God," we have no direct evidence. However, we know from ancient writers that the Athenians have a penchant for setting up altars to unknown deities. Pausanias, the Greek traveler and geographer who lives around A.D. 150, mentions that there are "altars of gods both named and unknown" near Athens ( _Description of Greece_ 1.1.4).

### God made the world (17:24)

Paul's next point is to establish that "the God who made the world and everything in it is the Lord of heaven and earth" (17:24). Paul is telling the Athenians that God is Creator — the maker of all things, not one who can be created by human works. God is not detached from his creation, and the world did not come to exist by chance, but by design. Paul points out that God guides human history. Here he contradicts the beliefs of some philosophers. He appeals to the Athenians' experience of the creation around them as something that reveals God.

It is said that there are two books about God — the Bible and nature itself. The latter is said to be the basis of a "natural theology," and that is where Paul begins to explain who God is to these pagans.

#### In reasoning from the natural world toward faith in God, Luke's Paul borders upon a "natural theology" — our observation of the natural world and its wonders as a forerunner of faith. How can people look up at the stars or ponder the mysteries of the world without imagining a real, though still unknown, divine force behind it all? (William H. Willimon, _Acts_ [Interpretation: A Bible Commentary for Preaching and Teaching; Louisville, KY: Westminster John Knox, 1988], 143)

Jews already believe in the one true God, and in Scripture, so when Paul speaks to Jews, he begins with "revealed theology" — that is, the statements of Moses, David and the prophets. He tries to convince them that Jesus fulfilled the _Scriptural_ requirements of the Messiah (Luke 24:27).

Of course, what Paul says about God as Creator is a major focus of Scripture as well (Isaiah 40:28; 42:5; 45:12). The Hebrew Scriptures provided plenty of ammunition to proclaim God's sovereignty through the creation. But to persuade this audience in Athens, he cites examples and writings that are accepted by Greek philosophers. When the gospel is presented to pagans it is necessary to first establish who the one true God is. Paul claims that this God's existence can be glimpsed by rightly understanding the creation (Romans 1:19-22).

The Athenians would first have to turn to God from idols before they can appreciate his saving work in Christ (1 Thessalonians 1:9). That is what Paul is driving at here, and the better part of his speech continues to be concerned with knowing God.

### Does not live in temples (17:24-25)

The true God, said Paul, "does not live in temples built by human hands" (17:24). Stephen made the same statement in a Jewish context (7:48-50). Subtly, both the Jewish temple and pagan temples are placed in the same category. Neither in Jerusalem's holy place — nor in any other holy place — will people truly find and worship God. Bruce writes, "If even the shrine at Jerusalem, erected for the worship of the true God, could not contain him, how much less the splendid shrines on the Athenian Acropolis, dedicated as they were to divinities that had no real existence!" (336)

But even here, Paul is not in conflict with the philosophers of the Areopagus. Stoic philosophers accept the premise that God (or the gods) is bigger than the temple. Bruce quotes a fragment from Euripides, who says, "What house built by craftsmen could enclose the form divine within enfolding walls?" (ibid.).

Paul continues by saying that "God is not served by human hands, as if he needed anything. Rather, he himself gives everyone life and breath and everything else" (17:25). God needs nothing from us. It is we who need everything from God — even life and breath. This is something that even many pagans understand, so Paul is still on common ground here. The principle that God is self-sufficient is also basic Hebrew biblical theology (Psalm 50:7-15; 1 Chronicles 29:14). So we can see that as Paul speaks, he is continuing to run on parallel tracks between the Scriptures and the thoughts of the philosophers.

### From one man made nations (17:26)

Paul next appeals to the idea that our common humanity has a single source, by which he means the one true God. "From one man he [God] made all the nations," said Paul, "...he marked out their appointed times in history and the boundaries of their lands" (17:26). Presumably, Paul is alluding to the Genesis story of Adam as the first human (1 Corinthians 15:45) and the scattering during the building of the tower of Babel. Paul is veering a bit from common pagan speculation and might not be on the same page as the Areopagus philosophers.

They might ask, Who was that man? Didn't the Athenians spring from the sacred ground of Attica? Is Paul implying that God determined Athens' prominence in the world, and now its relative insignificance as well?

Paul may be attacking the smugness of the Athenians, who still think of themselves as a great cultural force in the world. He is saying that people shouldn't think of themselves as racially superior. Their worldly station depends on God's will, as Nebuchadnezzar discovered (Daniel 4:32).

### He is not far from us (17:27)

Paul insists that God has a purpose in allowing the rise and fall of nations, and their geographical placement. "God did this so that they would seek him," says Paul, "and perhaps reach out for him and find him, though he is not far from any one of us" (17:27). Here again, Paul can be interpreted in two ways. The philosophers, Stoics for example, might think Paul is referring to the philosophical search for the truth.

What Paul means is that people should respond to the longing in their inner being and search for the one true God (Psalm 14:2; Proverbs 8:17; Isaiah 55:6-7; Jeremiah 29:13). The Hebrew Scriptures promise that, "The Lord is near to all who call on him, to all who call on him in truth" (Psalm 145:18). Paul is saying, with the prophets, that God is nearby, not far away (Jeremiah 23:23) — and he wants to be discovered.

### In him we live and move (17:28)

Paul wants to bolster his point that there is a relationship between humanity and God — that God wants to be sought and found in a particular way. Paul does this by quoting some pagan poet-philosophers. Paul says: "'For in him [God] we live and move and have our being.' As some of your own poets have said, 'We are his offspring'" (17:28). There is some difficulty in knowing whether Paul is quoting the phrase "in him we live and move and have our being." However, its equivalent is found in an ancient poem, _Cretica,_ attributed to the Cretan poet Epimenides, who lived around 600 B.C. In this poem, Minos says this about Zeus:

#### They fashioned a tomb for thee, O holy and high one —  
The Cretans, always liars, evil beasts, idle bellies!  
But thou art not dead; thou livest and abidest for ever,  
_For in thee we live and move and have our being._

The phrase, "We are his offspring," is found in more than one poet. (Paul's use of the plural "poets" may refer to this fact.) It is in a work by the Cilician poet (Paul is from Tarsus in Cilicia) Aratus (c. 315-240 B.C.), the _Phainomena._ The poem praises Zeus, and opens with these words:

#### Let us begin with Zeus. Never, O men, let us leave him unmentioned. All the ways are full of Zeus, and all the market-places of human beings. The sea is full of him; so are the harbors. In every way we have all to do with Zeus, _for we are truly his offspring._

The phrase is also part of a poem by Cleanthes (331-233 B.C.), _Hymn to Zeus,_ in a slightly different form. The first few lines are:

O God most glorious, called by many a name,  
Nature's great King, through endless years the same;  
Omnipotence, who by thy just decree  
Controllest all, hail, Zeus, for unto thee  
Behooves thy creatures in all lands to call.  
We are thy children, we alone of all...

Paul has no problem in quoting material or ideas that were produced by pagans in honor of gods such as Zeus. He takes the principle — in this case, thoughts about the nature of God and humanity's relationship to him — and applies it to the one true God.

#### By such maxims, Paul is not suggesting that God is to be thought of in terms of the Zeus of Greek polytheism, or Stoic pantheism. He is rather arguing that the poets his hearers recognized as authorities have to some extent corroborated his message. In his search for a measure of common ground with his hearers, he is, so to speak, disinfecting and rebaptizing the poets' words for his own purposes. (Longenecker, 476)

Paul's speech, as we shall see at its end, is thoroughly gospel-oriented and biblical in content. He simply cites pagan authorities in the same way he cites the giants of Scripture, such as Moses or David, to prove his point about God's purpose in Jesus.

Paul doesn't condemn the poets for groping after some understanding of God in a darkened world. He recognizes the common longing of humanity to connect with God. What Paul does in this speech is begin with the knowledge the philosophers and poets have. He uses it to help his hearers leap over their ignorance, and into the truth of God's purpose in Christ.

Paul's allusions to pagan worship and the thoughts of the philosophers are simple points of contact with his hearers. What the poets say about Zeus may have been correct, but only when applied to the one true God. In his speech, Paul seeks to make the proper shift.

### God is not like the idol (17:29-30)

Paul now makes his concluding remarks about idolatry: "Since we are God's offspring, we should not think that the divine being is like gold or silver or stone" (17:29). Paul is hitting closer to home now. Even the highly educated officials of the Areopagus must have some attachment to the gods, though perhaps not in the same way as the masses.

Paul next labels idolatry for what it is: "In the past God overlooked such ignorance, but now he commands all people everywhere to repent" (17:30). Peter applied this same theme of excused ignorance to the Jews who rejected Jesus (3:17).

Paul notes that God patiently tolerated human ignorance in ages past (Romans 3:25). In Lystra, Paul says that God "let all nations go their own way" (14:16). While God "overlooks" sin, there is also retribution for people who suppress the truth about his eternal power and divine nature — he lets sin have its natural results (Romans 1:18-32).

But times have changed; a new beginning in God's dealing with the human race has begun. Forgiveness for sin and intimate contact with God through the Holy Spirit is possible. Repentance and acceptance of Jesus as Savior is commanded. The days of groping in the dark and spiritual ignorance are over. The day of repentance is here and the time of judgment is coming.

Paul now warns the Areopagus that his speech is not idle philosophical speculation. His call to repentance is serious because God "has set a day when he will judge the world with justice" (17:31). (The quote is from Psalm 96:13.) The New Testament makes clear in many places that a "day of judgment" is coming. The offer of salvation in Christ is counterpoised with the warning of judgment for those who reject him. (See the following scriptures where the judgment is discussed: Luke 10:12-15; 12:42-48; Romans 2:5-11, 16; 1 Corinthians 1:7-8; 1 Thessalonians 5:2-4; 2 Thessalonians 1:8-10; 2 Peter 3:10-13.)

### Proof of resurrection (17:31)

Paul is near the end of his speech. He focuses on Christ, him crucified and resurrected. Paul insists that God will judge the world by "the man he has appointed" (17:31) — referring to Jesus, but not mentioning his name. Jesus has been given all power in heaven and earth. This reality is proven, insists Paul, in the fact that God raised him from the dead (17:31). As Paul tells the Romans, Jesus "was appointed the Son of God in power by his resurrection from the dead" (1:4).

Paul has come a long way from his introduction, arriving at the essence of the gospel — the resurrection of Jesus Christ. In the words of William Barclay, "It is no unknown God but a Risen Christ with whom we have to deal" (132).

Up to this point, Paul has been attempting to demonstrate God's existence, sovereignty and purpose by the "around" — by things that can be seen. The philosophers might argue about the meaning of nature, but they certainly cannot argue against the fact of its existence. Now, Paul asserts that a human being — Jesus — has been raised from the dead. He is insisting on something contrary to the philosophers' observation of the way the world works. It is also contrary to the views of the popular philosophies of the day.

"In mentioning the resurrection, Paul risks rejection by his audience. They may agree to a created world and to our common humanity, but there is no possible 'natural theology' evidence for an assertion of the resurrection" (Willimon, 144).

### Some sneer (17:32-34)

Luke describes the generally negative reaction to Paul's teaching: "When they heard about the resurrection of the dead, some of them sneered, but others said, 'We want to hear you again on this subject'" (17:32). Greeks believe in the immortality of the soul, but the idea of a person being _bodily_ resurrected from death seems absurd. As it turns out, the resurrection as well as the cross seems like foolishness to the leaders of Athens.

In the later part of his speech, Paul has moved from repentance to judgment to the resurrection of Jesus to the return of Christ. Most of his hearers got lost along the way.

#### The idea of resurrection of dead people was uncongenial to the minds of most of Paul's Athenian hearers....they would have endorsed the sentiments of the god Apollo, expressed on the occasion when that very court of the Areopagus was founded by the city's patron goddess Athene: "Once a man dies and the earth drinks up his blood, there is _no resurrection._ " (Bruce, 343)

Part of the Athenian leaders reject Paul's teaching completely — and with open ridicule. Others, perhaps more curious, speak of hearing his theories at a later date. More than likely, however, they are merely politely dismissing Paul. (At least, no charges are brought against him.) Only a few believe Paul's message and the gospel. Luke says "Some of the people became followers of Paul" (17:34). He mentions Dionysius by name, a member of the Areopagus, and a woman, Damaris.

Paul's work in Athens ends on an anti-climactic note. The New Testament does not mention any church in the city. By contrast, the gospel will receive a strong acceptance in Corinth. This rather dismal experience in Athens may cause Paul to wonder whether any method of preaching the gospel could reach the educated of the pagan world. He later tells the Corinthians that "the world through its wisdom did not know" God (1 Corinthians 1:21).

Paul may even decide to stop using philosophical arguments to persuade pagans. He tells the Corinthians that he "did not come with eloquence or superior wisdom" when preaching the gospel to them (2:1). Paul simply tells them about "Jesus Christ and him crucified" (2:2).

~ ~ ~ ~ ~

back to table of contents

## Chapter 18:  
Starting the Church in Corinth

### Paul left Athens (18:1)

Sometime after Paul's defense before the Areopagus, Paul left Athens. Luke doesn't say how long Paul was in the city, nor if he left rather soon after his defense. Luke was mainly interested in Paul's confrontation with the most popular philosophies of the pagan world and the intellectual elite of Athens. It's possible that Paul had to leave Athens because the Areopagus had not decided whether to allow him to continue preaching. Paul might have been waiting in vain for a favorable decision and decided to move on.

These must have been trying times for Paul. He had been prevented from preaching in Asia and Bithynia. Through a vision, God had directed Paul to preach in Macedonia. While he met with some success there, there were also major disappointments. Paul had been hounded by Jews across Macedonia and booted out of their cities. If Paul had thoughts of going to Rome, these must have been dampened by political events beyond his control. Then, in Athens he was dismissed with polite contempt.

Meanwhile, Paul was worried about the converts in Thessalonica who were in danger from angry Jews (1 Thessalonians 2:17-3:5). Now he was travelling to Corinth, not knowing what would befall him in this city.

### Went to Corinth (18:1)

When Paul moved from Athens to Corinth, he left a cultural university town for a fast-moving commercial metropolis of the world. The older city on the Isthmus of Corinth had been destroyed by the Romans in 146 B.C. However, a hundred years later, Julius Caesar decreed that the city should be rebuilt. It was refounded as a Roman colony a few years later. In 27 B.C. Corinth became the capital of the Roman province of Achaia.

Corinth was built on a strategic plateau overlooking a narrow isthmus. It served as a land bridge connecting the Greek mainland and the Peloponnesian peninsula. Corinth was on the north side of the Acrocorinth, which rose to a height of almost 1,900 feet. That was an almost impregnable fortress.

Corinth was a crucial communications center at the junction of sea lanes to the west and east, and land routes north and south. The city had two ports, Lechaeum on the Gulf of Corinth and Cenchreae on the Saronic Gulf. These factors contributed to Corinth being a major commercial and population center. The city had over 200,000 inhabitants during New Testament times. Every two years it hosted the pan-Hellenic Isthmian Games, second only to the Olympic Games.

Corinth was also the "sin city" of Achaia. As is true of many port cities, it did a bustling trade in pleasures of the flesh as well as goods. The classical Greeks had coined a metaphor from the city's notorious sin — "to play the Corinthian," or to "Corinthianize." This referred to a person who was sexually immoral or who lived a life of lustful debauchery.

Corinth had also attracted a variety of religious cults through the decades. The city had long been home to the worshippers of Aphrodite — the goddess of love. In classical times, her temple on the Acrocorinth had housed a thousand priestess-prostitutes. At night, they came into the city to offer their services. While such activities were vastly scaled down during Corinth's Roman days, the city still had a reputation for moral looseness.

The sexual license in Corinth was reflected in the church that Paul started. Paul wrote to the Corinthian converts, saying: "Neither the sexually immoral nor idolaters nor adulterers nor men who have sex with men nor thieves nor the greedy nor drunkards nor slanderers nor swindlers will inherit the kingdom of God. _And that is what some of you were._ But you were washed, you were sanctified, you were justified in the name of the Lord Jesus Christ and by the Spirit of our God" (1 Corinthians 6:9-11). The believers in Corinth had difficulty in living up to the expectations of the Christian life, particularly in regards to sexual conduct. Paul warned them that Christians cannot continue in a lifestyle of immorality (1 Corinthians 5:1-2; 6:12-18; 2 Corinthians 12:21).

At first glance, Corinth would have seemed the most unlikely of places for the gospel of Jesus Christ to take root. Yet, the Spirit triumphed over the flesh. In what could be described as a "tale of two cities," philosophical Athens showed much less interest in the message of salvation than fleshpot Corinth. For it was here in the sin city of Achaia that the word of God worked mightily and Paul had some of his greatest successes.

### Priscilla and Aquila (18:2-3)

Luke began his account of Paul's work in Corinth by mentioning a Jewish couple named Aquila and Priscilla. They had recently come to the city from Rome. Aquila was a native of Pontus, which was in northwestern Asia Minor along the Black Sea. Priscilla was called Prisca by Paul, and was often listed before her husband (18:18-19, 26; Romans 16:3; 2 Timothy 4:19). Commentators conclude that Priscilla was either from a higher social class, or considered more important than her husband in some way. Perhaps Priscilla was more active in church work. (Luke used the familiar forms of names such as Apollos, Priscilla, Silas and Sopatros. In his letters, Paul seemed to prefer calling people by their formal names, such as Epaphroditus, Silvanus, Sosipatros and Prisca.)

Paul saw Aquila and Priscilla because he was a tentmaker as they were. The couple must have hosted Paul's stay in Corinth, and he apparently worked as a tentmaker with them (18:3). They may have owned a tentmaking business in Rome, and had possibly transferred their operation to Corinth. Paul earned his living as a tentmaker even while serving as a missionary (Acts 20:34; 1 Corinthians 4:12; 1 Corinthians 9:6-15; 1 Thessalonians 2:9; 2 Thessalonians 3:7-10). Paul would have followed the dictates of Jewish law that directed theology students to also learn a trade (Mishnah, _Abot_ 2:2).

Paul spoke highly of Priscilla and Aquila. They were his "fellow workers" in the gospel and "risked their lives" for him (Romans 16:3). The husband and wife team were loyal friends of Paul and also greatly helped the church. At Rome, a house church met in their home (verse 5), as it did in Ephesus when they later moved there (1 Corinthians 16:19). Aquila and Priscilla were probably converted before they moved to Corinth, as there is no mention in Acts of their conversion. At the end of Paul's life, they were still faithful church members (2 Timothy 4:19).

### Claudius expelled the Jews (18:2)

Luke noted that Priscilla and Aquila came to Corinth "because Claudius had ordered all Jews to leave Rome" (18:2). This edict by the Roman emperor is thought to have been issued in his ninth year, which would correspond to A.D. 49. Suetonius said the banishment order was issued because the Jews were "in constant riots at the instigation of Chrestus" (Suetonius, _Life of Claudius_ 25:4).

Any such edict could hardly have been carried out permanently against the entire population of Rome. Some Jews may have left after the edict had been made, as did Priscilla and Aquila. Others may have sought to get the decree reversed, or simply disobeyed it; it may have been enforced only for leaders of the Jewish community, or only when there was a commotion. Jews no doubt began to trickle back as the edict or its enforcement was relaxed. Priscilla and Aquila apparently went back to Rome after living in exile at Corinth and Ephesus (Romans 16:3).

### Every Sabbath (18:4-5)

On the Sabbath Paul "reasoned in the synagogue, trying to persuade Jews and Greeks" (18:4). Paul continued his usual practice of preaching the gospel of salvation in the places where he (as a trained rabbi) had an open invitation to teach and where there were regular meetings of people who had a religious background that made it easier for them to understand Paul's message.

Silas and Timothy rejoined Paul in Corinth, having come from Macedonia. They brought good news about the Thessalonian church (1 Thessalonians 3:6). Timothy also brought a gift of money from the congregation at Philippi (2 Corinthians 11:9). The Philippians had previously helped Paul financially when he was in Thessalonica (Philippians 4:14-16). The sight of Silas and Timothy and their good news about the spiritual condition of the Macedonian churches must have lifted Paul's attitude. The financial help they brought freed him from having to spend his time earning a living.

Paul had first arrived in Corinth with "weakness and fear, and with much trembling" (1 Corinthians 2:3). But now things had changed for Paul, and he "devoted himself exclusively to preaching, testifying to the Jews that Jesus was the Christ" (Acts 18:5). One senses a reinvigorated Paul, whose mind and time were freed so he could preach the gospel with renewed zeal.

### Left the synagogue (18:6)

As usual, some of the Jews soon opposed Paul, and he could no longer teach in the synagogue. In response, "he shook out his clothes in protest and said to them, 'Your blood be on your own heads! I am innocent of it. From now on I will go to the Gentiles'" (18:6). Paul used a similar ritual at Pisidian Antioch, there shaking the dust from his feet (13:51). By shaking the dust from his clothes, Paul indicated that he was breaking fellowship with the Jews. Marshall writes, "This kind of action was performed by Jews against Gentiles, and its present significance was to indicate that in the sight of the missionaries those who rejected the gospel were no better than the Gentiles, cut off from the true people of God" (294).

Paul also used a typically Jewish phrase, "Your blood be on your own heads," to show that he had fulfilled his responsibility of preaching the gospel to them (20:26). Paul was saying, that like Ezekiel (33:6), he had been a faithful watchman and was not accountable for their rejection of his message. From now on, in Corinth at least, he would go to the pagan Gentiles who had no association with the synagogue. Paul's ministry at Corinth followed the pattern set at Pisidian Antioch (13:46-52). He initially proclaimed the gospel in the synagogue to Jews and God-fearing Gentiles. After being rejected by most of the Jews, he evangelized pagan Gentiles.

This didn't mean Paul would no longer go to the synagogues in other cities or cease to try to convert his fellow Jews. He meant that at Corinth he was moving his base of operations outside the synagogue. Whenever Paul made a statement about going to the Gentiles directly, it always had reference to a local situation.

### House of Titius (18:7-8)

Paul didn't go very far. He left the synagogue and went next door to the house of Titius Justus, a Gentile worshiper of God, who probably attended the synagogue (18:7). This became the first meeting place of the Corinthian church. The center of the new Christian community in Philippi was also based in the home of a worshiper of God, Lydia (16:15).

The fact that Paul's missionary campaign was based next door to the synagogue must have annoyed many of the Jews. Even more galling must have been the conversion of Crispus, the leader or ruler of the synagogue (Greek, _archisynagogos_ ). (A little later we'll meet another synagogue ruler from Corinth.) Crispus and "his entire household believed in the Lord" and were baptized (18:8). He was not the first believer at Corinth, though. Stephanas and his family apparently were (1 Corinthians 16:15). But Crispus was among the few that Paul had personally baptized (1 Corinthians 1:14-16).

### No need to be afraid (18:9-11)

During Paul's missionary journeys through Galatia and Macedonia (and even before) a disturbing pattern had emerged. He would have good initial success, but then opposition would attack him. In many cases Paul had to flee for his life. Would the pattern repeat itself in Corinth? Perhaps Paul thought so, and was discouraged at his prospects. God may have intervened in Paul's life at this time to strengthen his faith.

Though opposition and persecution would continue to occur, the Corinthian mission would continue. In fact, Paul would remain in Corinth for a year and a half, teaching the word of God (18:11). This probably stretched from the fall of A.D. 50 to the spring of A.D. 52. One night the resurrected Jesus spoke to Paul in a vision: "Do not be afraid; keep on speaking, do not be silent. For I am with you, and no one is going to attack and harm you, because I have many people in this city" (18:9-10). If Paul had been concerned about what might happen to the mission in Corinth (1 Corinthians 2:3), then this vision brought him new confidence. The promise was that he would be protected from harm and that his mission would be successful, not that he wouldn't face any difficulties.

### Gallio the proconsul (18:12)

In fact, trouble came soon after Paul had the vision. Luke said "the Jews of Corinth made a united attack on Paul and brought him to the place of judgment" (18:12). There he faced Gallio, the proconsul of Achaia. Gallio came from a distinguished Spanish family. Perhaps the best-known member of the clan was his younger brother Seneca, the Stoic philosopher, politician and dramatist. Another brother, Mela, was the father of the poet Lucan. Gallio himself was highly respected and those who knew him spoke of his personal charm.

Achaia was a senatorial province of the Roman Empire. Senatorial provinces were governed by proconsuls, whereas imperial provinces were governed by a legate. Luke's historical accuracy is underlined here in that the status of provinces changed with the times, and proconsuls had been reintroduced in Achaia only in A.D. 44. Proconsuls took office on July 1st and held their position for only one year. Gallio's term ran between A.D. July 51 and June 52. The year has been determined by an inscription found at Delphi, in north Achaia. In conjunction with other inscriptions, scholars have been able to determine the exact year of Gallio's proconsulship with a fair amount of certainty.

The inscription at Delphi, in the form of a letter sent from the emperor Claudius, included a reference to Gallio: "Lucius Gallio, my friend, and the proconsul of Achaia..." The inscription was dated to A.D. 52, but this meant Gallio must have taken office in the previous year. Time would have been required for Gallio to gather information about Achaia, send it to the emperor and then receive a response. Gallio may not have completed a full year as proconsul. Seneca tells us that soon after Gallio became proconsul, he went on a cruise because of an illness and recurring fever.

### Brought Paul to the court (18:12)

We don't know at what point in Gallio's proconsulship Paul appeared before him. Paul remained a year and a half in Corinth (18:11) and "stayed on in Corinth for some time" after the Gallio incident (18:18). It's not clear whether this time is to be included within the year and a half stay, or is in addition to it. Scholars generally conclude that Paul arrived in Corinth around late summer or fall of A.D. 50 and left in the spring of 52. The reason is that some months must have elapsed during which Paul had increasing success in gaining converts. At some point, this success became obvious and the Jews become concerned enough to mount a unified campaign against him.

The Jews probably took Paul to court at the very beginning of Gallio's proconsulship in July A.D. 51. They may have been hoping that he wanted to please his new constituency. "Perhaps the Jews expected this man to be a 'soft touch,' or they may have been banking on his inexperience. Gallio had come to Achaia having only been a praetor and not yet a consul, the senior Roman magistracy, and in any case, he may have only recently arrived and would for that reason be the more ready to please his petitioners" (Williams, 317).

### "Contrary to the law" (18:13-15)

The Jews charged Paul with teaching things that were illegal: "This man...is persuading the people to worship God in ways contrary to the law" (18:13). Luke framed the issue with some ambiguity. We do not know if the Jews were referring to the Roman or Jewish law. If it was the former, then the charge may have been that Paul was teaching the citizens and subjects of Rome some ideas that were contrary to decrees laid down by the government.

This sounds like the most effective charge the Jews could have brought against Paul. But we do not know for certain that a category of "illegal religion" even existed under Roman law (Marshall, 298). On the other hand, it hardly seems possible that the Jews were asking Gallio to enforce the Jewish law, unless it was to exclude Christians from the protection Judaism enjoyed.

A.N. Sherwin-White offered another interesting explanation of the Jews' complaint. He surmised that the Jews may have been invoking the decrees of Claudius against Paul. These guaranteed them the unimpeded enjoyment of their religious and social customs throughout the Roman world. The Jews would have been claiming that Paul was interfering with these rights in some way. Yet, their complaint was, as Sherwin-White has noted, that Paul was persuading _people_ to worship contrary to the law, not that he persuaded _Jews_ to do this ( _Roman Law and Roman Society in the New Testament_ [Oxford, 1963; Baker, 1992] page 102).

In any case, when Gallio heard the Jews' charges, he saw through them. The Jews could point to no misdemeanor or serious crime of which Paul might have been guilty. It was clear to Gallio that this was an internal struggle. He told the Jews: "Since it involves questions about words and names and your own law — settle the matter yourselves. I will not be a judge of such things" (18:15).

Gallio must have seen that Paul was a Jew, and he saw Paul's preaching as another variety of Judaism. True enough, the leaders of the Corinthian Jewish community were unhappy with Paul's brand of teaching — but he was not violating Roman law. There was no reason to call Paul's teaching a _religio illicita_ (if that category existed), nor did Gallio think Paul was interfering with the Jews' right to practice their own beliefs. Since the case concerned conflicting interpretations of Jewish religious law, it was not worth a proconsul's time or attention.

### Wouldn't hear the matter (18:14-16)

The decision by Gallio not to prosecute Paul has been taken as a watershed event in the growing Christian movement. The Jews' formal accusation created a test case, and Gallio's decision not to prosecute (or even hear the matter) established a protective legal precedent for Christianity. Just as the judicial rulings of the U.S. Supreme Court set precedents today, once a proconsul as respected as Gallio ruled as he did, other proconsuls would think twice before rendering a contrary verdict on similar charges. Christianity was not to be considered a subversive cult — nor even disruptive to Judaism itself. Paul could continue to preach and enjoy protection under the Jewish "umbrella." To outsiders, he was simply providing another option under Judaism. Roman institutions could function as a protection and aid for the spreading of the gospel.

#### If Gallio had accepted the Jewish charge and found Paul guilty of the alleged offense, provincial governors everywhere would have had a precedent, and Paul's ministry would have been severely restricted. As it was, Gallio's refusal to act in the matter was tantamount to the recognition of Christianity as a _religio licita;_ and the decision of so eminent a Roman proconsul would carry weight wherever the issue arose again and give pause to those who might want to oppose the Christian movement.... For the coming decade or so, the Christian message could be proclaimed in the provinces of the empire without fear of coming into conflict with Roman law, thanks largely to Gallio's decision. (Longenecker, 486)

#### Gallio's ruling meant in effect that Paul and his associates, so long as they committed no breach of public order, continued to share the protection which Roman law granted to the practice of Judaism. It probably served as a precedent for other Roman judges, especially as it proceeded from a man whose brother (Seneca) occupied a position of influence at the imperial court. It meant that for the next ten or twelve years, until imperial policy toward Christians underwent a complete reversal, the gospel could be proclaimed in the provinces of the empire without fear of coming into conflict with Roman law. (Bruce, 354)

What was Luke's purpose in telling his readers about the incident? He had some apologetic aim in mind. Perhaps it was to point out that Christians were law-abiding citizens and that the preaching and practice of Christianity (as a religion) did not violate any Roman law. But there was also a faith question involved. In terms of the book of Acts as a whole, the Gallio incident showed God as one who is in charge of human affairs and the protector of his church. The account is about how God acts to accomplish his will on earth. The opponents of Paul plotted their strategy. They think their opportunity has come when the inexperienced Gallio becomes procurator. They will halt the gospel and cut off the new religion by using the arm of the law.

But God already knows that a procurator is coming who has an accommodating mind toward Paul and Christianity. In this great drama, Paul will not be a player, but a spectator. He will also be caught up in events as the God of history inserts himself into human affairs. During the trial, Paul is about to defend himself, but he is cut off by Gallio, who has already decided in his favor (18:14). Paul's oration does not save the day — it is not even needed. Paul virtually stands still to see the salvation of God as the accusers are ejected from the court (18:18).

Paul and the church are the beneficiaries of the God who is in charge of human affairs. He need not show his lordship through astounding miracles. God can exert his will through human events, through the small, still voice. Paul is saved from the Roman executioner in the same way as Mordecai escaped Haman's noose — through God's quiet manipulation of human events (Esther 5:1-6:10). Paul, in fulfillment of the heavenly vision (18:9-10), can preach unhindered in Corinth for as long as he deems necessary.

### Sosthenes is beaten (18:17)

Sosthenes, the synagogue ruler, was not as fortunate as Paul. He was beaten up in front of the court. "But Gallio showed no concern whatever," Luke said (18:17). Luke didn't make it clear who roughed up Sosthenes — nor why they did it. Was it an anti-Semitic crowd hanging around the marketplace and forum? Or was it disgruntled Jews angry at their leader for not presenting a more convincing case to Gallio? Another intriguing possibility is that Sosthenes may have shown some interest towards Paul's teaching. If he had leanings toward Christianity, or disagreed with prosecuting Paul, he would have been a ready target for the disappointed Jewish accusers.

Sosthenes is mentioned along with Paul as the sender of 1 Corinthians (1:1). Perhaps he is Luke's Sosthenes, but we do not know for sure, because Luke gives no indication that Sosthenes was or became a Christian. If Sosthenes was subsequently converted, both rulers of the synagogue in Corinth (or successive ones) would have become Christians.

Unfortunately, Luke gave almost no details about the life or makeup of the church in Corinth. He was greatly concerned with the broad strokes of the development of the Christian mission, but gave scant details regarding the church itself. To learn more about the church we must turn to Paul's letters.

As with the church in Philippi and Thessalonica, Luke's account dovetails with material we have from Paul's letters. He wrote several letters to the church in Corinth, and we have two of them in our New Testament. As in the case of the epistles to Philippi and Thessalonica, it is helpful to read these letters in conjunction with the account of Paul's activities in Acts. In the letters, we find that most of the Corinthian converts came from the lower classes. "Not many of you were wise by human standards; not many were influential; not many were of noble birth," he told them (1 Corinthians 1:26). There were exceptions such as Erastus, the city's director of public works, assuming that Romans was written from Corinth (Romans 16:23).

### Paul at Cenchrea (18:18)

Paul stayed in Corinth "for some time" (18:18) and left the city with Priscilla and Aquila, probably in A.D. 52, in the spring, when sailing was safe. His ultimate destination was Jerusalem and Syrian Antioch. But on the way he stopped at Ephesus in Asia Minor (18:19). Luke mentioned an incident at the beginning of this journey, at Cenchrea, the eastern seaport of Corinth, about seven miles from the heart of the city, facing the Aegean Sea.

Paul mentioned a deaconess, Phoebe, as being a member of the church in Cenchrea (Romans 16:1). She had been of great help to him and others in the church. The church in Cenchrea was probably a result of Paul's evangelizing work during his year and a half stay in Corinth. The church spread further as time went on. In 2 Corinthians, he writes to believers "throughout Achaia" (1:1). These may have been people who embraced the gospel while traveling to Corinth, or they may be results of Corinthian believers traveling to neighboring cities to share the good news.

### Paul cut his hair (18:18)

In Cenchrea, Luke focused on a vow: "Before he sailed [for Ephesus], he had his hair cut off at Cenchrea because of a vow he had taken" (18:18). At first glance, it seems unclear from Luke's statement as to who had taken the vow, Paul or Aquila. Most commentators surmise that Paul took the vow. There would be no purpose in Luke's telling us that Aquila had done so, since he was a lesser character in the narrative. However, Luke would want to take every opportunity to point out that Paul continued to be faithful to his Jewish traditions, and the taking of a vow would underscore this fact.

It's also not clear what kind of "vow" Paul had taken. The standard Nazirite vow is described in Numbers 6:1-21. The person taking a Nazirite vow abstained from any grape product, including wine, as well as various forms of uncleanness. He would not cut his hair during the period of the vow. The shaving of the hair normally took place at Jerusalem at the end of a vow. The hair would then be dedicated in the temple. However, Paul cut his hair in Cenchrea, rather than at Jerusalem (18:18). Some commentators speculate that such exceptions were allowed for those who lived far from the Holy Land.

#### If the devotee was far from the city, he seems to have been allowed to trim his hair and to bring the trimmings to Jerusalem to be offered with the rest of his hair when his head was shaved (cf. Josephus, _War_ 2.309-324). This appears to have been what Paul did at Cenchrea. (Williams, 322)

This would explain why Luke used the verb for "cut" to describe Paul's action in Cenchrae, rather than "shave," the verb normally used for ending a Nazirite vow. When Paul arrived in Jerusalem a few years later, he went into the temple to purify himself, and he _shaved_ his head (Acts 21:24).

Other commentators feel that the vow referred to in Cenchrea was not a Nazirite vow, which could not properly be completed outside Palestine. "Some propose that Paul cut off his hair at the beginning of his vow. But there is no evidence for this, and much in the literature about Nazirite vows speaks directly against it" (Longenecker, 488). It is then surmised that Paul's vow in Cenchrea may have been a private vow. Perhaps it was taken in thanksgiving to God's intervention in Corinth and an unusually successful mission. However we are to understand the vow, it is clear that Luke was interested in presenting Paul as one who still thought of himself as a Jew. He was not opposed to keeping the traditions of his fathers, even though he was now a Christian. But he didn't require Gentile converts to follow his practice.

### Paul at Ephesus (18:19-21)

When Paul arrived at Ephesus, he preached the gospel, entering the synagogue and reasoning with the Jews (18:19). The Jewish community seemed interested in his message and wanted him to stay longer and teach them. Paul declined to do so. This seems odd for Paul, who always took advantage of any opportunity to preach Christ. Luke didn't explain why Paul declined the offer to stay and teach, so we are at a loss to understand his reasoning at this point. It suggests that Paul felt that his journey to Jerusalem was very important.

Aquila and Priscilla, who had accompanied Paul from Corinth, remained at Ephesus (18:19). Possibly they were transferring their tent-making business to Ephesus, or opening a new branch in the city. They appear to have remained in Ephesus for some time, hosting a house church for the believers. At a later date, perhaps after the death of Claudius, they returned to Rome (Romans 16:3).

### On to Judea (18:22-23)

Meanwhile, Paul embarked on a ship sailing east. Luke's narrative is quite compressed at this point. In only a few sentences, he summarized the details of a lengthy sea voyage to Caesarea, an excursion to the church in Jerusalem, and a trip to Antioch (18:22). We should note that Paul went out of his way to make a trip to Jerusalem. His real destination was Antioch. From there he went on a pastoral journey throughout central Asia Minor. Why did Paul go to Jerusalem, and why did Luke mention the trip?

When Luke told his readers about Paul's vow, he wanted them to see his commitment to Judaism. By telling us Paul had gone perhaps 300 miles out of his way to visit the church in Jerusalem, Luke implied that Paul was loyal to the apostolic mother church.

The reason for Paul's going to Syrian Antioch is clear. It had been Paul's home church. It had first sponsored him as a missionary, and so he returned to tell the believers there how the gospel message had fared. Paul had a loyalty to Antioch, perhaps even more so than Jerusalem. We remember he had spent a considerable time in the church there (11:26-30; 13:1-3; 14:26-28; 15:30-35). On this occasion, Paul remained in Antioch for "some time."

Paul then embarked on an extensive pastoral journey. He "traveled from place to place throughout the region of Galatia and Phrygia, strengthening all the disciples" (18:23). Here the expression probably referred to the Phyrgian region of Galatia, that is, the area of southern Galatia. Most commentators do not think Paul went into northern Galatia around Ancyra, Pessinus, or Tavium. Rather, Paul systematically moved through all the towns in which he had earlier preached the gospel (14:6). He also had revisited the churches during an earlier trip (14:21-23). Paul then took the road through the interior, heading west toward Ephesus (19:1). By doing so, he may have passed through the cities of Colossae and Laodicea, but he did not stop to preach (Colossians 2:1).

### Apollos arrives (18:24)

During Paul's excursion through the Phrygian-Galatian region (and his trip to Ephesus), a Jew name Apollos came to Ephesus from Alexandria, the great Egyptian metropolis (18:24). Apollos "was a learned man, with a thorough knowledge of the Scriptures" (18:24). The word "learned" (Greek, _logios_ ) can mean either educated or eloquent. It appears that Apollos was both. He knew the Scriptures, and he refuted the Jews handily in debate (18:28).

In future years, Paul would come to regard Apollos as a friend and valued co-worker (1 Corinthians 3:5-9; 16:12; Titus 3:13). No doubt Luke had a purpose for including this incident about Apollos in his account. Perhaps some schismatic converts were claiming Apollos as their special leader (1 Corinthians 1:12). Luke wanted to show that Apollos was not a renegade preacher, but was loyal from the start to the tradition that Paul had taught.

Apollos "spoke with great fervor and taught about Jesus accurately" (18:25). However, he only knew the baptism of John. Apparently, Apollos had not heard about being baptized "in the name of Jesus," and its meaning. Such a baptism had been proclaimed since Peter's first public sermon on the day of Pentecost some two decades earlier, so it was odd that Apollos had not yet heard about this Christian baptism. But once again Luke didn't explain the background of the situation. Neither did he say whether Apollos had received the Holy Spirit earlier or had now been baptized into Jesus' name.

In another situation, Paul did rebaptize converts who only knew the baptism of John. They did not have the Holy Spirit before this, and received it only upon being rebaptized (19:2-7). But Luke gave no indication that Apollos was rebaptized, and presumably he already had God's Spirit, for he "taught about Jesus accurately." We should be reminded that while Acts describes a general pattern individuals must follow to receive the Holy Spirit, it also tells of a number of exceptions to the rule. Apparently, Apollos was one of the exceptions.

### "Way of the Lord" (18:25-26)

Apollos did need some basic instruction about the Christian faith. Priscilla and Aquila noticed his deficiencies in understanding and "they invited him to their home and explained to him the way of God more adequately" (18:26). We once again meet the expression "way of God," which describes the faith that Christians practice (9:2; 19:9, 23; 22:4; 24:14, 22).

We don't know exactly what it was that Apollos needed to be instructed about. But Luke took pains to make this point, when he told his readers little else about him. The significance of this must have been important to Theophilus, but for us it serves only as an interesting detail. Apollos remains an intriguing character about whom we would like to know more.

"Luke's brief and rather vague account does not enable us to say with certainty very much about Apollos. Had he learned about Christianity from someone of the type of the twelve 'disciples' referred to in 19:1-7 — who would almost certainly seem to have been members of a John the Baptist sect" (Neil, 201).

### Apollos goes to Corinth (18:27)

After spending some time in Ephesus, Apollos wanted to go to the province of Achaia, probably Corinth in particular (19:1). The disciples were in favor of this move and wrote a letter of recommendation, encouraging the churches in Achaia to receive him. When Apollos arrived in Achaia, he met with non-converted Jews and refuted them in public debate, "proving from the Scriptures that Jesus was the Christ" (18:28).

Apollos became highly regarded by the churches in Achaia for his dedication and zeal, as well as his knowledge and public speaking skills. This is seen in Paul's letter to the Corinthians. In it, he takes to task some of the members who were creating division in the church by latching onto Apollos as their own party leader (1 Corinthians 1:10-12). There is no evidence that Apollos encouraged this party spirit or that he was Paul's rival. Paul accepts Apollos as a trusted colleague and helpful teacher (1 Corinthians 3:5-6). In effect, Apollos had become another important member of Paul's discipling team.

We should also note that Paul had not abandoned the Jews in doing his missionary work. Apollos continued Paul's labor in Achaia by preaching to _Jews,_ trying to convince them that Jesus is the Messiah. Perhaps that is a point Luke wanted to make by including Apollos in the story.

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About the Author

**Paul Kroll** worked for Grace Communion International for many years, writing hundreds of articles for our magazines. He is now retired. He wrote this material in the mid 1990s. We have updated it with the latest version of the NIV for this e-book in 2012. The book was edited by Michael Morrison, who received a PhD from Fuller Theological Seminary in 2006. He is Dean of Faculty and instructor in New Testament for Grace Communion Seminary.

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