 
### To Love and Serve the Lord

### The Story of St Thomas' Lancaster, 1841-2010

Copyright 2015 Chris Park

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Table of Contents

Introduction

1. Pre-history: the roots of St Thomas

2. Origins: why St Thomas' was built

3. Beginnings: the building of St Thomas'

4. Joseph Armytage (1841-1845)

5. Colin Campbell (1845-1856)

6. William Ogden (1856-1858)

7. Colin Campbell Junior (1858-1871)

8. Joseph Armytage (1871-1873)

9. John Bone (1873-1906)

10. Stanley Hersee (1906-1914)

11. Robert Finlay (1915-1924)

12. Edwin Towndrow (1924-1929)

13. Samuel Latham (1929-1948)

14. Harold Wallwork (1948-1957)

15. Stanley Duthie (1958-1973)

16. Cyril Ashton (1974-1991)

17. Peter Guinness (1991-2010)

18. The seasonally changing vine

Sources and references

Introduction

" _The life and identity of every local church is bound up with its past, as well as its present.... churches with an informed understanding of their own history [have] a stronger and healthier sense of identity and shared purpose."_ Neil Evans and John Maiden (2012, p.4)

The title of this book - _To love and serve the Lord_ \- is borrowed from the blessing said at the close of a service, where we are called upon to "Go in peace to love and serve the Lord, in the name of Christ, amen." The text comes from Deuteronomy 10: 12-13 and it captures the essence of why St Thomas' exists, and what each of us is called to do as we walk out of church after each service and into the world outside.

This is the first time the history of the church has been written, and it gives us an opportunity to see where we have come from and how we have got to where we are today. The story is very much one of adapting to changing times and changing needs and opportunities, as a community of believers have taken seriously the calling "to love and serve the Lord" in this particular place.

The church celebrates its 175th anniversary in 2016, and the original idea was to tell the story up to that date. But the natural cut-off point is the end of Peter Guinness's time as Vicar, because the arrival of Jon Scamman in 2010 marks a new season \- a new chapter, literally - in the life of the church. It would make little sense to write the first part of that chapter without being able to say what happened next within Jon's time. So, with some regrets, I'll leave Jon's chapter to form the opening one for whoever writes the next volume of the St Thomas' story, hopefully less than 170 years from now.

The book is about the church in its widest sense. It explores both "who we are" (the people) as church and "where we go" (the building), and it looks at both "what we do" (the services) and "where we belong" (the congregations). It describes the lengthy and fruitful heritage of this particular church, as well as the inevitable trials and tribulations it has coped with. As we shall see, it is a story of dedication, hard work, and sacrifice by many people over many generations.

It seemed sensible to structure the chapters by Vicar rather than by theme because each Vicar has stamped his personality and left his mark on the church, some with greater strength, clarity and durability than others. I have tried to let each Vicar speak for himself - up to now they have all been men - which is why I have included so many quotations from 19thcentury local newspapers and more recent minutes of PCC meetings and Annual Church Meetings; this allows them to speak in their own voices.

I have drawn heavily on four particular sources - back copies of the _Lancaster Gazette_ between 1801 and 1894, from the British Library Newspapers online archive which can be accessed via the Lancashire Libraries' On-line Reference Library; minutes of Vestry Meeting and PCC meetings between 1841 and 1970, which are archived in the County Record Office at Preston; PCC minutes since 1970 which are kept on file in the church office; and the St Thomas' Parish Box, which is archived in the office of the Diocesan Registrar in Blackburn.

At the outset this choice of sources gave me a decision rule to keep the coverage as objective as possible - if something appears in these sources it can be included in the book, if it doesn't then it can't. Of course the history of a church is much more than the history of its meetings, but I intentionally avoided including recollections and reminiscences from individual people because they can be patchy, selective and partisan, and they don't take us very far back through the 170 year history of the church.

All Bible verses quoted in this book are from the _New International Version_ (UKNIV), rather than the Bible translation in use at the time, which often was the _King James Version_. This makes it more consistent and easier to follow, because it is written in the language of today.

Where sums of money are mentioned in the text \- such as the cost of building the church, amounts raised through various means, and money given to good causes - I have included both the amount at the time, and [in square brackets] an estimate of what that would have been in 2010. There are at least five different ways of computing the relative value of a UK pound at different points in time, so to keep the conversion consistent I have used one source throughout (http://www.measuringworth.com/ukcompare), based on real price commodity values updated to 2010, taking the most conservative of a range of relative values in each case. Sums of money before decimalisation was introduced in February 1971 are usually rounded to the nearest shilling (20s = £1).

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1. Pre-history: the roots of St Thomas'

Late in 1835 a new clergyman arrived in Lancaster, with high hopes and a strong sense of God's calling. He had crossed the Pennines from Yorkshire to take up the post of Curate at St Mary's, Lancaster's parish church that dominated both the skyline and the church life of the town.

Within six years he would be standing inside St Thomas' Church, newly built at the southern edge of the town as it then was, taking part in the opening ceremony as its first Vicar. What happened to bring this about? To understand this, we need to understand three things - who this man was and what was important to him, what Lancaster was like at that time, and what was then happening in the Church of England. We'll look at the first two in this chapter, and then explore the third in Chapter 2.

New kid on the block

Joseph North Green Armytage was born on the 2nd of April 1805 in Wasbro dale in Yorkshire. He attended Leeds Grammar School, graduated from St John's College at Cambridge University with a BA degree in 1830 and an MA in 1834, and was ordained deacon in 1831 and priest in 1832. For the next two years he served as a Curate in Almondbury and two other villages near Holmfirth just outside Huddersfield, back in his home county.

He arrived in Lancaster as a thirty year old bachelor and lived near the parish church in a house in Castle Park, between a lady of independent means and an elderly shoemaker and his wife. Less than two years later, on the 6th of December 1837 he married a local lady, Harriet Dodson, a spinster then living in St Leonardsgate, at St Mary's. Their family would grow with the birth of three children during his time at St Mary's - a son, North Green (1839), and two daughters, Josephine (1840) and Harriet (1841).

Joseph wasted no time getting down to work after he arrived in Lancaster. He was full of energy and enthusiasm, and soon got involved in local church groups, meetings and activities. He was very much a man on a mission. A key role of the Curate in those days was to share with the Vicar and a team of voluntary (almost entirely female) District Visitors the task of visiting all of the people who lived within the parish (not just the church-goers), in their houses, at least once each year, and reporting to the Vicar cases of sickness, poverty and distress. The new Curate would have walked many miles through the streets of Lancaster fulfilling this duty, and would have developed a good sense of the diversity of people living within his patch.

He preached his first sermon at St Mary's on the morning of Sunday the 17th of January 1836, based on Micah 4: 5: "All the nations may walk in the name of their gods, but we will walk in the name of the Lord our God for ever and ever." (NIV) He got off to a good start; a report in the _Lancaster Gazette_ the following Saturday gave the sermon a ringing endorsement, announcing "a more powerful, more eloquent, or more scriptural discourse, we never heard." The same reporter looked forward to more great things from the new Curate, writing that "from the opportunities already afforded us, we have thus early our best hopes awakened, that he will carry on the good works as actively pursued and supported by his excellent predecessor; and most heartily do we congratulate our fellow-townsmen on the prospect."

Joseph Armytage was pinning his colours firmly to the mast with that choice of text for his first sermon at St Mary's, declaring confidently his faith in God even as others put their trust in different gods. It was a theme that would underpin and colour all he did during his time in Lancaster. We learn some important things about him from contemporary reports in the _Lancaster Gazette_.

Like many other Anglican clergy at that time, he saw himself as a defender of the faith, a fighter in the ongoing spiritual and intellectual battle with the 'enemy without' (the rise of Nonconformism and Catholicism) and the 'enemy within' (adoption of Catholic values and practices within the Church of England). He was a staunch defender of the faith, and worked hard to protect and promote the cause of Protestantism against what he called "Romish clergy" (Roman Catholic priests). In January 1841, for example, he "delivered an admirable lecture" to members of the Lancaster Protestant Association, "based upon the five fundamental rules of the society".

Armytage took a strong stand on the matter of 'observance of the Lord's Day', speaking with passion at a meeting held in April 1836 "for the purpose of forming a society to promote the due observation of the Sabbath". He felt compelled to act by "so indecent an outrage on public morality as the running of railway trains, and public travelling on the Lord's Day." He put forward the resolution, which was unanimously carried, in the form of a pledge - "that we will abstain, and endeavour that our families will abstain, from all employments on the Lord's Day, which are inconsistent with its sacred character." He was more than a little disappointed that the Roman Catholic clergy in Lancaster refused to engage with him in a public discussion about the Lord's Day, concluding in writing to the _Lancaster Gazette_ (13th February 1841) "it is the policy of the Romish Clergy... to shun the field of open controversy."

By all accounts he was a very able and popular preacher. For example, in April 1836 he preached "an eloquent sermon" in the Parish Church. The following month, at the Whit Monday service in the same place, he "preached a most powerful sermon" on Acts 10: 33, "it being evident from the attentive demeanour of his auditors [those who heard him] that they were greatly impressed with what they heard." In October 1836 he preached "an eloquent sermon" from Psalm 1: 1-2 in the Parish Church.

Armytage was also committed to evangelism. He apparently spoke with great passion on Jesus' Great Commission (Matthew 28: 16-20) at a service for clergy in St Mary's on Monday the 1st of May 1837. There he urged his listeners to

" _obtain, by believing, prayerful meditation, joined with humble, diligent perusal of the divine word, a clearer acquaintance with his all-sufficiency, supremacy, and love.... Being thus made personally sensible of our own necessity, and having personally partaken of the riches of his grace, we shall speak of him to others, with the persuasive power of sympathy, and the convincing clearness of experience."_

Like many other churchmen of the day, he took seriously the need to help the poor, both spiritually and materially. Whilst he applauded those who gave generously to the sick and the poor, he was particularly concerned about fairness and justice. This comes through in a letter he wrote to the _Lancaster Gazette_ in February 1838 bemoaning the cheating and corruption of some people, as a result of which "the money thus thoughtlessly bestowed, not only encourages the idle and dishonest, which is itself a great evil, but actually deprives, so far, the truly needy and unobtrusive poor, of that assistance which they would otherwise obtain."

He was also a great supporter of the cause of education. For example, in November 1836 he preached sermons at St Luke's, Skerton, and St Anne's in town, in aid of the funds for building a Sunday School for St Luke's. He spoke at the Boy's National School (June 1836) and on behalf of the National Schools in Lancaster (October 1836).

Whilst we can see that he was clearly a very articulate, passionate and persuasive churchman, it is not so easy to discern his churchmanship from the few fragments of evidence that we have about him. But there is one important pointer to his sympathy with and support of the evangelical wing of the Anglican Church, even whilst he served in the relatively high Parish Church. It comes in an advert on the front page of the _Lancaster Gazette_ on Saturday the 24th of February 1838, for the Church Pastoral Aid Society (CPAS) a national evangelical body that had been established almost exactly two years earlier. The advert is seeking subscriptions "to render aid to those Clergymen who are anxious to bring the entire population of their respective Parishes under religious culture, but who have not the means of efficiently attaining their wish"; the subscriptions "will be thankfully received" by the Rev O'Neil of St Anne's and the Rev Armytage of St Mary's.

St Anne's was the only evangelical Anglican church in Lancaster at that time, and Armytage was clearly comfortable 'coming out' in support of the evangelicals. Interestingly, CPAS was to re-appear in the story of St Thomas' a number of times over the following 170 or so years, as we shall see.

These examples paint a picture of a man with a deep personal faith and a willingness to share it with others, a strong commitment to help those in need, and a sense of duty to protect what he saw as the 'true' Church of England.

Local economy

Joseph Armytage arrived in Lancaster at a critical point in the town's history, as the Georgian era (1714-1830) gave way to the Victorian era (1837-1901). Behind lay Lancaster's Golden Age of prosperity, around him the town's economy was starting to recover after a serious slump during the 1820s, and ahead lay a new season for the town as a centre of manufacturing (particularly through cotton).

The Georgian era, when Lancaster was one of the wealthiest towns in England, had left an indelible mark on the town and its people. When Daniel Defoe visited Lancaster in the 1720s, he found a town that (after much destruction during the Civil War and a major fire in 1698) "lies, as it were, in its own ruins and has little to recommend it but a decayed castle and a more decayed port.... here is little or no trade, and few people." Fifty years later, in 1770, the traveller Arthur Young was able to describe "a town increasing its buildings, having many new piles [buildings] superior to the old."

The engine of this economic growth was Lancaster's booming shipping trade as the British Empire expanded. Furniture and general merchandise (including hardware, cutlery, provisions, saddlery, woollen and linen cloths, stationery, shoes, boots, hats, candles, and soaps) were exported to the colonies in West Africa, North America and the West Indies. Sugar, coffee, cotton, rum, hides, and timber (particularly mahogany) were imported from the West Indies.

The lucrative slave trade - highly controversial today, and abolished in 1807, but accepted in the 18th century as a legitimate business activity - also played its part, mainly between 1750 and 1767. Lancaster's share of the trade was small (4 ships in 1771) compared with ports like Liverpool (107 ships). The ships sailed the 'slave triangle' - from England to West Africa (carrying manufactured goods, guns and ammunition), from there across the Atlantic to the Caribbean (transporting captured slaves), then back to England (with goods such as sugar, rum and exotic woods). Interestingly, the Gillow furniture-making business - which was to grow into a key part of the Lancaster economy - was established in 1728, using mahogany which arrived from the West Indies as packing material around other cargoes.

The canal between Lancaster and Preston was opened in 1792 and allowed the transport of imported produce to the growing towns further south.

Lancaster declined rapidly as a port after about 1807, facing strong competition from Liverpool and struggling with silting up; Glasson Dock was opened in 1787. This caused the closure of other local businesses like sail-cloth making, rope making, and ship-building. By the 1820s Lancaster's economy was stagnating, and this continued into the 1840s.

Armytage arrived in Lancaster to find a struggling economy but a rich legacy of Georgian architecture. By the river there was St George's Quay and its warehouses (1750-55) and the old Customs House (1764). In the town it included Penny's Hospital (almshouses) (1720) and the nearby Assembly Rooms (1759); Thomas Marton built The Music Room in Sun Street (1730s) as a summer house; the Old Town Hall was rebuilt (1781-83); a Girls' School on Middle Street (1772, rebuilt in 1849), Gillison's Hospital (almshouses) (1790) on Common Garden Street; the Dispensary on Castle Hill (1781); the workhouse (Poor House) on Lancaster Moor (1788); the Grand Theatre (1781), originally called the Athenæum; the old Town Hall (1783), replacing an earlier one 1671); and Dalton Square, which was laid out in 1784.

The cotton industry in Lancaster began in 1802 when the White Cross Mill was opened beside the canal near Penny Street Bridge. It remained the only mill on the canal until 1819, but after that a belt of industry and low-cost housing for workers developed between Queen Street and Ridge Lane (in what after 1841 was to become St Thomas' neighbourhood).

Seven canal-side mills were built - Moor Lane Mill in 1819, originally for worsted spinning, converted to cotton spinning in 1828; Albion Mill in 1824-25, for cotton spinning then from 1848 cotton and silk spinning; Moor Lane Mill in 1825-31, for cotton spinning and weaving; Queens Mill in 1837-40, for cotton spinning and weaving; Ridge Lane Mill in 1836-37, for silk spinning; Bath Mill in 1837, for cotton spinning and weaving; and Lune Mill on New Quay in 1870, for the spinning and weaving of oilcloth. Later the Storey brothers bought the White Cross, Queen's and Moor Lane Mills, and James Williamson bought the Bath and Greenfield mills for the manufacture of Grey Cotton that was used as a backing for oilcloth.

The spinning and weaving of cotton, and the manufacture of oilcloth and linoleum, became major activities that helped to drive economic recovery in the town, particularly after the 1840s.

The town

Lancaster in the 1840s was a much smaller place than it is today, with no development beyond the canal to the south and east, or west of the Castle and Parish Church. Skerton and Scotforth were separate townships (villages), and the housing estates on the Marsh, Primrose, Ridge and Freehold, Bowerham, Greaves, Scotforth, and Hala had yet to be built. In fact the 1848 Ordnance Survey map looked little different to one drawn in 1778 by Stephen Makreth and, although there had been much infilling the overall layout of the town had changed little from John Speed's map of 1610. Expansion was restricted by the river to the north, the canal to the south, the canal and Lancaster Moor to the east, and the Marsh to the west.

The 1841 census - the first national census in England - lists the total population of Lancaster as 14,075 (compared with an estimated 8,500 in 1784), including 558 people imprisoned in the castle, 611 inmates in the asylum, and 134 poor people in the workhouse 134. There were 2,301 houses inhabited, 61 uninhabited and 11 then being built. The second half of the 19th century was to see a marked increase in the town's population (and footprint); in the 1901 census the total was 40,329 people.

Life in Lancaster

We can learn something about life in Lancaster in the late 1830s and early 40s from contemporary reports in the _Lancaster Gazette_.

Despite its maritime past Lancaster also served as a market town, surrounded by and servicing the needs of farms and country estates. Not surprisingly, therefore, the annual calendar contained numerous traditional rural activities, such as the annual Lancaster Fair, an annual Horse Fair in Green Ayre, and well-attended markets for the sale of cattle, sheep, and cheese.

There was culture, for those who could afford it. In 1841 alone, for example, the Assembly Rooms hosted a concert of sacred music, and evenings of Parisian-style dancing; Shakespeare's Macbeth and Hamlet played at the theatre; and there were Astronomical Lectures "on the sublime science of astronomy" and "some of the wonders that that science has unfolded".

It was clearly a man's world, judging from the traditional pursuits and pastimes they could take part in. There was hare coursing at Cockerham, sparrow shooting on Lancaster Moor, field days of the John O'Gaunt's bowmen, regattas on the River Lune, wrestling matches, and horse racing on the Race Course at Lancaster Moor.

By today's standards the town housed a population divided by differences in wealth, status, influence and opportunity. There were a few wealthy gentry with fine country houses and estates, and a greater number of prosperous and increasingly influential middle class merchants and mill owners. But most people in the town were very poor and lived in cramped unsanitary multi-family housing, struggling to survive. Many were mill workers and factory workers.

A large number of people depended on the 'outdoor relief' that was given only to the elderly and sick poor in their own homes, and the 'indoor relief' (the Workhouse) open to the able-bodied poor.

Many of the poor, sick and elderly were greatly helped by local charity and philanthropy, including support from the churches and the goodness of individual wealthy benefactors. For example, in January 1840 Thomas Greene "presented the poor of Whittington and the neighborhood with a supply of food and clothing; and the poor in the vicinity of Capernwray Hall have had similar kindly gifts dispensed to them by George Marton, Esq." At Christmas 1841, "by means of a subscription set on foot by the overseers, the inmates of the workhouse were supplied with a dinner of roast beef and plum pudding. Ale was also provided, but they were forbidden to drink it."

In Lancaster, as elsewhere, Friendly Societies - like the Oddfellows, which opened their Lancaster Hall in Mary Street in July 1844 - were set up to protect and care for their members and communities at a time when there was no welfare state, trade unions or National Health Service. The Freemasons were another group that engaged in charitable work in their local communities; the Lancaster Lodge of Fortitude met regularly at different inns in the town.

Law and order was taken very seriously. Men and women found guilty of murder were hanged. Those found guilty of theft and violence faced long sentences to transportation to Australia, some for life. For example, in 1838 a local man was transported for seven years for stealing some hay; the same year a local woman was sent for ten years for stealing a watch; in 1841 a man was sent for ten years for stealing some cheese from a shop in St Nicholas Street.

Local politics was largely right wing, dominated by Tories (Whiggs). This is perhaps not surprising given that only land-owners and the middle class could vote; working class people and women had not yet been given the vote. Little wonder, too, there was widespread support, both nationally and locally, for the working class Chartist Movement for political reform in Britain, between 1838 and 1848. In July 1838 "a Chartist meeting was held on the Green Area, but owing to the presence of a strong body of the police force, no disturbance took place." In August 1842 "great Chartist riots took place throughout the county and a number of rioters visited Lancaster, turning the hands out of the different mills, and breaking the doors and windows. The disturbance continued till Friday, when a detachment of the 60th rifles arrived, and in the evening all was quiet."

Church and chapel

The religious landscape in Lancaster at this time, when religion and church were much more tightly woven into the fabric of society than they are today, was both lively and varied. It contained a mixture of church (for the upper and middle classes) and chapel (for the working class), and included a range of heritage and new buildings. There was growing competition for members from the 1820s onwards, as the town's population was beginning to increase again after a static spell early in the century.

The dominant church, physically and spiritually, was St Mary's, where Armytage was Curate. It occupied a prominent site beside the castle, atop a hill by the river, overlooking the town to the east. It was built on the remains of a priory (religious house) dedicated to St. Mary, which had been founded by Benedictine monks after the Norman Conquest on the site of an earlier Anglo-Saxon church dating back to 630. It became the parish church of Lancaster in 1430 and the 'Established' Church of England after the Reformation in 1539. Although the church was probably built around 1380 and the tower was rebuilt in 1754, most of the building Armytage worked in and we see today dates from 15th century. As Lancaster's Parish Church, it was the 'mother church' in town, and its Vicar also nominated the Vicars of the three other Anglican churches in Lancaster that were built before 1840.

St John the Evangelist Church - St John's - had been built in 1755 (the tower was added in 1784) on Chapel Street near the river in Green Ayre, to meet the needs of a rapidly growing population. In today's language it was a church plant; it served as a chapel of ease - a church built within the parish of a parish church, in a more convenient and accessible location for the people living around it - until 1842, when a parish was assigned to it.

St Anne's was another plant from the Priory. It was built in 1796 on Moor Lane to meet the needs of people who moved into the newly built St Leonardsgate area, a more working-class part of town than those served by St Mary's or St John's. It broke new ground as Lancaster's first evangelical Anglican Church, whose members were then known as 'enthusiasts'. St Anne's was built with approval of the Bishop of Chester, partly to help stem the exodus of working-class people from St Mary's and St John's to the growing number of non-conformist chapels then springing up in Lancaster. It also had a parish assigned to it in 1842.

St Luke's was built in Skerton in 1833, to provide more accommodation for the growing working class population there. It was also intended to be a civilising influence on an unruly people. Local historian Haythornthwaite (1875, p.93) describes how the church was founded "when disorder was rife in the village, and the constables and the stocks played an important part in daily life. ... Side by side with education and the compulsion of law, religion has been quietly extending her spiritual influence around, and... the work of the ministry has not been unprofitable in the parish."

But Anglican churches were not the only religious buildings in town by 1840. The Quakers (Society of Friends) were long established, their original Meeting House having been built in 1677, rebuilt in 1709 and extended in 1741, 1779 and 1790. Other groups of dissenters also had deep roots in Lancaster. The Presbyterians had built a chapel in Moor Lane in 1678 and another in St Nicholas' in 1726, which was rebuilt and enlarged in 1786. The Congregationalists had built their Independent Chapel in High Street in 1773 (which was redeveloped and enlarged in 1851 and further developed in 1873), and Centenary Chapel in St Leonardsgate (which in 1873 became the Centenary Congregational Church).

The first Baptists met in a meeting-room in Friar Street from 1819 to 1840, and others attended the Congregational Church until 1862 after which they held their own services in the Assembly Rooms. The first Baptist Church was built in White Cross Street in 1872, but that was replaced in 1896 by the current one in Nelson Street.

Methodism - the 'New Dissent' - first appeared in Lancaster at the end of the 18th century. It quickly took root, with a number of chapels springing up to serve the different branches of Methodism. The first, a small Wesleyan chapel, was built in 1806 on Sulyard Street, near the Catholic chapel in Dalton Square; it was rebuilt there in 1874 to a design by Paley and Austin. By 1823 the Primitive Methodists had a meeting-place in Damside, where they built a chapel in 1836 before moving in 1862 to Ebenezer Chapel on Moor Lane, which was rebuilt in 1895. In 1829 the Independent Methodists built a chapel on Nelson Street, by the canal. The United Methodist Free Church was built in Brock Street in 1869, and a small Methodist chapel was built in Skerton in the early 1870s.

The Roman Catholics were also quite well established in Lancaster by the late 1830s. In 1799 they had built a chapel (the building is now Palatine Hall) in Dalton Square, which was the first purpose-built Catholic chapel in Lancaster since the Reformation. It continued in use until St Peter's Church was built beyond the canal in 1859.

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2. Origins: why St Thomas' was built

To help us understand why St Thomas' Church was built, we looked in Chapter 1 at the arrival of Joseph Armytage in Lancaster 1835, and at the condition of the town and its people at that time. In this chapter we'll focus on the state of the Church of England, and how it coped with a series of major challenges it was then facing.

Challenges facing the Church of England

As the 19th century dawned the Church of England faced serious challenges, from both without and within.

External challenges

There were two main external challenges, which were closely inter-linked. One was how best to cope with the huge growth of the population at that time, particularly in towns, and with the social and economic changes then under way. The other was growing competition, partly as a result of the resurgence of Catholicism (which was emancipated in the Roman Catholic Relief Act of 1829), which led to a growth in the number of Roman Catholic people and churches through the 19th century. Even stronger competition came from the great expansion of nonconformist chapels by Protestant dissenting groups such as the Methodists, Baptists, Quakers, Presbyterians, and Congregationalists.

The Established church was fast losing members, particularly working class people, and particularly to the dissenting groups, which better met their needs. As church historian J.H. Bettey (1987) points out, Anglican church services at that time were based rigidly on the 1662 Book of Common Prayer and were widely viewed as dull and predictable; sermons were long, theological and tedious; and the strictly hierarchical nature of the church left the congregation as observers rather than participants. He describes (p.138) how such services

" _offered little to miners, fishermen, farm labourers, railway navvies or dockers when set against the fellowship, liveliness, hymn-singing and warmth of the chapel, where they could find an outlet for the emotions, food for the imagination and an opportunity to take part in the services and in the running of the chapel."_

The popularity of the Church of England was also seriously undermined by "the divisive issue of church rates... compulsory levies imposed on rate-payers, whether Anglican or not, for the maintenance of parish churches [which] were strongly opposed by nonconformists who had also to maintain their own places of worship." (Austin 2001 p.132)

Responses

The church responded in two main ways. First, it embarked on a major programme of church building. Between 1801 and 1810 a total of 43 Anglican churches were built or rebuilt across the country. That number doubled to 96 the next decade (1811-20); it trebled to 308 the next decade (1821-30); doubled again to 600 between 1831 and 1840; and increased by a further 50 percent to 929 (759 new and 170 rebuilt) between 1841 and 1850. So St Thomas', which opened in 1841, should be viewed as part of a huge growth phase for the Church of England, which continued through the following two decades (a total of 820 in 1851-60, and a further 1,100 in 1861-70).

The ambitious building programme was not just designed to increase the church's capacity to cope with the population increase, it also served the government's ambition of helping "to check the violence and lawlessness among the lower classes in the crowded slums, and reduce the danger of civil disorder and rebellion." (Bettey 1987 p.129) A local example of the latter is St Luke's Church in Skerton, built in 1833, as we saw in Chapter 1.

But there was also a third reason for church-building, which was to meet the needs of changes in churchmanship within the Anglican Church brought about by the Evangelical Revival and the Oxford Movement, which we will look at shortly.

The second response to increasing competition from Nonconformist chapels was a renewed vitality in the life of the Anglican Church. This is reflected, for example, in the greater energy devoted to parish activities such as Sunday Schools and Day Schools, adult classes, youth groups, missions, clubs and parish magazines, all designed to better engage the local community and help in meeting their needs. It is reflected also in the move to make church services brighter and livelier, as a result of the Catholic Revival (discussed below).

The challenges facing the Church of England were clearly spelled out by the Archdeacon of Richmond who visited Lancaster in July 1836 and spoke at St Mary's about "the duty of the clergy to watch the signs of the times, comfort and support each other, pray for God's grace, and firmly contend the faith." Joseph Armytage read the prayers. According to the _Lancaster Gazette_ (16th July 1836) Rev. J. Headlam, the Archdeacon of Richmond, noted that

" _with regard to doctrinal matters, he did not apprehend there was much to be feared.... The three classes of assailants were the unbelievers, Papists and Dissenters.... With respect to the third class of opponents, the Protestant Dissenters, it was to be observed, there was no material difference between them and the church on points of doctrine, and yet, he regretted to say, how many there were who separated themselves from the church.... Separation, except on conscientious scruples, was a leaning to heresy and that was displeasing to God; therefore, if for any private or personal consideration, a man forsook the church, he did great injury to the general cause of religion, and took upon himself a heavy responsibility."_

Internal challenges

The Church of England also faced major internal challenges as it struggled to cope with a clash between two religious revival movements that erupted within it in the early 19th century. Each was a response to the growing competition from Nonconformism and Catholicism, as well as part of a battle for the soul of Anglicanism.

The Catholic Revival

The first revival movement in the Church of England started in 1833 in Oxford, which is why it is also known as the Oxford Movement. Its supporters are often referred to as Tractarians, after the ninety Tracts for the Times which were published between 1833 and 1841 by John Keble, John Henry Newman, and others, which spelled out the essence of their thinking. It was a movement of High Church Anglicans that triggered the revival of Anglo-Catholicism. Some of the prominent High-Churchmen (such as Newman in 1845) would eventually convert to Roman Catholicism.

It was a reaction against state intervention in Church affairs and liberalism in theology and sought to recall the church to its original catholic doctrines and revive more traditional forms of worship and liturgy, including more symbolism and ceremony. This included elaborate rituals and processions, priests robed in elaborate vestments, surpliced choirs sitting in chancels, statues and lit candles on altars, swinging thuribles containing incense, organs, and great congregational participation through hymn-singing. Mass was said daily for the first time in the Church of England since the Reformation, and priests heard confessions. The Eucharist (Holy Communion), in which the bread and wine were believed to be literally the body and blood of Christ, became the central act of worship; during the 17th and 18th centuries it had only been celebrated three or four times a year in most parishes.

These changes caused bitter controversy in many churches during the 1840s and 50s, and even triggered rioting in some parts of the country. The Oxford Movement was widely denounced for being a 'Romanising' tendency, suspected of heralding a drift towards reconciliation with the Catholic Church.

The Evangelical Revival

A strong reaction to the Oxford Movement by many people within the Church of England, coupled with a desire to more genuinely re-engage the attention of former Anglicans who had left to join the nonconformist chapels and stem the exodus, together created suitable conditions for a revival of the Low Church evangelical wing of the church.

The so-called 'Evangelical Party' of the Church of England was descended from the 17th century Puritans and flourished between 1789 and 1850. The term 'evangelical' means "of or according to the teaching of the Gospel", and its primary emphasis was and is the doctrine of salvation by faith in the death of Christ, which atoned (paid the price) for people's sins.

Evangelicals today share the same beliefs as their 19th century predecessors; they/we -

  * recognise the sinfulness and fallenness of humanity;

  * emphasise personal conversion and faith rather than good works, church rituals or the sacraments (seen as symbolic only) as a means to salvation;

  * stress the importance of a personal relationship with God;

  * believe in the authority of the Bible in matter of doctrine; and

  * unlike the Tractarians, deny that ordination to the priesthood imparts any supernatural gifts or sets priests apart as intermediaries between God and humans (hence the priesthood of all believers).

Converted believers were expected to serve others, so the evangelicals threw themselves into missionary work at home and overseas. They were strong supporters of the Bible societies, and played prominent roles in social movements like the abolition of slavery, child welfare legislation, the prohibition of alcohol, the Temperance Movement, and the development of public health and public education.

Critics accused evangelicals of being 'enthusiasts' who preferred emotion to intellect and had a puritanical disapproval of social pleasures. They were looked down on by those of a more High Church disposition, who saw themselves as superior, both spiritually and intellectually. Criticism rarely came more forcefully than from the pen of George Nye (1899), who dismissed evangelicalism in the Church of England as

" _the inspiration of detached units, not of the mass. For corporate action, the Evangelical system offered no scope. It was a purely subjective religion; one based on feelings, to the exclusion of creeds and means of grace.... Naturally the services continued as slovenly, and the fabric as uncared for, as during the period of religious apathy."_

Reactions in Lancaster

How did all this play out in Lancaster? Here, as in many other places, views and attitudes were polarised between the two revival movements, which pulled in directly opposing directions. Supporters and critics of both could find little common ground to meet on.

St Mary's, the parish church in Lancaster, doubtless embraced the Catholic Revival and changed its services, values and activities accordingly. St John's (1755) almost inevitably had a similar churchmanship. St Anne's (1796) was evangelical and was looked down upon by members of the High Church. Local historian Haythornthwaite (1875, p.60) described it as "dangerously close to the boundary-line of Episcopacy and Dissent", where "it was not reason but sentiment that gave rise to the congregation, so we do not in all cases discover the elements of sound mental progress in their body."

The distinction that Haythornthwaite draws between the two types of Anglican church in Lancaster in 1840 shows clearly where his sympathies lay:

" _On the one side [the High Church St Mary's and St John's], we behold the highest intellectual qualities, the most striking spirituality of life, and a near approach to the utmost Christian perfection of which mortal man is capable; on the other [the Low Church St Anne's] side we may notice a comparatively low order of intelligence, a preference for slovenly and even in ecclesiastical modes of procedure, and a great inclination to indulge in the excitements of revivalism and tea-parties."_

Reasons for building St Thomas'

Against this background, why was a decision taken to build another new Anglican church - St Thomas' - in Lancaster? Whilst it would provide more capacity for the Established church, and thus serve more people, this seems to have been a secondary consideration.

Unlike St John's, St Thomas' was not established to meet the needs of people already living in a particular part of Lancaster at the time, because it was built at the edge of town as it then was, still largely undeveloped at that time. Unlike several later Anglican churches in Lancaster (Christ Church and St Paul's Scotforth) it was not built specifically to meet the needs of a new and rapidly growing part of the town; growth occurred later. Unlike St Luke's in Skerton, it was not set up to civilize an unruly part of the town.

The main reason for building St Thomas' appears to have been a desire by at least some people in Lancaster for a more evangelical churchmanship within the Church of England, as a positive response to the Evangelical Revival and a reaction against the Catholic Revival. Such a church would also serve the growing working class population in town and thus help to stem the exodus of people towards the Nonconformist chapels that were growing in number and strength at that time.

The group that pushed for the building of the new church and brought it into life was led by Joseph Armytage. So why did he 'jump ship' from a church (and a secure and well-respected position) that he had presumably been happy to sign up to only a few years earlier?

It seems that he left St Mary's because of a falling out with the Vicar over the style of worship there. Although it is difficult to find solid proof that it was because the parish church was adopting more Catholic practices, the clues point in that direction. Haythornthwaite (1875, pp.69-70) describes bluntly how

" _St Thomas' Church arose, we believe we are right in saying, from a small disagreement in connection with St Mary's. The Rev J.N. Green Armytage had made himself obnoxious to the Vicar by proposing an alteration in the order of the service, and having his circle of admirers he became the centre of a new movement and the head of another congregation. Probably the feeling had existed in the town that another Church would not be out of place, and no doubt the scheme had plenty of supporters independent of the former dispute, but without the small knot of dissentients at the Parish Church the progress of the undertaking, we are informed, would have been by no means certain."_

Joseph Armytage resigned his post as Curate in the parish church to lead the establishment of St Thomas', probably with the Archdeacon's July 1836 words of warning about separation ringing in his ears. He took with him a small group of like-minded people (including members of the Salisbury family, who we will meet in Chapter 3) who were committed to remaining within the Church of England but determined to establish a new evangelical church in town.

Thus St Thomas' started life in 1841 as a break-away from the Parish Church, a split rather than a plant. Whilst the split doubtless caused much soul-searching within those who left and those who stayed behind, the separation appears to have been amicable. The new church was fully supported by the Bishop of Chester, who preached at the opening ceremony. The Bishop's support is not surprising given that he was John Bird Sumner, a prominent evangelical at that time, who after serving as Bishop of Chester (1828-48) was promoted to Archbishop of Canterbury (1848-62).

There is no evidence that Joseph Armytage was subsequently shunned by his fellow clergy in Lancaster. He regularly attended other Church of England events and was invited to preach in other churches and speak at religious meetings.

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3. Beginnings: the building of St Thomas'

" _You know not what you have done in building this church. Some who are now here are single men, who in a few short years may be the heads of families. Your children will probably come to this house of prayer to receive their elementary instruction, when they will be taught to distinguish between good and evil, and have the way pointed out to them to obtain a blessed eternity."_

These words were spoken by Rev David James from Liverpool who preached at the opening service of St Thomas' Church on Wednesday the 14th of April 1841. He was looking to a golden future for this new church, and fully expected it to meet the spiritual needs of its people for many generations to come. It turns out his faith in the future was well placed.

St Thomas' has so far outlived St John's and St Anne's, and it remains as well supported and active as ever. Nobody thought it would be an easy journey, and history has proved them right.

Planning to build

There is no denying the importance of Armytage's fall-out with St Mary's over the matter of church services (which we looked at in Chapter 2) as a catalyst for his decision to leave the Parish Church and set up a new one with an evangelical flavour.

But other forces were at work too, some of which are touched upon in a letter that Edward Salisbury (Chairman of the organising committee for the new church) sent to the Chester Diocesan Society in 1840. The letter, written in fine copperplate handwriting, survives in the County Record Office in Preston.

Salisbury's letter summarises the arguments for the new church, including the growing population of Lancaster (which rose from just under 10,000 in 1821 to around 16,000 in 1840), caused in part by increasing job opportunities; by then there were seven mills, employing up to 2,000 people. He voiced concern over the limited number of additional 'free sittings' in the Parish Church (100) and the other two Anglican churches (200 between them) for those who could not afford to pay hefty annual pew rents, and he pointed out that "dissent has not neglected the opportunity, and thus two Methodist Chapels have been erected and the Independent Chapel has been enlarged since 1820." His key point was that

" _the erection of a church towards the southern extremity of the town has long been contemplated by certain parties, who have been for some years engaged in promoting Church extension in this neighbourhood, the result of whose exertions has been the erection of no less than 4 new churches [of different denominations] in different parts of this extensive parish. The views of these parties were met in an unexpected manner by the liberality of a resident Lady who offered to provide an endowment and repairing fund for such a purpose."_

The 'resident Lady' in question was Edward's mother Elizabeth Salisbury, who had donated £1,000 to the project, worth about £74,000 today.

Why built it there?

The choice of site was dictated by the availability of land and the means to buy it. An area of land, shown on the 1807 town map as "intended building ground", was available for development on the southern edge of the town as it then was, near the canal. It was just to the north of Dalton Square, which was then (1807) being developed and built. That part of town had not yet been fully built up, but the growth of the cotton mills along this part of the canal would soon prompt the building of housing for low-income workers and their families beyond the canal to the south

George Marton of Capernwray Hall kindly donated a plot of land at the southern end of Penny Street as a site for the new church, valued at £350 [around £25,000 today]. He served as the Member of Parliament for Lancaster between 1837 and 1847, must have been sympathetic to the evangelical cause, and was quite probably a friend of the Salisbury family. Marton Street, which was created after St Thomas' was built, is named after him.

A parchment manuscript now archived in the Blackburn Diocesan Registry, signed by George Marton and dated the 24th of March 1840, records the sale of a small parcel of land (roughly 160 feet by 80 feet) by him to Her Majesty's Commissioners for Building of New Churches, for which they paid £81 and eighteen shillings [£5,700]. This must be the extra land that made the extended church plan (see below) possible.

How was it paid for?

Elizabeth Salisbury's generous donation started the ball rolling on fund-raising, or as Edward Salisbury put it in his letter, "in consequence of this impulse, subscriptions were set on foot." £1,200 [£85,000] was raised to build a church with seating for 1,000 people.

A revised plan was drawn up shortly afterwards to provide seating for 1,177, and extra land was purchased. A building contract was agreed, at a total cost of £2,597 [£184,000] excluding the cost of levelling and enclosing the site.

Fund-raising continued, producing a total of £1,962 [£135,000] by December 1839. This was made up of the £1,000 [£68,000] endowment from Elizabeth Salisbury, £200 [£14,000] from Queen Anne's Bounty (a fund established in 1704 to supplement the incomes of the poorer clergy of the Church of England), a donation of £150 [£10,000] from Queen Victoria as Duchess of Lancaster, £150 [£10,000] from the proceeds of the Lancaster Exhibition of Arts and Manufacturing held in the summer of 1840, and numerous small donations.

This left a shortfall of £635 [£45,000], which the Committee "feel themselves totally unable to raise". Edward felt compelled to point out that "the new Churches lately built at Poulton, Wray, Glasson, and Capernwray, have been erected mainly from the subscriptions of persons resident in Lancaster and the neighbourhood, and within the present year, thus interfering materially with those resources from which the Committee would have otherwise doubtless benefitted."

He urged the Diocese of Chester to help close the funding gap, and by February 1841 - when the building was nearing completion - the Committee had received a £200 [£14,000] contribution from them. As Edward Salisbury noted, "though less than the Committee had been led to expect, it is a handsome sum." This left a shortfall of just over £400 [£28,000].

The shortfall was a planned overspend rather than a cost overrun, because the Committee had committed to that level of expenditure, and signed the contract, without any guarantee of having the money to cover it. It was to exercise the leadership of St Thomas' for many years, as we shall see in the next two chapters.

Elizabeth Salisbury later also gave £100 [£7,000] towards the cost of buying a 'parsonage house' (Vicarage).

The Salisbury family

Elizabeth Salisbury played a prominent role in the establishment of St Thomas'. Born Elizabeth Dodson in Ulverston in 1766, she married Edward Salisbury at St Mary's in Lancaster in 1794 and together they had seven children. The Salisburys were upwardly mobile middle-class entrepreneurs.

Edward was described on his marriage certificate as a "merchant of Lancaster". He owned and directed a thriving shipping business, and like other ship-owners in that era was involved in the lucrative trade in the 'slave triangle' between England, West Africa and the West Indies. He co-owned a number of wooden ships, many of which were built at Brockbanks Shipbuilders in Lancaster. Among them were Tom and Hope, both of which are known to have engaged in the slave trade.

After Edward died in January 1830 at Wennington Hall near Melling his estate passed to Elizabeth. The 1841 census lists her, then aged 70 and 'independent', living in Queen Street in town. Elizabeth died in Middleton Tower, Heysham, in March 1851, aged 84.

Edward Junior (Edward Dodson Salisbury) was born in Lancaster in May 1801. He married Mary Park from Ulverston and they had three daughters and three sons. Mary died in Lancaster in November 1839, and in 1841 Edward (then aged 40) was living with his six children at his mother's house in Queen Street. Edward shared his mother's commitment to building St Thomas - he chaired the committee that oversaw the project, laid the foundation stone, and appears at all major events relating to the church over the next ten years or so.

During the 1840s Edward was a well respected and influential person in Lancaster - he was Borough Treasurer (1841), Borough Magistrate (1842), County Magistrate (1846), and was elected an Alderman (1847) and Mayor of Lancaster (1844). In 1851 he was living at Middleton Tower in Heysham, and by 1871 he had moved to Holborn, London. He died in Torquay, Devon, in November 1875, at the age of 74.

Building the church

Laying the Foundation Stone

The Foundation Stone of St Thomas' Church was laid on Shrove Tuesday the 3rd of March 1840, less than three weeks after Queen Victoria married her beloved Alfred, two years into her reign.

The event was a grand civic affair, judging from how it was reported in the _Lancaster Gazette_. It began with a colourful procession through the streets from the (old) Town Hall in Market Street, involving "the Charity School girls, the girls of the National School, boys of the same school, [stone] masons, contractors,... Mr. Wheeler's pupils, wearing white rosettes, and presenting a peculiarly neat and orderly appearance."

The local Lodge of Freemasons - members of the Lodge of Fortitude, No 350 - played a prominent role; the Brethren processed in full gear ("Black Clothes, and White Gloves and Handkerchiefs") and the "ceremony was carried out with full Masonic honours." This link between the church and the Masons has caused some unease amongst more recent members of the church, but it needs to be seen in context and kept in perspective.

The Lodge of Fortitude was established in Lancaster in 1789. Whilst the Masons are not a Christian organization _per se_ , one past Master of the Lancaster Lodge was an Anglican Vicar (Rev J. Rowley, in 1829), and the Masons engaged in charitable and humanitarian work to help the poor and needy. James Williamson and William Storey were both members. Although the Masons have a reputation for secrecy, they often paraded through the town in full gear on civic occasions (such as the Coronation of Queen Victoria on the 28th of June 1838), clearly feeling no need to hide their identities.

The Diocesan Bishop was clearly comfortable with them taking part in the procession and assisting with the laying of the Foundation Stone. It is not known whether Edward Salisbury was a Mason or whether his father had been, but the members of the Lodge were there by invitation. An entry in the Lodge's Minute Book dated the 29th of January 1840 records "A letter from the Secretary of the Sub-Committee appointed for the management of the building of St. Thomas' Church was read, wherein it was wished that the W.M. and Brothers of the Lodge of Fortitude should assist in laying the Foundation Stone of the Church on the day of the Queen's Marriage. This wish was complied with and a committee appointed."

The Foundation Stone was laid by Edward Salisbury, assisted by J. Drinkwater (Master of the Freemason's Lodge). The newspaper reported that "weather was very fine. The Rev. J.N.G. Armytage made an excellent speech after the laying of the stone." Among the dignitaries present were the Bishop of Chester (John Bird Sumner), the Vicar of Lancaster (Rev John Manby), the Rural Dean (Rev Thomas Mackreth), the Mayor (Joseph Dockray), and the architect (Edmund Sharpe).

Design and construction

The church was designed by local architect Edmund Sharpe, to seat up to 1,000 people.

Edmund Sharpe (1809-77) was born in Knutsford, Cheshire, and after graduating from Cambridge University he studied architecture in Germany and southern France. In 1835 he opened his own practice in Lancaster, specializing in designing church. In 1845 he joined forces with Edward Paley, a former pupil, and the pair designed many churches. Local churches designed by Sharpe include Christ Church, Glasson (1839-40), Holy Trinity, Wray (1839-40), Holy Trinity, Morecambe (1840-41), and St Paul's, Scotforth (1874-76). After an early career as an architect and architectural historian, he was Mayor of Lancaster in 1848-49, championed the building of Lancaster's waterworks and sewer system, and after 1851 worked as a railway engineer.

It took a year to build St Thomas' Church - the Foundation Stone was laid on 3rd of March 1840 and the church opened on the 14th of April 1841 - but we have no record of who the builders were.

Sharpe was a great enthusiast of neoclassical churches built in the Gothic Revival style, which is clearly displayed in his design for St Thomas. Rigbye (1891 p.351) described the church as "a fine spacious edifice, having a cheerful appearance", and Bulmer's History and Directory of Lancaster & District, 1912 noted that it is "a handsome stone building, in the Early English style of architecture". Architectural historian Nikolaus Pevsner (2002) was impressed by the "lancets [tall, narrow windows with a pointed arch at the top] in stepped triplets along the sides, a stepped group of five between two starved turrets [small projections] on the front."

When the church opened it looked on the outside much as it does today, with two notable exceptions - the steeple and spire (designed by Sharpe and Paley, and part of the original design but omitted on cost grounds) were added in 1852-53 when funding was available, and the front doors were not such a striking colour!

There was no space to include a graveyard beside the church, and those who had passed away were buried in the Parish Churchyard at St Mary's until legislation made burial in town illegal on health grounds, and new town cemeteries were opened at Scotforth (1890) and Skerton (1904).

There were originally no buildings behind the church. Marton Street, Upper Robert Street and several other new streets in the area around St Thomas were laid out, surfaced and adopted in September 1847, six years after the church was opened.

Layout

The layout of the original 1841 interior is clearly marked out on a detailed plan of the time that is archived in the County Record Office in Preston.

On the ground floor, the main body of the church is open. Unlike today, there is no downstairs lounge or toilets (indeed, there are no toilets in the church at all at this stage), and no partition beneath the upstairs gallery; you could walk in through the front doors, through the porch and straight into the church. Just past the porch there were stairs on both sides of the west wall of the church, leading up to the gallery above. Upstairs above the porch was a Children's Gallery, just past the stairs coming up.

Haythornthwaite (1875, p.73) describes the nave - the main body of the church - as it was in the 1870s, little altered in appearance from the 1840s:

" _There are six elegantly-proportioned windows of the usual triple formation on each side of the Church, separated by buttresses, which at the western corners are surmounted by pinnacles. The interior galleries are supported by light iron pillars, which convey the idea of strength without occupying much space; and the cross-beams of the roof, unconcealed in their arrangement above present a more pleasing appearance than a bare ceiling."_

There are no separate chapels within the church, and never have been, nor any grand marble plaques or statues in memory of generous benefactors. The decoration is plain and simple.

The chancel - the area or sanctuary near the altar, which in those days was reserved for the clergy and choir - was and remains on the east end of the church, raised up from the nave by three steps. In the centre of the chancel was a large, raised pulpit that Haythornthwaite (1875, p.73) describes as "a plain erection of stone"; it was reached by stairs on the south side. Ribgye (1891 p.353) tells us that the text of Psalm 89:15 (King James Version - "Blessed is the people that know the joyful sound they shall walk, O Lord, in the light of thy countenance") was carved around the lower portion of the pulpit. In front of the pulpit was the wooden altar, with the reading desk close to it on the floor of the nave, near the central aisle.

Behind the chancel, hidden from sight behind a tall wooden screen, was the original Vestry. Here the clergy and choir could change into their ceremonial robes (vestments), and meetings of parishioners could be held to deal with parish business.

Although the interior of the church remains largely the same shape and layout as it was when the church opened in 1841. By modern standards it has little real architectural merit, and is sometimes described as "a Victorian preaching barn" because of its plain character and spacious size.

The interior would be altered slightly in the 1850s, with installation of a large organ upstairs in the West Gallery and the hanging of a painted Royal Arms on the woodwork in front of it in 1852, and what is now the Vicar's Vestry was added when the steeple was built in 1853.

Pews and pew rents

The nave was filled with wooden pews, most of which were rented out but some towards the back were free. At the front of church there were two box pews (with cushions) for wealthy families. An aisle ran down the centre, and there were aisles on the outsides of the normal pews. Free wooden benches stretched along both sides and the back, for those who couldn't afford the pew rents. Upstairs, the galleries that run along both sides and the back of church each contained three rows of pews, and there were a further two rows at the West End in front of where the stairs came up.

Pew rents provided the core income stream for Anglican churches in those days, but this naturally created a highly visible two-class system. There were those who could afford to pay and thus 'buy' their dedicated debenture seats in church, and those who couldn't. The latter had to sit on the free pews and benches.

As Michael Austin (2001 p.146) points out, "the appropriation of pews was seen as a symbol of privilege and social exclusiveness and, often, of inherited wealth.... Although you could not buy yourself into heaven, your material wealth on earth might hopefully provide some indication that you were on your way." He adds (p.138) that "pews could be owned by people who rarely, if ever, went to church, used by them as private property" and bought and sold the ownership of them.

In an attempt to reduce the open display of differences in wealth within the congregation, as Haythornthwaite (1875 p.81) points out, "the sixteen free pews on the ground floor of St Thomas's were originally open seats, but in order to remove any appearance of invidious distinction, their occupants were allowed the privilege of closed doors like their betters at the east end."

As the opening of the new church drew close, the 'great and the good' were eager to make sure they got good seats. They would not have missed the advert on the front page of the _Lancaster Gazette_ on the 20thof March 1841 that said "St Thomas' Church. Persons desirous of taking pews in this church may obtain them on application to the Vestry, on Thursday afternoon next, between the hours of two and four o'clock; or afterwards on application to Mr. S. Simpson, Secretary to the Committee. Lancaster, 17th March 1841."

Opening Service

Two weeks later an advert on the front page of the _Lancaster Gazette_ (3rdApril 1841) announced that the church would be opened on the 14th of April -

" _It is proposed, Providence permitting, to OPEN this CHURCH with Divine Service, on the Evening of Wednesday, the 14th inst, when A SERMON will be preached by the Rev David James, Incumbent of Kirkdale, Liverpool. Service to commence at half-past six precisely."_

The funding shortfall was clearly a continuing concern for the church leaders, because the advert continues

" _A Collection after the Sermon will be made in aid of the Building Fund. The Committee, having provided sittings in this church for more than 1100 persons, of which considerably above one third are free, earnestly hope that the public will assist them in defraying a debt exceeding £500 [£35,500] which still remains upon the building. Lancaster, April 2 nd, 1841."_

Inside the same edition of the paper an article about the opening emphasised that "one great point has happily been accomplished: the pulpit being so arranged that the preacher will be visible to every person in the church." According to Austin (2001 p.120) it was not uncommon in those days for the free seats to be placed either "behind the door"... or "out of sight and hearing" or behind the pulpit in the chancel "where they [the poor] cannot hear".

The first service in the new church was held on the evening of Wednesday the 14th of April 1841. This was effectively the opening ceremony, although the formal Consecration Service was held two months later on the 14th of June. Joseph Armytage conducted the service and read the prayers, and Rev D James of Liverpool preached the sermon.

By all accounts Rev James delivered a marathon sermon, lasting an hour and a half. A printed copy of it is archived in the local studies collection of Lancaster City Library. He took as his text Isaiah 28: 16 - "See, I lay a stone in Zion, a tested stone, a precious cornerstone for a sure foundation; the one who relies on it will never be stricken with panic." He first emphasized Jesus as the foundation of the Christian Church, then spoke at length about spiritual warfare which "originated with him who is the prince of darkness" and is designed to "overturn... the faith of the people", unashamedly attacking the Catholic Church. He warned that, as Catholicism spread far and wide, "Satan then rejoiced, though the Church of Rome did not deny that Christ was the Son of God; yet they mixed up in their works for the sake of filthy gain."

He pulled no punches, and argued that Martin Luther and the Reformation had purified the church from the corruption and "abominations" that had taken root within the Catholic Church, "so that it may return to its primitive character." He welcomed the birth of the Protestant Church as a result of the Reformation, and its firm belief that "Jesus Christ and him crucified was the rock on which they built their salvation \- that they looked to him, and him alone, as being able to lead them through the grim passage of death to the light of the only true God."

He defined the Church of England as a "visible Church... a congregation of men [sic] bound together by the same spirit", bound together by Luther's Thirty Nine Articles, and he emphasised the importance of the Sixth Article ("Holy Scripture contains all things necessary for salvation"). He saw the hand of Satan at work again in the Catholic Revival, and stressed that "to be a Christian Church, they must be scriptural, a wholly scriptural church, and upon those grounds the Established Church of England took its stand.... Every doctrine was to be proved by the Scriptures, and them alone."

As he finally drew towards a close, Rev James applauded the establishment of St Thomas', and "prayed that others might catch the spirit which had inspired them to found the sacred edifice wherein they had assembled, and that the Church ministry might be so provided for, that every man, woman, and child might by visited by their respective ministers, in their pastoral walks, to enquire after the spiritual welfare of their souls." He added that "he never thought that the Established Church was perfect, but he thought it the best and the nearest to the truth, and he hoped that through Jesus Christ it would be regenerated and made worthy of bearing his holy name. As those present had added one Church more to the ministry of Christ, they were entitled to all praise, yet would they do well to contribute further to liquidate the debt still owing - £500."

The collection amounted to £32 15s [£2,300], which was a sizeable sum but barely scratched the surface of the £500 [£35,500] outstanding debt.

The following Saturday's _Lancaster Gazette_ (17th April 1841) reported that "the beautiful building was well filled on the occasion, and its opening may be said to have been most auspicious. An admirable choir, under the superintendence of Mr. Evans, attended, and executed all the musical parts of the service delightfully." Apparently the church opening service was blamed for the low turnout of people at the town theatre [now the Grand Theatre] that night, where Hamlet was playing.

Consecration Service

Two months after the first service in St Thomas' the _Lancaster Gazette_ (12th June 1841) carried an advert on its front page for the Consecration Service -

" _St Thomas's Church, Lancaster. The Public are respectfully informed that this Church will be CONSECRATED in the Afternoon of Monday, the 14thinstant, and a SERMON preached by the Lord Bishop of the Diocese. A Collection will be made after the Sermon towards Liquidating the Debt still remaining. Service to commence at half-past five p.m."_

The Bishop began that afternoon in Lancaster by holding a confirmation service at the Parish Church for 137 males and 197 females. That evening he moved across town to consecrate St Thomas'.

The following Saturday the _Lancaster Gazette_ (19th June 1841) included a report on "this interesting ceremony" -

" _The church was filled on the occasion, and the Mayor attended... The Lord Bishop of the Diocese arrived just around six o'clock, and immediately took his seat within the communion rails on the right. On the left was the Rev. [Raikes], the Chancellor of the Diocese, who at once read aloud the deed of consecration. This done, his Lordship proceeded round the interior of the church, down the north aisle, and returning up the middle, followed by the Rev. the Vicar of the parish, Chancellor Raikes, E.D. Salisbury Esq., as trustee, and all the clergy present, who with the bishop read, as they proceeded, verse and verse of the 23rd psalm. His lordship having returned to the altar, and all the clergy and others having resumed their places, he offered up the usual prayers. Then commenced the evening service, which was read by the minister of the church, the Rev. J.N.G. Armytage. A most delightful choir was present, and the appointed hymns and psalms were all admirably sung. At the conclusion of the service, his lordship ascended the pulpit, and delivered an appropriate sermon from the last verse of the concluding chapter of the gospel of St. Matthew - 'And lo, I am with you always, even unto the end of the world. Amen.' After the sermon a collection was made, and the sum of forty six pounds [£3,300] received. His lordship and the chancellor retired afterwards to Mrs. Salisbury's residence in Queen Street, and partook of that lady's hospitality. Thus the last stroke of the good work has been struck, and we trust the Almighty blessing will abundantly descend upon it."_

The parchment Sentence of Consecration, dated the 14th of June 1841, which was read out at the service, is archived in the Blackburn Diocesan Registry.

Elizabeth Salisbury, whose generosity had kick-started the fund-raising for the building of the church, donated a full suite of Communion Plate at the time of the Consecration.

The _Lancaster Gazette_ noted, "with pleasure... that a very large number of the pews are taken, and what makes this pleasure an unalloyed one is the circumstance that this large congregation has been thus formed without, in any degree worth the mention, abridging the flocks of other places of worship belonging to the establishment." There were no signs of large-scale "sheep-stealing" of members from other churches in town, other than the group led by Joseph Armytage which left St Mary's to establish St Thomas'.

Patron

In English church law, the right of a patron to recommend a member of the Anglican clergy as Vicar in a vacant benefice (church) is known as the advowson. This right was often originally held by the lord of the principal manor within the parish.

In Lancaster, the Vicar at St Mary's - the Parish Church - held this right at the time when St Thomas' was established, and he regularly exercised it in selecting Vicars for both St John's and St Anne's. But St Thomas' was different; it was the first Anglican church in Lancaster to be established independent of the Parish Church. Elizabeth Salisbury, its founding and primary benefactor, became its patron from day one and so had the right to select its Vicar, with the approval of the Bishop of the Diocese.

After Elizabeth's death in March 1851, the advowson right was bought from her estate for £1,280 [about £110,000] by Colin Campbell, who had succeeded Joseph Armytage as Vicar. He passed it on to his son Colin when he died in 1856. In 1896 Colin Campbell Junior gave the patronage to the Church Pastoral Aid Society (CPAS), who have retained it ever since.

Diocese

St Thomas' was established in the Diocese of Chester which it remained part of until it was transferred to the new Diocese of Manchester when that was founded in 1847. It later transferred to the new Diocese of Blackburn when that was founded in 1926, and it has remained so ever since.

District or parish

The Church of England is territorial, in the sense that it assigns a patch - the parish, which in the 19th century was called its district - to each church.

In rural areas, where people are thinly scattered across a wide area, parishes can be very extensive, but in densely packed towns and cities parishes can be small. No part of England lies outside a parish; they cover the whole land surface like a patchwork quilt, with no gaps or overlaps. Each parish belongs to a diocese, and dioceses similarly inter-lock (like the pieces of a jigsaw puzzle) to cover the whole land surface. The district or parish is formally assigned to a church by its diocese.

The link between church and parish is two-way, because the church both serves and it served by its parish, which supplies it with both people and money, both essential to its life and survival. Vicars are charged with 'the cure of souls' throughout their parish, and they have traditionally regularly engaged in pastoral visits throughout their parish.

If the population of a parish grows through time, a new church might be built within it and the parish may be sub-divided between the two churches. This, indeed, is how St John's, St Anne's and St Thomas' came into being. Conversely, if the population of a parish declines the church can become unviable and unsustainable and it may end up being closed, as has happened in Lancaster with both St Anne's (1957) and St John's (1981).

A church might also end up being relocated within a redefined parish, if population changes make this a viable proposition. As we shall see in later chapters, the threat of this happening to St Thomas' has arisen twice over the past century.

The district of St Thomas was assigned in 1844, having been carved out of the territory that belonged to St Mary's, so it meant a loss of revenue to the Parish Church and its Vicar. The establishment of St Thomas in 1841 must have been the catalyst for assigning districts to St John's (1755) and St Anne's (1796), which was done in 1842.

The original parchment document, dated the 13th of February 1844, survives in the Blackburn Diocesan Registrar's Office. It defines the boundary of the parish of St Thomas' as -

" _commencing on the East side and at the extreme end of Nelson Street from thence through Sydney Street and along the South side thence passing in an oblique direction across King Street, up Middle Street, then turning to the left through High Street along the top Walk of Hargreaves Garden, from thence by an imaginary straight line to the Canal Bridge in Aldcliffe Lane (nearest to Lancaster), and from thence along the Towing Path to the extreme end of Nelson Street aforesaid."_

The original parish boundary was defined by the canal on the east and south, and by Common Garden Street, Brock, Sidney, and Nelson Streets on the North.

At that time there was hardly any development including housing east of the canal or west of the Castle and Parish Church. The residential area covered by the current parish of St Thomas' simply did not exist, it was fields. As local historian Andrew White (2000 p.69) has pointed out -

" _south of the town development was very sporadic and had to wait until the middle of the nineteenth century. Hardly any buildings stood between Penny Street and Scotforth, which was then a separate village. Among the few houses were Springfield Hall, a house of c.1790, its site now occupied by the hospital, and Bowerham House, which still stands, an ancient manorial site."_

According to the census returns, within this district in 1851 there were 3,285 people (1,553 males and 1,732 females) living in 617 houses. Three houses were then being built, and there were also 35 uninhabited houses.

With population changes in Lancaster since the 1840s, and particularly with the growth of suburbs and new housing to the south of the town centre, the parish boundaries have been revised several times (in 1933 and 1963), as we shall see in later chapters.

Congregation

Whilst many of those who worship at St Thomas' today live beyond the parish boundary, and when the church opened in 1841 it would have been well within reach for most people in Lancaster, its original congregation was doubtless heavily shaped by its district or parish.

Several clues suggest that St Thomas' then had a larger proportion of working class and poor members than the other Anglican Churches in Lancaster -

  * Its location defined its catchment area - by the canal, adjacent to the mills and warehouses, with working class and poor families living tightly packed together in cramped, often multi-family houses.

  * Its churchmanship determined who it would most appeal to - evangelical churches of all denominations (Anglican and Nonconformist) were attracting working class people, while Anglo-Catholic churches attracted the better educated and better off.

  * Its relatively high proportion of free seats (pews and benches), certainly compared with St Mary's and St John's, is a strong indicator.

  * Its overall level of income also speaks volumes. The church had a relatively large number of people living within its district but income and giving were relatively low. In 1854, for example, there were 3,285 people living within the district of St Thomas', and income from pew rents amounted to £130 [£9,500] a year; St Mary's, the town's parish church, had a population of 9,284 (nearly three times as many) and income of £1,709 [£125,000]... more than twelve times as much.

The struggle to pay off the outstanding debt on the building fund also points to relatively limited spare money within the congregation, with those who could afford to contribute quite possibly have stretched themselves to the limit in doing so. But the people of St Thomas' also often gave generously to appeals for other charitable causes, such as towards the National Schools and helping the poor and needy.

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4. Joseph Armytage (1841-1845)

It is no surprise that Joseph Armytage, who had led the walkout from the parish church and the building of St Thomas', became its first incumbent. Recall that Elizabeth Salisbury was patron as well as major benefactor of the new church, and as one of his strongest supporters she would have been keen to have him in charge.

First Vicar of St Thomas'

Naturally, Armytage was the same character with the same views, values and priorities, as he was when he served as Curate at St Mary's; he even lived in the same house as he did then. He was probably now emboldened by having left the safety and security of his post in the parish church and started this new venture, with more than a little help from his friends, particularly the Salisbury family. He could now speak with greater freedom and authority, having pinned his evangelical colours to the mast and come out very publicly against the Catholic Revival.

By the time he started at St Thomas' Joseph was already a family man, with a wife, a son (North) and two daughters (Josephine and Harriet). He and Harriet would have two more daughters during his time at St Thomas - Marian (born in 1842) and Matilda (1845). The _Lancaster Gazette_ announced the birth of a son on 16th of December 1843 who appears to have died young; there is no trace of him in the 1851 census.

Details of Joseph's time as Vicar at St Thomas are scarce because, whilst the _Minute Book of the Vestry Meetings_ (forerunner of the PCC) held annually between 1842 and 1934 is archived in the Public Record Office in Preston, it contains little information for the early years other than the names of the Vicar and Churchwardens. There are no minutes of what was discussed or decided. We can find some information about him in the local newspaper, the _Lancaster Gazette_ , which in those days included detailed reports of church activities and meetings.

Preacher and evangelist

Armytage's effectiveness as a preacher was well established during his time as Curate at St Mary's, and it served him well at St Thomas'. We learn, for example, that he preached at the parish church on the 26th of July 1843. His sermon was based on Hebrews 13: 16 - "do not forget to do good and to share with others, for with such sacrifices God is pleased" - and the _Lancaster Gazette_ reported that he

" _raised a discourse of surpassing eloquence which touched the hearts of all hearers, and which, if the church had been well attended as it ought to have been, would, we are sure, have secured many new friends to the society. And considerably increased its means."_

Although there is little evidence of him personally engaging in direct evangelism, except perhaps through his preaching, Armytage was a great supporter of national societies devoted to evangelism. For example, he preached "an appropriate sermon" on behalf of the Society for the Propagation of the Gospel, in St Thomas' on the 6th of May 1842.

On the 3rd of June 1845 he spoke at the annual meeting of the Lancaster branch of the Church Missionary Society in the Music Hall. The _Lancaster Gazette_ reports that he "addressed the meeting at considerable length", starting by tracing the apostolic origins of missionary meetings, arguing that "a very great improvement had taken place in English society concurrently with the institution of religious meetings", and insisting that "all who did not attend those meetings were deficient in the grace of God".

He went on to spell out the benefits of missionary meetings, such as the conversion of non-believers, and opportunities "to hear interesting accounts from eye witnesses of the manners of heathen life - of the folly, the cruelty, and the superstitions of those dark places of the earth". Sharing of testimonies at such meetings "afforded striking instances of the subduing of the carnal mind by the power of the gospel" and challenged the non-believer. He noted that "from time to time, at these meetings, those persons might hear of examples of the most blind being brought to the light; and so they were led on to further enquiry, till they also partook of the hope which they before believed not to be theirs." "Above all," he concluded, "beyond the interest or personal benefit of these meetings, they tended to the glory of God."

Supporter of local causes

Like many clergymen in those days, Armytage had little time for the attitude of their 18th century forebears who, as church historian J H Bettey (1987 p.141) puts it, "thought it one of their principal duties to instil into the laity that calm acceptance of the established social order which is imposed by the Catechism: 'To order myself lowly and reverently to all my betters... to do my duty in that state of life, unto which it shall please God to call me.'"

Armytage and many of his colleagues, of both High Church and Low Church persuasions, were active in trying to promote the social and economic welfare of their parishioners, as well as caring for their spiritual needs. On the 12th of September 1841, for example, he preached a sermon at St Thomas' in aid of the Lancaster Dispensary and House of Recovery on Castle Hill. His text was Luke 16: 9, "I tell you, use worldly wealth to gain friends for yourselves, so that when it is gone, you will be welcomed into eternal dwellings." The _Lancaster Gazette_ reports that "he delivered an eloquent and impressive discourse... [and] the attendance on this occasion was both numerous and respectable, as the Dispensary is a charity which merits the support of all classes and denominations of the inhabitants." The collection raised £15 [£1,000] for the Dispensary.

In May 1845, after he had resigned his post at St Thomas' and just before he left Lancaster, Joseph Armytage and Edward Salisbury attended a "meeting of apprentices and shopmen... in the large room under the Assembly Room, to take into consideration the best means of obtaining the closing of shops at seven o'clock throughout the year." He spoke in support of the motion that "so long as shops are kept open after than hour, those employed therein are debarred from taking sufficient outdoor exercise, as well as attending in reading rooms, and other institutions of an instructive nature."

St Thomas' School

Armytage was also very supportive of efforts to improve the lot of the many poor families who lived within the St Thomas' district, through education.

By today's standards the school system in the 1840s looks basic and under-resourced. Most schools were church-based (usually Anglican), and they served families living within the parish. Education was available for children up to the age of ten.

Attendance by pupils was not compulsory, and levels of absenteeism were high. Education was not free, but parents were expected to pay small amounts to have their children educated in school. Teachers received no formal education; they had no qualifications, received little pay, and worked hard with meagre resources. Pupil-teachers were common, with older children teaching the younger ones. Most children left school before the age of eleven, with no qualifications, few skills and little prospect of bettering themselves.

In 1843 a single-storey day school was built behind the church, forming the ground floor of what today is the Church Centre. It was funded and erected by S Simpson in memory of his mother Maria, as recorded on a stone tablet over the door, which read (Ribgye 1891, p.353) -

" _In memory of Maria Simpson who through divine grace sought to bring up herself in the nurture and admonition of the Lord by instruction in His revealed word and attention on His appointed ordinances, this scheme for the education of youth in the Holy Scriptures and in the principles of the Church of England is erected as the most suitable monument of such a parent by a grateful son, 1843."_

The Sunday School was opened in the same building on the 6th of August 1843.

Defender of the faith

Within months of the opening of St Thomas' we find Joseph Armytage once again on the attack against the rise in support for Catholicism, both within and beyond the Church of England.

At the beginning of August 1841 he addressed a meeting the Lancaster branch of the Protestant Association, held at the National School on Green Ayre, where he announced that -

" _in the course of the year they proposed to hold another public meeting, when it was intended to reserve a large bench for the especial accommodation of Romish priests - to whom a special invitation would be sent - and if they ventured to contradict one word advanced from the platform, they were prepared to make it good to their faces.... he loved the Papist, but he hated Popery."_

He addressed the same group again in February 1842, this time on 'The Perfidy of the Church of Rome.' During his two-hour talk he spoke about "the gradual decline of the Church of Christ and of Rome especially, from primitive purity of doctrine, discipline, and practice, until Christendom was over-run with vice and clouded with ignorance" and suggested "proofs that the Church of Rome was as truly unchangeable in her principles and practices as she professed to be - intriguing and rebellious when in subjection; bloody and tyrannical when in power; always acting on the principle that no faith is to be kept with heretics..." According to the _Lancaster Gazette_ the lecture "seemed to be received with general interest and approbation."

Just over a year later, in May 1843, we read of Armytage speaking at a meeting of the Church Missionary Association in the New Music Hall. He believed there was evidence of

" _the approach of that spiritual earthquake foretold in the prophecies of the Scripture. It was to be seen in the tremulous motion that agitated the minds of men - in the increase of Popery, the spread of infidelity, the spread of democratic principles, and that impatience with authority which every where prevailed. The contemplation of these things suggested the idea of a dark and gloomy ocean awaiting some mighty blast to arise in mountain waves, and overwhelm."_

Talking about the Church of England, he pointed out that

" _there were enemies without, whose hostility was daily manifested in the cry of 'down with her,' whilst there were those within her walls [supporters of the Oxford Movement], who though bound by solemn vows to resist the introduction of doctrines or practices not conformable to her principles, those who ate her bread, lifting up their hands against her, and would take away that foundation of her existence, justification by faith, and substitute for it justification by works; and thus assaults were made from without and from within for the purpose of pulling down what he solemnly believed to be the best bulwark of Christianity."_

Six months later, in early November 1843, Joseph Armytage led a service in St Thomas' at which Rev Hugh Stowell from Manchester preached on 'The venerable church and the Thirty Nine Articles'. Stowell based his talk on Nehemiah 10: 39 ("We will not neglect the house of our God"). The _Lancaster Gazette_ reported that his

" _address was a fine specimen of persuasive and fervent eloquence, well adapted for the occasion, and... [he] proved, beyond all doubt, that ours, the Protestant Church, is the true and real apostolic church of Christ - from which the papist form of religion was a corrupt, profligate, and idolatrous off-shoot. The faith, as contained in the thirty-nine articles of the Church, was that which Christ preached, which his disciples taught, and which Cranmer, Ridley, and Latimer, suffered martyrdom at the stake to defend, and in defiance of all the attacks of our Church's open enemies, and the still more dangerous designs of her pretended friends."_

One year on, in late October 1844, Edward Salisbury chaired a meeting in the Boys' National School of the British Society for Promoting the Religious Principles of the Reformation, attended by Armytage and many other local clergy.

The purpose of the meeting was to give information "on the present state of the modern Romish church in this country, as well as the various means resorted to by the agents of the Papacy to pervert to the pale of that communion." The _Lancaster Gazette_ reported that, despite "the chilly bleakness of the evening, several hundreds of persons were assembled in the room - comprising... men both in the highest and most humble walks of society, and of every grade of religious and political feeling."

Curate

The _Lancaster Gazette_ for the 29th of July 1843 reported that "The Rev Edward Pedder, BA, of Brazenose, Oxford, has been appointed Curate of St Thomas's, in this town." This was the church's first Curate, and no doubt his arrival was a great benefit to the Vicar.

Pedder was born in Preston in 1819 and graduated from Brasenose College, part of Oxford University, with a BA in 1842 and an MA in 1845. He was ordained deacon in 1843, arrived in Lancaster the same year, and in 1844 was ordained priest by the Bishop of Chester. He never married or had children, and remained in Lancaster throughout his clerical career, living at 15 Castle Hill with his three older sisters.

It is not clear exactly when he left St Thomas', but he is not listed in the Baptism Register after 1845. In the 1851 census he is listed as Curate at St Anne's; in 1861 he is listed as Curate at St Mary's, the Parish Church; and from 1862 to 1880 he was Vicar of St John's. He was made an Honorary Canon of Manchester Cathedral in 1870. His career path was quite unusual because he must have been comfortable moving back and forth between the Low Church (St Thomas' and St Anne's) and High Church (St Mary's and St John's) wings of the Church of England. His tie to Lancaster was clearly stronger than his tie to any particular form of churchmanship!

Edward Pedder died in Lancaster on the 21st of March 1881, aged 61. Probate records show that he left a personal estate valued at under £6,000 [£436,000] in a will that was proved by his two brothers, Thomas ("a Gentleman from Manchester") and John (a clergyman from Bath).

Fund-raising

Armytage's strengths lay in preaching and teaching, and in shepherding his flock, and he was not very successful at clearing the debt from the building programme, despite his best efforts.

Some of the church services and collections during his time at St Thomas' were directed towards fund-raising. In early April 1842 a Rev W McGrath was guest speaker at one such service. He preached on Psalm 122: 8-9 ("For the sake of my family and friends, I will say, 'Peace be within you.' For the sake of the house of the Lord our God, I will seek your prosperity.") The appeal raised £28 [£2,000] towards the debt that had by then risen to £700 [£51,000]. In October 1843 Hugh Stowell preached at the church "in aid of the fund collecting for the liquidation of the debt still owing for the erection of the church. We need say no more [urged the _Lancaster Gazette_ ]; except to express an earnest hope that the labours of the gifted preacher will be rewarded by an abundant collection."

Fund-raising on this scale must have seemed like an uphill struggle for Armytage, particularly given that it was usually the same people - the members of his congregation - who were being asked to give generously. The challenge must have been particularly big given the generally impoverished nature of his parish. It must also have been a worrying time, as well as a deep embarrassment, for the trustees of St Thomas', who were responsible for servicing and repaying the debt.

Resignation and departure

Joseph Armytage left St Thomas' and Lancaster and headed south in May 1845, after four years as Vicar. He resigned to become Secretary of the Church Pastoral Aid Society at Walthamstow in Essex. He is listed in the 1851 edition of _Crockford's Clerical Directory_ as Association Secretary of the South Eastern branch of CPAS, based at the Society's offices at Temple Chambers in Fleet Street, London.

This CPAS appointment was to be the first link in a chain that runs unbroken through to the present day - his successor (Colin Campbell) would gave the patronage of St Thomas' to CPAS shortly before he died in 1856, and CPAS has remained patron ever since. More than a century later, Cyril Ashton had also served on the staff of CPAS before being appointed Vicar of St Thomas' in 1974.

According to reports in the _Lancaster Gazette_ , in his final days in Lancaster Joseph Armytage attended the annual meeting of the Lancaster Auxiliary Bible Society, in the Music Hall. He and his wife also attended a meeting of the Church Sunday School Teachers at the Boy's National School on Green Area "for the purpose of taking tea, and hearing addresses from the several clergymen of this town, on the subject of Sunday Schools." As the _Lancaster Gazette_ (28th June 1845) rather gushingly put it

" _we are truly pleased to hear that the reverend gentleman has not taken leave of us without carrying with him some gratifying testimonials of the sense entertained of his ministry by those best able to appreciate it."_

Amongst the leaving presents he received were "seventeen volumes of valuable works [given by members of the Bible classes at St Thomas'], beautifully bound in vellum, richly gilt, the presentation stamped in gold on each volume, and the names of the presenters on the fly leaves"; "a very beautiful pocket communion service" given by some of the District Visitors based at the church; a bible and prayer book presented by one gentleman; and "from his flock at large, the rev. gentleman has received farewell blessings accompanied by expressions of the most heartfelt regret, and in some cases the silent tribute of many tears." He had clearly made a good impression during his four years as Vicar, and would be greatly missed

However, this was not the last the people of St Thomas' would see or hear of Joseph Armytage. As we shall see in Chapter 8, nearly three decades later he would return to St Thomas' to take over again as Vicar in 1871. Sadly, his stay that second time would be short-lived and would end rather abruptly and unexpectedly.

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5. Colin Campbell (1845-1856)

" _Clerical Appointment - The Rev. Colin Campbell M.A., of Trinity College, Cambridge, and Curate of Gainsborough, Lincolnshire, to the incumbency of St. Thomas' Church, in this town, vacant by the resignation of the Rev. J.N. Green Armytage, M.A."_ Report in the _Lancaster Gazette_ on the 3rd of May 1845

Colin Campbell was born in Liverpool on the 30th of September 1805. He attended the Royal Liverpool Institution and graduated from Trinity College at the University of Cambridge with a BA in 1829 and an MA in 1832. He was ordained deacon in 1830, served as a Curate at Chippenham with Tytherton Lucas during 1830-31, and was ordained priest in 1831. That same year he was appointed Curate of Richmond, Surrey, and the next year (1832) he married Harriet Hume from Warwickshire. Their first child, a son they named Colin, was born in Richmond in 1834.

By 1939 the family had moved to Birmingham, where Colin served as Curate at St Paul's. Their second child, a daughter called Harriet Hume, was born in Birmingham in 1839. They moved again, this time to Gainsborough in Lincolnshire, where Colin served another Curacy.

Appointment

In early July 1845 Colin and Harriet moved north with their children to Lancaster, where they would spend the rest of their days. Their third child, a daughter called Jane, was born in Lancaster in 1848. It is not known where the family lived when they first arrived in Lancaster; quite possibly the house in Castle Park where Armytage had lived. But in the 1851 census they are listed as living at 30 Queen Street, with an account and a solicitor as next-door neighbours.

Colin was appointed Perpetual Curate (effectively Vicar) of St Thomas' Church. He was inducted into the church on the 27th of April 1845 when, according to the _Lancaster Gazette_ , he "went through the usual formalities, and read the thirty nine articles".

That evening he also preached in church, on 2 Corinthians 12: 14 ("I will not be a burden to you, because what I want is not your possessions but you.") The _Lancaster Gazette_ described it as a "very eloquent and faithful sermon, in which he traced out clearly, and marked distinctly, that line he should feel it his duty to pursue, as minister of the district over which he had been called to preside." Here was Colin Campbell setting out his stall, pledging to do his best in the things he felt called to focus on during his time at St Thomas'.

We discover even less about Colin Campbell from the _Minute Book of the Annual Vestry Meetings 1842-1934_ than we did about Joseph Armytage, because there are no minutes recorded between April 1844 and March 1855, when Campbell was Vicar. Thankfully there are a number of reports in the _Lancaster Gazette_ covering his time at St Thomas', which allow us to see just how important he was to the successful establishment and consolidation of the church in its early days.

One interesting thing about Colin Campbell during his time at St Thomas' was that he edited and published a book entitled _Confirmation: its nature and ends, being extracts from a work on that subject by Richard Baxter_ , London, 1658. An advert for it, on the front page of the _Lancaster Gazette_ (5th August 1848), informs readers that

" _The Trade supplied by M. Newton, Cheapside, Lancaster, who sells this work at One Shilling, to each such persons as bring a written recommendation from any Parochial Clergyman."_

It's easier to find evidence of his generosity and determination to complete the building project than evidence of his churchmanship or clerical priorities and practices. In many ways the spirit of Colin Campbell matched the spirit of the day because he was prepared to let actions speak louder than words, and he invested a good part of the family wealth into St Thomas'.

Lancaster during his time

The period between 1845 and 1856 was to be transformational for Lancaster in a number of important ways. It was a time of growth in the town.

The local economy was recovering after the slump in previous decades, with the extension of the Lancaster and Preston Railway (1837-40) further north to Carlisle (1846), growth in the manufacture of railway carriages in the town, development and expansion of the Williamson and Storey Brothers firms (in 1856, for example, the Storeys bought the cotton mills at White Cross and converted them for making oilcloth and table baise), two new breweries opening in town, and continued success of the two local foundries. The militia barracks at White Cross were built in 1854.

More employment meant more people, which increased demand for housing. During the 1850s terraces of housing intended for the working classes were built south of St Leonardsgate (along Edward Street, Lodge Street and Alfred Street), along St George's Quay, and on the Highfield (Freehold) estate east of the canal. Growth of the town, coupled with the shortage of space in churchyards in town for burying the dead, led to the opening of a municipal cemetery on Lancaster Moor in 1855, near the County Asylum (1816).

Growth also increased demand for better facilities, such as the establishment of a piped water supply in Lancaster (1853). The Poor House (1787, also known as the Work House) on Lancaster Moor was enlarged in 1845; the covered market was moved to an open space behind Market Street in 1846; the Boy's Grammar School moved to a new site on East Road in 1851; Ripley Hospital was built in 1856 on the Cockerham Road as an orphanage and school for boys and girls; and the Mechanics Institute on Meeting House Lane (1825, later replaced by the Storey Institute) was rebuilt in 1856.

Large numbers of poor working-class people living in over-crowded and unsanitary conditions created serious health risks, such as the cholera which spread through parts of the town in September 1849, killing seventeen people in one week alone. The _Lancaster Gazette_ reported that the 12th of September "was set apart for humiliation and supplication, in consequence of the prevalence of cholera in the town."

In 1846 Richard Owen, a Lancaster-born scientist who coined the term dinosaur and founded the Natural History Museum in London, wrote a _Report on the State of Lancaster_ for the Health of Towns Commission. This showed that half of the deaths in working class families occurred before the age of ten, compared with fifteen percent for the gentry, and it pointed to the town's inadequate sewer system and overcrowded churchyards, which polluted local water and air, as major culprits.

Census of Religious Worship 1851

A national census (the first and last) of religious worship in England and Wales was carried out in 1851, which collected information on average attendances at churches and chapels for the previous 12 months and the number present at services on the 30th of March 1851.

Amongst other things the census it showed how many places of worship of different denominations existed in 1851, and revealed "what the more perceptive of churchmen had realised for several years - that church attendance in any denomination was generally a middle-class activity and reflected middle-class attitudes and aspirations." (Austin 2001 p.145) As Bettey (1987 p.136) points out

" _the results of the census came as a shock to many churchmen, for they revealed in cold statistics the extent to which the Church of England had lost the loyalty of working people, and how few attended any form of religious worship. The census showed that only about 21 percent of the population attended an Anglican church, and that the proportion in many of the larger towns was pitifully small."_

The figures for Lancaster are interesting. Around 13.5 percent of the population of Lancaster declared themselves as having no religion, compared with nearly 15 percent across England and Wales as a whole.

Anglicanism was relatively strong in Lancaster - 62 percent of all "attendances" in Lancaster were to Church of England churches, compared with 50 percent nationally - as was Roman Catholicism (8.5 percent in Lancaster, 3.5 percent nationally).

Wesleyan Methodism was strong relative to other denominations but relatively weak nationally (12 percent in Lancaster, 15.2 percent nationally). Calvinistic Methodism had no presence in Lancaster (2.6 percent nationally), and there were few Baptists (0.5 percent in Lancaster, 8.6 percent nationally).

Who was St Thomas' Church serving at that time?

We can get a sense of who St Thomas' was serving in those early days by taking a look at the baptism and marriage registers. Then as now, people were only allowed to marry in an Anglican church if at least one of them lived within the district (parish), or were only allowed to have their children baptised there if the family lived in the district. So the profile of adults listed in each register should be a fair reflection of the people living within the district.

Baptisms

The Baptism Register records the very first baptism in St Thomas' as having taken place on the 27th of April 1845. On the day he was inducted into St Thomas', Colin Campbell baptised three week old William Simpson, son of Edmund (an upholsterer and cabinet maker) and Susannah Simpson of Wood Street, in church.

A quick analysis of the first ten baptisms conducted in St Thomas (April 1845-Jan 1846) shows that the families were mainly working-class people living in streets very close to the church – the heads of household were an upholsterer and cabinet maker, a spinner, a single woman, a builder, an excavator, a yarn dresser, a shoe maker, a stone mason, a clerk, and a cotton spinner.

We can dig a little deeper and look at the range of jobs held by parents of children baptized in the church between April 1845 and February 1856, during Colin Campbell's time as Vicar. The Baptism Register lists a total of 395 children baptized over that period; the figures are the number of children not the number of families, because some families would have had more than one child baptized over that period. Thirty of the children (one in thirteen) were of unmarried women, some of whom lived in the Work House. The remaining 365 children were of married couples.

The vast majority of the men were low-paid manual workers; 129 (one third) of them were listed as labourers. Nearly a fifth (79 men) were in trade and manufacturing, representing a wide variety of activities - there were 33 carpenters, joiners and cabinet makers; 7 upholsterers; 1 French polisher; 2 coach builders; 8 blacksmiths; 1 iron moulder; 3 silversmiths; 2 whitesmiths (tinplate workers); 4 painters; 1 plumber; 1 twine spinner; 3 brush makers; 3 mechanics; 4 printers; 2 pipe makers; 3 warehouse men; and 1 ginger beer maker.

Not surprisingly, many of the fathers - 39 men, a tenth of the total - were employed in the mills along the canal near to church. Others (29 men) were employed in building - there were 2 quarrymen; 17 stonemasons; 1 excavator; 9 builders; 1 miner. A good number served the town's population, either in retail (14 men) - there were 8 butchers, 2 ironmongers, 1 baker, 1 chemist, 1 stationer and 1 wine merchant - or in clothing (25 men), with 16 shoe makers, 8 tailors and 1 clogger.

Eight of the men were employed on the railways - 3 as excavators (navigators or navvys), 1 as a surveyor, 2 as clerks, 1 as a porter, and 1 as a fireman (coalman on the steam trains) - and another 8 worked in transport and hospitality, 3 as coal carters, 2 as carters, 1 as a chaise driver, 1 as a publican and 1 as an ostler (inn stableman).

Only two men were listed with maritime professions; 1 was a pilot and the other a mariner. Five men were in service, 2 as servants, 2 as gardeners and 1 as a huntsman. Three of the fathers were soldiers.

Just under a quarter of the fathers (23 men) who had children baptized in St Thomas' over that period were listed as gentlemen (2) or had professions (21). There were 2 surgeons, 3 solicitors, 3 book keepers, 1 goods agent, 1 Monitor to the Castle, 1 Vicar (Colin Campbell), 2 Schoolmasters, 3 clerks, 1 accountant and 4 policemen.

Marriages

St Thomas' was licensed for the solemnization of marriages on the 20th of April 1847. Colin Campbell took the first wedding in the church two months later on the 20th of June, between George Bannerman (a lithographer living in Penny Street) and Sarah Warbrick. The profile of the first ten marriages shows a similar pattern to that of the baptisms; mainly low-paid men and at least either the husband or wife living almost within the shadow of St Thomas' at the time of the marriage. The heads of household were a lithographer, a sawyer, a cattle dealer, a warehouseman, a schoolmaster, a cabinet-maker, a huntsman, a carrier, a butcher, and a labourer.

Curates

Colin Campbell was assisted in his ministry at St Thomas by a series of Curates, some of who were in their first Curacy. Three out of the four stayed only a very short time before moving on.

The first was Edmund Clay, a graduate of Trinity College, Cambridge, who was ordained deacon by the Bishop of Chester in March 1847. He first appears in the Baptism Register as Curate of St Thomas' the same month, and early the next month he gave his first sermon in church. The _Lancaster Gazette_ (17th April 1847) noted that his "excellent beginning gives promise of much future usefulness, and leads us to hope for great things, from the combined energies of incumbent and Curate." He did go on to deliver great things, but not at St Thomas'.

In July that same year he was appointed Perpetual Curate (Vicar) of St Luke's in Skerton. Indeed, 1847 was a busy year for Edmund Clay - on the 27th of August he married Sarah Howes Lucas of Cambridgeshire at St George's, Hanover Square in London; in October he was ordained priest; and sadly his wife Sarah died on the 20th of December, aged 23. Eight months later, in August 1848, he remarried (Elizabeth Dodson, a widow of Bolton-le-Sands) at Holy Trinity Church in Bolton-le-Sands, and the same month he resigned from St Luke's.

In February 1853 we find him listed as Minister of St Luke's, Leamington, and author of a book _Song of Solomon: Expository lectures on_ , published by Davies of London. In February 1856 he moved to St Margaret's Chapel, Brighton, where he caused a stir by campaigning against the rise of Catholic practices within that Diocese of the Church of England. In March 1861 his book _Doctrine, Parable and Prophecy_ was published by Witts of Brighton. He wrote or co-wrote a total of 12 books between 1852 and 1872 and continued to fight very publicly against Ritualism within the Church of England and against the exodus of Anglican clergymen to the Roman Catholic Church. The _Birmingham Daily Post_ (10th August 1872) announced the death of Edmund Clay, "through weakness of the lungs", aged 50, on the 6th of August 1872. He died at home in Brighton "where he stood in the front rank of its Evangelical clergy."

Less than nine months after Edmund Clay left St Thomas' he was replaced as Curate by David Stevenson, a graduate of Trinity College, Cambridge. In March 1848 Stevenson was appointed deacon at St Thomas', in the first group ordained by the Bishop of the new Diocese of Manchester, which had been founded on the 1st of September 1847, when St Thomas' was transferred into it from the Diocese of Chester.

David Stevenson arrived in Lancaster in April 1848 and first appears in the Baptism Register as Curate of St Thomas' in May. But like his predecessor his stay in Lancaster was short-lived. His entries in the Baptism Register stop in August 1850, and the _Lancaster Gazette_ for the 26th of April 1851 contains an advert for sale or letting of two dwelling houses "lately in the occupation of the Rev David Stevenson, numbers 18 and 19 Brock Street, along with a stable adjoining number 18 in Mary Street". It is not known where he went after he left Lancaster or how his career progressed afterwards.

A third short-lasting Curate at St Thomas was Thomas Wade, who graduated from Exeter College, Oxford, with a BA (1850) and MA (1853). In January 1853 he was ordained deacon by the Bishop of Manchester and licensed to the Curacy of St Thomas'. He was ordained priest in December 1853 and appears on the Baptism Register as Curate at St Thomas' between May 1853 and September 1854. According to _Crockford's Clerical Directory_ he became Second Master of Wakefield Grammar School then Headmaster of the Lower Proprietary School in Blackheath, London (1857) and served as Assistant Curate at St Andrews' in Marylebone (1863).

William Ogden arrived at St Thomas' early in 1856. He first appears in the Baptism Register as Curate on the 12th of February, but within three months he is listed as Vicar. We will look at his story in the next chapter.

Clearing the debt

Generations of members of St Thomas' after Colin Campbell's time owed him a debt of gratitude for two particular ways in which he consolidated the establishment of the church, which was still in its infancy when he became Vicar in April 1845. First he cleared the outstanding debt from the original building programme. Secondly, he completed that programme which had been constrained by shortage of funds, and added significantly to the buildings and thus the work that the church was able to do.

When Campbell took charge of St Thomas' the debt stood at around £7,000 [£540,000]. As local historian Haythornthwaite (1875, p.69) put it, "a considerable debt might have been handed down to posterity, if the energy and beneficence of a former incumbent [Colin Campbell] had not risen superior to all difficulties." Thanks to Campbell's commitment and generosity, "the church then arose from the debt and confusion, which mismanagement [poor financial planning, not corruption] had occasioned, though it was not without assiduous efforts extended over a long period of time that 'the consummation devoutly to be wished' was finally attained." Campbell cleared the debts of the church, largely from his own pocket.

Where had Campbell's money come from? His father had worked in a bank in Kendal but moved to Liverpool where, according to Haythornthwaite (1875 p.78), he "prospered as a merchant and became a great authority, everywhere recognised, on statistics relating to the cotton trade". It was 'new money', there was plenty of it, and much if not all of it came Colin's way before or on his father's death. It is not known whether Colin had any brothers or sisters, or what proportion of his father's wealth he received. It must have been a substantial sum, because - again according to Haythornthwaite (1875 p.76) - he invested at least "£11,000 [£1 million], or a third part of his entire fortune" in St Thomas'.

Funding improvements

Colin Campbell was extremely generous in using the money he inherited to fund a range of improvements to St Thomas' church. Among these the most visible and important were:

  * Building the steeple;

  * Building St Thomas' Schools;

  * Replacing the fence around the northern (Marton Street) edge of the church site with a low stone wall and iron railings (the railings we see today are replacements put up after World War II);

  * Buying a house in Queen Street which he enlarged then donated to the church for use as a Vicarage;

  * Buying houses beside the church for the Schoolmaster and the Organist; and

  * Installing an organ and improving the interior of the church.

As we saw earlier, he also bought the patronage of St Thomas' from the estate of Elizabeth Salisbury before in turn handing it on to the Church Pastoral Aid Society (CPAS).

To help fund these improvements the Vicar had offered £759 [£59,000] of his own money and promised to raise a further £250 [£20,000] from his friends elsewhere. The _Lancaster Gazette_ (3rd April 1852) reported that -

" _this liberal offer on behalf of a District, where the inhabitants are, mainly, poor people, is coupled with the condition that we are able to raise £500 [£39,000] amongst our friends and fellow towns-people, for carrying out of a part of the original design of the building, which was reluctantly abandoned at the time, for want of funds, namely, the addition of a Tower and Spire."_

The paper reminded its readers that such a project would provide employment for the builders and add to the Lancaster townscape and skyline.

Steeple

The original plans for St Thomas' had included a steeple (tower and spire), but this had had to be abandoned when the church was built through lack of funds.

Things were to change when, on the 14th of February 1852, the _Lancaster Gazette_ announced that

" _St Thomas's Church - This sacred edifice, one of the highest architectural ornaments of the town... is about to have its attractions increased by a very striking addition: the Rev. Colin Campbell having... determined on the erection of a beautifully proportioned spire at the north-east corner of the church."_

The spire was designed by Sharpe and Paley and the team of masons was led by Christopher Baynes. The _Lancaster Gazette_ (1st May 1852) pointed out that, "placed as it will be, on rather an elevated site, the spire will be seen from a considerable distance, and cannot fail to add very greatly to the beauty of the old town, which, with the exception of our magnificent castle and church, is not overburdened with buildings."

The foundation stone for the spire was laid on the afternoon of Monday the 26th of April 1852. The ceremony was scheduled to begin at 3.30 pm but, rather embarrassingly, it was delayed by half an hour because the Vicar had a meeting in the School Room which over-ran. It opened with the singing of Psalm 100 after which the Vicar read a very long prayer, beginning

" _O Lord, heavenly Father, of whose only gift it cometh that thy faithful people do unto thee true and laudable service, vouchsafe thy presence and blessing unto us, who are here assembled in thy name.... make us to be cheerful givers by causing us first of all to give up ourselves to thy service... we pray thee to throw the shield of thy protecting care over those who's labour and toil will have to complete the work to which our hopes look forward.... We would also pray that thy grace may influence all their hearts, and grant that the earnings thus acquired... may not be worse than wasted upon wicked self-indulgence, but be carefully expended upon the reasonable wants of their families and their own comfort."_

The Vicar then invited Mr Paley, the architect, to place in the foundation a bottle that contained a note of those who supported the project, a drawing of the adjacent schools, and a list of the Mayors of Lancaster over the previous 25 years (at least three of whom had been part of the congregation over the past four years). Colin Campbell then spread the mortar, the foundation stone was lowered into place, and the Vicar said, "I lay this stone in the name of the Holy Trinity and devote this building to the honour of the one living and true God, Father, Son and Holy Ghost, and may his blessing rest upon us now and forever." The ceremony ended with the singing of the national anthem.

The Vicar gave the men working on the steeple, and their employers, a special New Year's treat in the form of a meal of roast beef and plum pudding, with beer. The _Lancaster Gazette_ (8th January 1853) noted that he "delivered an appropriate address of very considerable length" during which he talked about "the spirit of fairness and the liberality that animates the different tradesmen engaged in the work, and the good conduct of the workpeople, [and] he addressed himself in an especial manner to the latter, pointing out to them the course of life that can alone insure for them the respect of their fellow men of all grades, and obtain for them an hereafter of eternal happiness."

The steeple is just over 17 feet square at the base, about 120 feet high, and constructed of dressed stone. Haythornthwaite (1875, p.75) gives a description of it that was published in the Church of England Magazine -

" _although not an exact copy of any medieval example, [it] harmonise[s] most happily with the general character of the building. The ground-floor of the tower is appropriated to a vestry, entered by a priest's door on the north side of the chancel. The belfry, with its peal of six bells, weighing about thirty-five cwt [hundredweight], in B flat, and founded by Warner and Son of London, is approached by an external turret of singular beauty. ... For two stages the tower is about sixteen feet square, and then becomes octagonal; and from the octagon, which is about twenty-four feet high, rises a spire sixty feet, ornamented at the angles by a roll-moulding, with two tiers of lucarnes [a type of dormer window], surmounted by a metal cross and weather-vane to the height of 125 feet from the ground, and visible to a considerable distance in all directions, forming no unsuitable contrast for the massive towers and battlements which distinguish the castle of 'time-honoured' Lancaster."_

The building work took just over a year. It started in April 1852 and during the last week in May 1853 the cross and a weather vane were being fixed on to the top.

The _Lancaster Gazette_ for the 28th of May proudly proclaimed "the spire is the most conspicuous architectural erection in the town, and from the approach on the south [canal] side commands attention in an especial degree." Architectural historian Nikolaus Pevsner (2002) adds, somewhat caustically, that the steeple "shows what ten years had done in making architects aware of the duties of antiquarian accuracy."

St Thomas' Schools

By 1845 Lancaster was, for a town of its size, relatively well provided for in terms of schools, with nine day schools.

Some were long established; the Grammar School had been founded in 1500, and the Friends' School on Meeting House Lane had opened in 1690. Others had been established since 1800 to provide an elementary education for pupils up to the age of ten. These included a Boys' National School at Green Ayre (1817), a Girls' National School on Cawthorpe Street (1820), a Girls' Charity School (by 1845) nearby on High Street, schools attached to the Roman Catholic chapel in Dalton Square (1805), St Luke's in Skerton (1836), and St Thomas' (1843), and the Lancastrian School on Aldcliffe Street and an infants' school near Bulk Street (both opened before 1845).

In 1845 Colin Campbell bought the day school at St Thomas' that Simpson had erected two years earlier, enlarged it and donated it to the church. In 1846 he bought extra land (including the Victoria Hotel) adjacent to the church and school, in Victoria Place, adjoining the Prince William Henry Field. The purchase, which cost £300 [£22,500], included a house that was made available to the School Master, and the land was used as a playground (now the car park) for the school.

The 'Agreement of Sale' for the land and premises, dated the 18th of November 1846, is archived in the County Record Office in Preston. It covers -

" _all that newly built Dwellinghouse situate in Victoria Place in Lancaster ... With the Garden in front ... And piece of building ground thereto adjoining ... Together with the ground and soil ... Also the right of drawing and obtaining water from the pump situate behind the Hotel called the Victoria Hotel situate in Victoria Place."_

It also granted permission for a flight of steps to be built "for the purpose of communicating with an Upper Story intended to be erected on the Schools either at present or thereafter to be attached to Saint Thomas's Church ...".

This allowed Campbell to add a second floor to the school, and a bridge and tunnel linking the school building and the playground, paid for by means of grants from the Duchy, the Privy Council, the National Society, and other voluntary contributions.

As Haythornthwaite (1875, p.71) explains, "about £2,500 [£178,000] was expended in building and fitting up the schools, and of this amount only £1,300 [£93,000] was subscribed, when the Rev. C. Campbell manfully undertook the responsibility of ownership on behalf of the Church." Once again, Campbell met the financial shortfall from his own pocket.

The St Thomas' Schools - now separate school rooms for boys, girls and infants - were re-opened on the 16th of July 1847. The _Lancaster Gazette_ (17th July 1847) described how they had been

" _enlarged to a size equal to the accommodation of the populous and daily increasing district, in the midst of which they are planted... The street front of the building, now raised an additional story in height, presents a very neat appearance, displaying in the centre a well-engraved stone tablet, the inscription on which explains the circumstances under which the enlargement has taken place. On entering the building, we find on the ground floor a commodious school-room for boys, and two adult class-rooms, each suitably fitted up. On the second floor we find a school-room for girls, of noble dimensions, and also an excellent infant school. By admirable contrivance, all possible communication between the male and female schools is entirely cut off. There is no internal staircase, the upper, or girls' school, being entered by a gallery from without, and to which access is gained by an avenue separated from that through which boys have ingress and egress to their school."_

Colin Campbell not only invested in the school buildings, he also introduced a new approach to schooling into Lancaster. Like a number of other enlightened people at that time, including William Wordsworth, he was a firm believer that universal education was the way for children to escape from poverty and ignorance.

In an article entitled 'Government Education' the _Lancaster Gazette_ (1stJuly 1848) reported that

" _We are happy to hear that Lancaster is soon to have an opportunity of testing the merits of this great experiment. St Thomas' Schools, which obtained last year so large a slice of the government grant of money - are now to possess the advantage of a master who was duly trained for three years at Chester, and has recently obtained a certificate of merit, with the attached annuity from the government examiner. From this we anticipate great good to the boys under his (Mr Addison's) care; and as the parents ascertain the efficiency of these excellent schools... we feel confident that the scholars will quickly increase in numbers - and the whole establishment prove, what from the first we were sure it would prove, an eminent blessing to the town at large."_

The St Thomas' Schools were re-opened as a National School, partly funded by annual grants by the government. The National Schools were established and run by members of the National Society for Promoting the Education of the Poor in the Principles of the Established Church, which had been founded in 1811 to provide a school in every parish.

The Vicar led a service in church in aid of the schools on the evening of Thursday the 2nd of December 1847, which attracted the great and the good from the town. The _Lancaster Gazette_ (4th December 1847) noted that "amongst the numerous congregation assembled, we observed most of the respectable families of the town, and an attendance of clergy larger than we ever saw collected on any similar occasion." Rev Hugh McNeile gave a sermon on "the important necessity of providing a sound religious education for the children of our poorer classes", which was "superb, and was listened to from beginning to end with breathless attention."

One important benefit of the new type of school at St Thomas' was that pupils could be admitted from any part of the town, not just the parish. Within a year of opening the Boys' School had 292 boys on its books and the Girls' and Infants' Schools had 226. As the _Lancaster Gazette_ reported on the 26th of August 1848

" _not quite one half of these may now be said to be in regular daily attendance; the actual number rarely falling short of 300 - but more generally exceeding that number. Of the remainder, many scarcely ever attend - several have left the town - some have gone into service - while the parents of not a few are unable to pay a single penny a week - to say nothing of those who are so heathenized as not to be willing to spare even that small sum from confessedly scant earnings."_

Part of Colin Campbell's vision for the schools was to broaden the children's understanding of the wider world. This is well illustrated in a series of talks given in the school at the end of December 1847 by a visiting New Zealand chief called Pahe-a-Range. The _Lancaster Gazette_ (1st January 1848) reported how "the chief, who is beautifully tattoed, and appeared before the audience in the costume of the natives, entered into the progress of missionary labour in the colony, and the account he gave was highly interesting."

There was great hope that the consolidation of St Thomas' Church and the expansion and development of its schools would serve as catalysts for the improvement of a run down and impoverished part of the town. The _Lancaster Gazette_ (17th April 1847) wrote "the alterations now in progress with regard to the schools, and the achievements already attained, within a short two years, for the district, include the hope that that end of the town will ere long be visibly improved."

Vicarage

Another tangible sign of Colin Campbell's commitment to St Thomas', and his generosity of spirit, was the purchase of a house for himself and his family in 1851, which two years later he gifted to the church as a Vicarage.

The Vicar bought 30 Queen Street for £1,000 [£85,000]. He later bought more land adjacent to the house for £500 [£42,500] in order to extend the garden to an acre, and he extended the house with a conservatory and vinery. It was all done to a very high standard; Haythornthwaite (1875, p.72) commented on how, "in accordance with Mr. Campbell's invariable rule of 'doing everything handsomely', the house and garden became models of order and elegance."

The Campbells lived there with their children Colin (aged sixteen in 1851), Harriet (eleven) and Jane (two), supported by three live-in servants (a nurse, a cook and a house maid). All respectable families in those days had live-in servants, most commonly maids; their accountant neighbor (a batchelor) had two, and on the other side their solicitor neighbour (a married man with two small children) had three.

Improving the interior of the church

Colin Campbell funded a series of changes inside the church. These included extending the chancel, removing the East Gallery, converting the West Gallery into an Organ Gallery, installing a gas heating system, and altering the stone staircases to what we have today.

Organ

Inside the church one of the biggest improvements was the installation of a magnificent organ, built by a Mr Banfield of Birmingham in what had originally been the West Gallery, above the main entrance lobby. It was completed in December 1852, while the steeple was still being constructed.

By all accounts the organ was beautifully designed, made of the very best materials, and crafted with great workmanship. It was also rather innovative for the time; amongst other things, it had a new type of German pedal, and the keyboard was made of ebony inlaid with mother-of-pearl and engraved with illuminated Old English capitals. It had plate glass doors to the keyboard, and the organ was enclosed in a beautiful solid oak case made by James Hatch (one of the Churchwardens) to a design by Sharpe and Paley.

The _Lancaster Gazette_ (18th December 1852) reported that the organ gave "a tone of devotional grandeur to the choral parts of our Liturgy which cannot otherwise be realised." Its arrival might not have been welcomed by everyone associated with the church, some of who were probably anxious about the services becoming more ritualistic (hence more Catholic) in flavour. Perhaps this is why the newspaper added

" _we would ask those who object to the elaboration of the musical parts of Divine worship, what can be more pleasing and acceptable to Him whom we worship than the ascription of praise and thanksgiving by a devout congregation, aided and refined by the sublime and beautiful, both in science and art, which are thus consecrated to His service?"_

Church interior

Other additions and improvements costing more than £4,000 [£293,000] were made to the interior of the church between 1852 and 1854.

The layout of the interior is clearly shown on an 1852 plan of the church that is archived in the County Record Office in Preston. On the ground floor the plan shows the porch at the west end, with stairs running up from centre on both sides, by the west wall. There is a central aisle in the nave, with four box pews at the front, two on each side of the aisle, then on each side sixteen rows of allocated pews and three rows of free pews behind them, and wooden benches or children along the two outer walls. At the front of the nave are the font and a reading desk, in front of the five steps leading up to a wooden screen with the chancel behind. To the left of the altar was a door into the Vestry, the ground floor of the spire.

Above the Vestry was the [Bell] Ringers' Room, reached by a spiral staircase within the Vestry. There was no vestry on the south side of the church at that time, just a porch with doors through to the chancel and the church.

Upstairs the organ occupied most of West Gallery, with Choristers' seats in front, free pews at the back, and free benches along the outer walls. The North and South Galleries each had three rows of pews with the passage way at the back.

In February 1852 there was seating for 1,007 people in the church, 612 in reserved pew seats and 395 in free pews and on benches. The reserved pews were closest to the front, had the best views of the service, and could hear what was going on; they marked out those who could afford the annual rentals from those who couldn't, who were consigned to the free pews at the back and packed benches against the walls.

A report in the _Church of England Magazine_ for June 1854 (reprinted in Haythornthwaite 1875, p.73) gives a vivid description of the inside of the church after the work was completed:

" _A beautiful chancel has been thrown open, and enlarged very materially. It is now twenty-four feet by seventeen, and separated from the nave by an elegantly moulded arch. Its rich eastern window is a triplet, having a scionson or inner arch, supported by detached shafts with elaborately carved capitals. Its painted glass, by Warrington, is tastefully disposed in geometry figures, having St. Thomas's exclamation, 'My Lord and my God,' in old English characters, at the foot of the centre compartment; while on one side appear the words, 'Be not faithless, but believing'; and on the other side, 'Blessed are they that have not seen, and yet believed.' In the south wall of the chancel are two lancet windows, by the same artist, which are much admired for their chaste simplicity; and opposite to them, on the north side, are four emblazoned tablets, containing the creed, the Lord's Prayer, and the Ten Commandments, in workmanship that reflects equal credit upon the same artist. The floor of the chancel and the remedies are composed of appropriate tiles from the manufactory of H. Minton and Co.; while from a handsome roof is suspended a truly magnificent 'corona lucid' [light in the shape of a crown] (the gift of the Campbell's), by Skidmore of Coventry, with its forty-eight jets, yielding a singularly subdued and pleasant light. The font is an octagon, cut in Caen stone, exquisitely carved, and ornamented with eight shafts of polished marble. The pulpit, desk, and chancel stalls are more beautifully executed in oak, with ornaments superbly carved by Rattee of Cambridge; the whole being strictly in keeping with the general architectural design, and giving us some idea of what is due to the house of God. The reading desk is open on both sides, after the manner of a stall, and stands on the north side. The pulpit is on the south side of the church, having this appropriate text carved in raised letters upon its hexagonal plinth, 'Blessed is the people that know the joyful sound: they shall walk, O Lord, in the light of thy countenance'." (Psalm 89: 15, King James Version)_

Supporting local people

Colin Campbell's contribution to the life of poor people in Lancaster is in many ways overshadowed by the great work he did in completing the church and expanding the St Thomas' Schools. But he was still active in the local community, and supported some of the causes that Joseph Armytage had done before him.

He was concerned about working conditions for local people and campaigned in favour of closing shops in the town at 7 pm rather than later, which was more common. He addressed a meeting held at the Oddfellows Hall to discuss this late in July 1845, chaired by Edward Salisbury who was then Mayor of Lancaster, and spoke with great passion. According to the _Lancaster Gazette_ (26th July 1845) Campbell argued that

" _there was much heavy labour going on after the shutters were put up. Much toil was endured by those who provided the luxuries and comforts of their fellow beings. When the shutters were closed, he should be happy to know that the needle and pin also had a holiday; the work which dress-makers had to perform was straining to the eyes, and injurious to the constitution.... It was covetousness on the part of the sellers, and a guilty indifference on that of buyers, which was the root of the evil."_

The Vicar insisted that

" _he was the last to be the advocate of idleness.... [and] The mind was to be properly occupied, for if left to the workings of idleness, it was sure to fall back upon evil.... [but] Man was not to look upon himself to perform that which was only mechanical. He had other duties to look to - duties of high importance, which he was to endeavour to reach through feelings of devotion and with a Christian spirit."_

Five years later, in May 1850, Colin Campbell was one of a number of local clergy to address a public meeting of The Lancaster Association for Improving the Condition of the Working Classes, held in the Town Hall and chaired by the Vicar of Lancaster, Rev J Turner. Once again he spoke with great conviction and concern about improving the physical and social conditions of the working classes, arguing that

" _one half of the good which might be effected by them as ministers was frustrated by the total absence of that cleanliness and order in the houses of the working classes, which were indispensable for man as a social creature.... He deprecated such a large number of persons residing in small houses herding together like sheep, and parties taking in lodgers even when their houses were insufficient for the domestic comfort of their own families, which was the means of driving children from their parental roofs, and destroying that feeling which ought to exist between parents and children. Many young men were induced to leave their homes for want of accommodation which ought to be afforded to them. There were a number of houses which he would desire to be razed to the ground in Lucy Court, Spring Garden, and Henry-streets. To look at these made one's blood run cold, to think that human beings were compelled to reside in such miserable situations." (Lancaster Gazette, 11 th May 1850)._

Supporting national church societies

Like Joseph Armytage, Colin Campbell was also eager to demonstrate his support for national church societies, particularly those which stressed the importance of evangelism, mission and the gospel.

In late February 1847, for example, he invited a Rev Irwin to preach at St Thomas' in aid of the Church Pastoral Aid Society. The speaker pointed to "the vast amount of spiritual destitution existing in the town of Lancaster" and noted "how large was the proportion of the people who never attended any place of worship, or how many of the rising generation were growing up in ignorance." ( _Lancaster Gazette_ , 20th February 1847)

Campbell also supported the Church Missionary Society, and spoke at the annual meeting of the Lancaster branch held in the Music Room in late April 1847. He pointed out to his fellow clergy that

" _it was their duty to do all they could, leaving the result in the hands of God.... It was... a gratifying fact that... Christian England showed herself so anxious to extend to other lands the blessings she enjoyed, and he could not but think that the more we did for home objects, the more we should do for foreign countries..."._ ( _Lancaster Gazette,_ 1st May 1847)

A third society that he lent support to was the Society for the Propagation of the Gospel, which also engaged in missionary work. Speaking at its annual meeting in the Music Hall at the end of July 1855

" _he rejoiced in having long been one of its humble supporters, and though since its inception other kindred associations had sprung up to engage their sympathies, yet would he not have these latter supported at the expense of the older and equally useful institution."_ ( _Lancaster Gazette,_ 4th August 1855)

Decline and fall

On Monday the 30th of April 1855, a group of about seventy people met in the St Thomas' Boys' School room, at the invitation of Colin Campbell, for a dinner to celebrate the coming of age of his only son, also called Colin. Colin Junior was unavoidably absent, he was probably away studying in Cambridge at the time, but according to the _Lancaster Gazette_ (5th May 1855)

" _the company were amused by the performances of a number of musical gentlemen, professional and amateur, whose vocal and instrumental performances were loudly applauded. After grace had been sung and the usual patriotic toasts responded to, the Rev. Canon Turner [Vicar of Lancaster] proposed the toast of the evening, the health and happiness of Mr. Colin Campbell, junior, and feelingly expressed a hope that he... might become a comfort to the declining years of his parents and a blessing to the world at large."_

Turner's words were to be particularly poignant because neither of the young Colin's parents would reach old age, and he would indeed become "a blessing to the world at large". Those who sat down to eat that evening, perhaps most importantly his parents, would scarcely have believed that within two years Colin Junior would be standing in St Thomas' Church as its Vicar, as we shall see in Chapter 7.

Colin's wife Harriet died on the 10th of November 1855, at the Parsonage, aged forty-nine. Haythornthwaite (1875, p.76) described her as "an estimable lady much beloved and respected by the congregation and all who knew her", and her death as "the will of Providence". A stained glass window in her memory was installed at the eastern end of the south gallery, inscribed with the words "Rejoice and be glad with her, all he that love her".

Colin's last entry in the Baptism Register as Vicar of St Thomas' is dated the 5th of February 1856. He must have been ill or perhaps overcome with grief at the loss of his wife, because the Curate (William Ogden) appears to have been left in charge; Ogden is listed as having officiated at all of the baptisms over the next two months.

Colin Campbell died at home in the Parsonage on Sunday the 30th of March 1856, aged 49, after eleven very fruitful years of service at St Thomas'. He had outlived his wife by little more than four months, and was buried four days later in the churchyard at St Mary's, the Parish Church on the hill. The cause of death in both cases is not recorded, although two deaths so close together perhaps hint at some contagious condition.

Haythornthwaite (1875, p.76) tells us "a project was started for erecting a corresponding window to his memory in the North Gallery, but in consequence of the architectural difficulty presented by the basement [ground floor] of the spire it was resolved to erect a memorial tablet in the Church."

Colin Campbell's legacy is clear and very tangible. Not only did he pay off the debts, he built the steeple, improved the church building and facilities, enlarged and improved the school, and added the playground. In many ways he shaped the church we see today, although over the years it has undergone several phases of renovation, restoration and improvement.

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6. William Ogden (1856-1858)

" _St Thomas' Church - On Tuesday the Lord Bishop of the Diocese licensed the Rev William Ogden, B.A., to the perpetual curacy of St Thomas', in this town, on the nomination of the Rev. Colin Campbell." Lancaster Gazette_ (3rd May 1856)

William Ogden was born in 1830 at Elland in Yorkshire, the son of John Edward Ogden, a grocer and milliner. He attended Queen Elizabeth's School in Halifax and graduated from St John's College, University of Cambridge, with a BA in 1853 and an MA in 1856. He was ordained deacon in 1853 and priest in December 1854.

After a short spell during 1855 as Curate of Isham in Northamptonshire, he was appointed Curate at St Thomas' in 1856, shortly before Colin Campbell's death, and on Campbell's death he was promoted to Perpetual Curate (Vicar). He arrived in Lancaster a bachelor and remained that way through his time in the town.

Appointment and arrival

William Ogden first appears in the Baptism Register as Curate at St Thomas' on the 12th of February 1856. Colin Campbell's last entry as Vicar is dated the 5th of February and Ogden's first is dated the 7th of May 1856.

The clock was ticking on his incumbency from the start, because as Haythornthwaite (1875, p.78) put it, he was "permitted to succeed Mr. Campbell in the incumbency... on condition that he would resign the living, if Mr. Colin Campbell, junior, who was then studying at Trinity College, Cambridge, should think fit to claim his complete patrimony, on becoming duly qualified."

Lancaster during his time

Ogden's time at St Thomas' might have been short but the town did not stand still. In 1857 the Primitive Methodists opened a new chapel on Moor Lane, but of greater importance that year was the opening of Christ Church on a hill to the east of the town, near the Freehold and Moorland estates which were then being built. This imposing Tractarian (High) Church, modelled on a church with twin turrets near Regent's Park in London, was sponsored by Samuel Gregson MP who lived close by, and built to serve the people of the nearby Workhouse and the Lancaster Royal Grammar School, which had moved to East Road in 1851. It had a small mission church (now the Gregson Community Centre) connected with it, and a parish was assigned to it in 1874.

Elsewhere in town the new oilcloth industry was developing apace. From late 1855 James Williamson was building the St George's Works near the quay and (as we saw earlier) in 1856 the Storey Brothers bought White Cross Mill and converted it for the manufacture of oilcloth.

Ogden's time at St Thomas'

We can find out relatively little about William Ogden during his time at St Thomas' because there are no minutes in the Vestry Minute Book and little coverage about him in the _Lancaster Gazette_.

The records show that over his two years as Vicar he baptised 63 children and married 15 couples in church.

Newspaper reports tell us that he was amongst the clergy present at the opening of the Poulton-le-Sands National Schools in Morecambe in July 1856. He was also in the platform party at a meeting in support of the Irish Church Missions, held in the Music Hall in late September that same year, "for the purpose of promoting the knowledge of God's word amongst the [Roman Catholic] natives of Ireland".

The biggest event associated with Ogden appears to have been the mass confirmation held in St Thomas' on the 23rd of September 1857, presided over by the Bishop of Manchester, when 540 people (203 males and 337 females) had their baptismal vows confirmed. The _Lancaster Gazette_ (26thSept 1857) reported that -

" _at no time... has that handsome edifice presented a more pleasing, or we may say, imposing spectacle.... The body of the fabric was reserved entirely for the accommodation of the confirmants. The galleries were thrown open to the public, and long ere the service commenced they were in every part filled with the inhabitants, comprising most of our respectable families. Outside the church the greatest interest appeared to be felt. All that portion of Penny Street, adjacent to the church, was occupied by a crowd of curious spectators all anxious to see the young people going and coming."_

Most of the Anglican clergy from Lancaster attended.

Colin Campbell Junior was also there, then a deacon but not yet priested, to all intents and purposes Vicar-in-waiting of St Thomas'. No church affiliation was given for him in the newspaper report, and it is not known whether he was living in Lancaster at the time. But his presence there, as well as on the 17th of March that year when he had officiated at three marriage ceremonies at St Thomas, must have made the Vicar feel more than a little uncomfortable, with the shadow of Colin Campbell Senior sitting over him.

Resignation and departure

William Ogden's last entry as Vicar in the Baptism Register is dated the 19th of September 1858.

Ironically, we hear his voice most clearly in the speech he gave at the testimonial meeting held at the end of his incumbency, in early October 1858. A gathering of members of his congregation and Sunday School Teachers was held to thank him for his service at St Thomas'. They presented him with an elegant silver tea service that cost £50 [£4,000], spoke warmly of how much they appreciated his work among them, and wished him well for the future. The previous day children from the Sunday School had presented him with a handsome Bible.

According to a report in the _Lancaster Gazette_ (9th October 1858), in replying to the gathering the Vicar spoke about how -

" _it is the duty of a clergyman to strive, in every legitimate way, to gain the goodwill and the affections of his congregation, and, when he does succeed, it is to him not only a source of the highest satisfaction, but also of renewed zeal, inciting him to greater exertions and to a more earnest endeavour to do his duty in his sacred calling."_

He reminded them of how, when he arrived at St Thomas' three years earlier,

" _I did not throw myself into the tide of popular religious feeling: I simply spoke the truth among you as I found it in the Bible, and went quietly about my daily work. In my preaching I have endeavoured to address you in such plain and simple language, that the poorest might understand those blessed truths of the Gospel, of which 'Jesus Christ, and him crucified' is the foundation, and I trust and hope that, through God's grace, some seeds may have fallen on good ground, and may produce fruit unto everlasting life... Apart from vain glory, may I not say there are abundant proofs that the blessing of God has rested both on my preaching and on my ministry."_

Poignantly, he addressed the nature of his going, commenting that "you are also acquainted with the reason of my resigning the charge: the change and my departure are, on my own part, unsought and unwished for". But he lightened the sense of disappointment by adding

" _you know, and are glad to know, that I am appointed to the curacy of St John's in this town; and this to me is a source of comfort, for most of you I shall be able to see again." In closing, he thanked them that "many prayers will be sent to the throne of grace on my behalf," but noting "I feel my littleness and insufficiency: but... I have a firm confidence that strength will be given me to walk in the steps of our Divine Master."_

After leaving St Thomas' he remained in Lancaster for two more years, serving as Curate at St John's. In 1860 he moved south to Ashton-under Lyme in Manchester, where he spent the next 22 years at St Peter's Church, the first five (1860-65) as Curate (he married Jane Darwell from Runcorn, in 1861) and the next seventeen (1865-82) as Vicar. He was appointed Perpetual Curate at Holy Trinity in Birkenhead in 1882, but what he did after that is not known.

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7. Colin Campbell Junior (1858-1871)

" _We observe it is announced in the Manchester papers that the Rev. Colin Campbell has been licensed to the perpetual curacy of St. Thomas' Church, in this town, vacated by the Rev. W. Ogden, now Curate of St. John's. Mr. Campbell commenced his duties on Sunday week." Lancaster Gazette_ (23rd October 1858)

St Thomas' fourth Vicar arrived in Lancaster in 1858. It was none other than Colin Campbell Junior, son of Colin Campbell who had played such an important role in the early days of the church. He had spent his teenage years in Lancaster, living in the Vicarage in Queen Street, and would have known the town and its people well. He was in a privileged position, having been promised the incumbency - effectively 'the family business' - by his father (who was patron as well as Vicar of St Thomas') after he had completed his training for the ministry.

Colin Campbell Junior was born in 1834 in Richmond, Surrey, the only son of Colin and Harriet Campbell. He graduated from Trinity College, University of Cambridge with a BA in 1857 and an MA in 1860, and was ordained deacon in 1857 and priest in 1858.

Appointment and arrival

Colin Junior first appears in the Baptism Register for St Thomas' on the 17th of March 1857, as Officiating Minister; he also officiated that day at three marriage ceremonies in church. William Ogden was still Vicar at the time - his last entry is dated the 19th of September 1858 - so his successor must have been paying a flying visit to Lancaster, probably shortly after he was priested. Campbell's first entry as Vicar is dated the 5th of October 1858

In the 1861 census Colin Campbell, aged 26, is listed as Incumbent of St Thomas', living at the Parsonage at 30 Queen Street along with his sisters Harriet (born in Birmingham in 1840) and Jane (born in Lancaster in 1849), and three domestic servants (a nurse, a housemaid and a kitchen maid).

By the time of the 1871 census his personal circumstances had changed a great deal. He was then 36 years old and still living at 30 Queen Street, but with his wife Mary (31 years old) and their four children - Colin (born in 1864), Mary Evelyn (1865), William Hume (1867) and Florence (1869), who were all born in Lancaster - and four domestic servants (a cook, a housemaid, a nurse and a kitchen and nursery maid).

Colin had married his Curate's sister Mary, who also played the organ at St Thomas', at St Matthew's Church in Ipswich, on the 6th of May 1863. It was a close family affair; the ceremony was led by George Head, his Curate, assisted by C J Hume, his uncle.

Six weeks later, after they returned from honeymoon, the couple's marriage was celebrated in the Girls' Schoolroom by the presentation of a silver tea service. J S Burrell spoke at the meeting, emphasising that

" _in the town itself there was no one more respected and beloved than Mr. Campbell.... He hoped the Divine blessing would rest upon Mrs. Campbell, and trusted they would long be spared among them, and that he might be the means of bringing many souls to the Saviour for whom he had so long and faithfully laboured."_

The Vicar thanked them and added

" _You have welcomed tonight my dear wife among you, and I trust that she will now feel she is one of us... I ask you to help her with your prayers and to help me also that we may both be examples to our flock - me to be a true pastor and she to be a true pastor's wife. Ask for large blessings upon her in visiting the houses of the congregation and of the poor, and upon her labours in the school." (Lancaster Gazette 27 th June 1863)_

There are few minutes on record of meetings held during Colin Campbell's time at St Thomas', but we can discover some interesting things about his work and ministry from reports in the _Lancaster Gazette_.

Lancaster during his time

Lancaster's economy continued to recover and the town continued to grow during Colin Campbell's time at St Thomas'. A branch railway line between Lancaster and Morecambe was opened in 1861, and between 1863 and 1866 the Lancaster Carriage and Wagon Works (which produced railway carriages and tramcars) was built beside the river Lune and Caton Road. It was extended in the 1880s and closed in 1908.

James Williamson was by then becoming a successful entrepreneur and wealthy manufacturer. In 1864 he built Greenfield Mill, in 1870 he bought Bath Mill on Moor Lane, and the following year he bought the riverside site of the Lune Shipbuilding Company to expand production of grey cotton, linoleum and table baize. Local stained glass manufacturers Shrigley and Hunt moved to new premises on Castle Hill in 1870.

Lancaster's religious landscape was also changing. In 1859 the new St Peter's Roman Catholic Church, designed by Edmund Paley in the Gothic style, was opened on the road heading up the hill eastwards towards Lancaster Moor. The new church, which in 1924 would become a cathedral, replaced the Catholic chapel in Dalton Square. That was sold to the Lancaster Total Abstinence Society, who renamed the building The Palatine Hall and Temperance Institute, and used it for meetings, lectures and musical concerts. In 1862 the Lancaster Baptists separated from the Congregational Church and began their own services in the Assembly Rooms. In 1869 the United Methodists built a chapel in Brock Street and the 1869 Wesleyan Methodists opened a chapel across the river in Skerton.

The 1860s also saw major improvements in the facilities available to people in Lancaster. For example, the first Co-operative Society store in Lancaster was opened in Penny Street in 1860 in response to the growing spending power of the large number of working-class families in the town. Public baths with wash houses were opened in Cable Street in 1863 to serve those families who lived in the growing number of small terraced houses throughout the town.

In 1862 James Williamson funded the initial landscaping of part of Lancaster Moor which had been a stone quarry, as a job-creation scheme to help relieve the distress caused by the Cotton Famine (cotton was not exported from North America during the Civil War, 1861-65).

The Ripley Hospital, an orphanage for fatherless children, named after its benefactor Thomas Ripley (a Lancaster man who had been a successful merchant in Liverpool), was opened in 1864 in Greaves, south of the canal.

Lancaster's role as a regional centre for the treatment of mental illness also developed at this time, building on the success of the County Lunatic Asylum which was built on Lancaster Moor in1816, greatly enlarged in the 1820s to designs by Edmund Sharpe, and further extended in the 1880s. A second asylum, The Royal Albert Asylum for Idiots and Imbeciles in the Northern Counties - more commonly known as the Royal Albert Hospital - was built in 1867 in Greaves, to a design by Edward Paley. The _Lancaster Gazette_ for the 17th of September 1870 reports that Colin Campbell was one of a large number of local people who attended "the anniversary festival of the beneficent institution [the Royal Albert Asylum] which will soon be devoted to the care, and we hope, cure of the unhappy idiot class located in the northern counties of England."

We get a sense of what Lancaster was like in 1870 from a description of the town by John Marius Wilson (1872) in his _Imperial Gazetteer of England and Wales_

" _The streets, for the most part, are narrow and dingy; but the newer ones are spacious and neat; the market-place is large and pleasing; the houses generally are built of free-stone and roofed with slate; and the outskirts contain many handsome villas. The manufacture of cabinet-work and upholstery, chiefly for exportation, has long been carried on; the manufacture of oil-cloth table covers, in fancy imitations, is carried on in two establishments; the spinning of silk, and the spinning and manufacturing of cotton, are carried on in several mills; ship-building and railway-wagon-making are carried on by two limited companies; and there are extensive marble works, and iron foundries. The town is a head-port; but, in consequence of shifting sands in the channel of the Lune, it is itself reached by lighters, and has its main quay or dock at Glasson, 5 miles down the river [which opened in 1787]."_

Curates

Colin Junior continued his father's tradition of appointing Curates, both to help train future incumbents but also to share the heavy load of parish visiting that a Vicar in those days was responsible for. None had been appointed during William Ogden's brief tenure as Vicar, and Colin had to wait nearly three years before he was able to secure his first.

Campbell's first Curate was George Head, who was born in Ipswich in August 1836, graduated from Gonville and Caius College at Cambridge with a BA (1860) and MA (1864) and was ordained deacon in 1861 and priest in 1862. He came to St Thomas' in 1861 and is listed as Curate in the Baptism Register between the 19th of February 1861 and the 14th of March 1865, and is recorded in the 1861 census as lodging at 12 Queen Square in Lancaster, aged 25; there is no mention of any wife or family. After his four year spell at St Thomas' he served as Curate in St Helen's, Ipswich (1865-67) before moving north again as Priest in Charge at St John's in Carlisle (1867-73). He is listed in the 1871 census as Vicar of St John's, married to Mary, with a daughter Annie (born 1868) and son George (1870). After that he served as Vicar of St Mary's in Islington (1873-78), Vicar of Charles in Plymouth (1878-85) and Vicar of Clifton in Bristol (1885-97), and he is listed in the 1901 and 1922 censuses as a clergyman living in Bristol.

There appears to have been a gap of little more than about six months before a second Curate was appointed to succeed George Head. This one lasted much longer.

William Armitage was born in 1840. He graduated from Emanuel College, Cambridge, in 1861 and was ordained deacon in 1861 and priest in 1862. He arrived in Lancaster in 1866 after two curacies in Liverpool, at St Mark's (1861-65) and at St Bride's (1865-66). He is listed in the Baptism Register as Curate of St Thomas' between the 21st of January 1866 and the 9th of July 1873. William Armitage served a total period of seven years, the last two acting as caretaker manager - as William Ogden had done fifteen years earlier - after the resignation of the Vicar. After leaving St Thomas' he remained in Lancaster for the rest of his days, serving as Curate of St John's between 1873 and 1876, then he moved south across the canal to become Vicar of the new St Paul's Church in Scotforth from 1876 until his death in 1913 at the age of 73.

Campbell's strengths as Vicar

Preacher and teacher

Like his father before him, Colin proved to be a very effective preacher. On the 30th of October 1858, for example, the _Lancaster Gazette_ reported how, on the previous Sunday, he had "preached a most impressive sermon at St Thomas' Church, on behalf of the expenses incurred by the Churchwardens for diverse purposes connected with the comfort and convenience of the congregation, and the due performance of divine service. There was a full attendance, and the sum of £7 [£550] was collected."

Twelve years later (15th October 1870) the paper reported that he preached at the Harvest Thanksgiving Services at the Parish Church in Lancaster and St Margaret's Church in High Bentham, where "the congregations were very large, and his earnest, eloquent, and soul-striving discourses were listened to with deep attention."

Campbell's skills as a teacher were also displayed when he gave a lecture on 'The Life of Martin Luther' at the St Thomas' Girls' National School in October 1862. According to the _Lancaster Gazette_ (1st November 1862) he spoke about the factors that led Luther "at the hazard of his life, to protest, as he did, wherever he went, against Popish superstition and corruption - reminding his hearers that those who adhered to the views of Luther were ever after called Protestants." The reporter was impressed that

" _during the whole of the interesting lecture the rev. gentleman studiously avoided introducing his own opinions - simply confining himself to the facts which may be found recorded in the history of the life of the Reformers - thus rendering the lecture instructive to his hearers, without provoking objections from those who differ from the church in reference to certain important points of doctrine."_

Church manager

Colin had clearly also inherited his father's abilities as a manager, as is evident for example in his effective handling of the sensitive matter of bell ringing.

Perhaps surprisingly the first item of church business recorded in the Vestry Minute book (other than the date of the meeting and who the Vicar and Churchwardens were) is dated twenty years after St Thomas' opened. At a meeting of parishioners held on Easter Monday (21st April) 1862, chaired by Colin Campbell Junior, the minutes record that "it was agreed that in future the bell should only be tolled on the day of the death and the day of the burial of any Parishioner, and not as hitherto on the intervening days." There is no record of why the change was deemed appropriate or who had raised the matter in the first place.

At another meeting of the parishioners five years later, on the 13th of April 1867, a wish was expressed "that the bells should be rung again if the Wardens could come to satisfactory terms with ringers." Again no clues are offered about what lay behind the wish, although it does hint that the bell-ringers were perhaps withholding their labour in a fight for better wages.

The Vicar's diplomatic skills were also demonstrated in the agreement reached at the Easter 1862 meeting of parishioners that "the number of collections in the course of the year should be limited to nine Sundays, excepting when any special case may organise one additional collection."

Pastoral care

Colin shared his father's commitment to the pastoral care of his flock, and amongst other things he provided opportunities for them to spend time together socially as well as in church services and formal parishioners' meetings.

An interesting illustration of this is the outing of the church choir to the Lake District which was led by the Curate William Armitage in August 1870. The _Lancaster Gazette_ (20th August 1870) reports how they travelled to Windermere where Colin Campbell met them. They probably went by train; the line from Kendal had opened in 1847, despite strong opposition from William Wordsworth. After lunch "the party had a pleasant perambulation about the most picturesque parts of Windermere, and then betook themselves to boats, previously hired for the occasion, for the purpose of proceeding leisurely to Low Wood."

The men rowed, the weather was fine. The party enjoyed "an excellent dinner" at the Low Wood Hotel, hosted by the Vicar and his wife, the latter winning much praise for "her affable manner and the style in which she fulfilled her duties as hostess." After dinner they took to the boats again, rowed round "the most attractive places on the lake" then picked a shaded spot on the lakeside where they played "various games of a very interesting character to all Englishmen." Before setting off for home they were treated to tea "at Mr. Campbell's residence" (probably a holiday home inherited from his parents) in Windermere. They got back to Lancaster at 10.30 pm, "highly delighted with their day's entertainment."

The Vicar also instituted an annual tea party for the congregation. The first one reported in the _Lancaster Gazette_ (6th April 1861) was on the 31st of March 1861, when 300 people gathered in the school room behind church. "The room... looked remarkably neat, the work of the fair sex being plainly discernible in the style of the decorations." After tea the younger ones "amused themselves for some time with an examination of various books of prints... while the adult portion engaged in conversation... [before] the intellectual part of the evening's entertainment commenced by singing the beautiful hymn 'Lord of heaven, and earth, and ocean'". The Vicar, ever on duty, then gave a stirring address in which he emphasised that

" _it was most important that they should make up their minds as to the truths of God's word, and be sure that nothing could shake their confidence in it.... He hoped his congregation would attend divine service as often as they could. Their prayers were heard and answered, they were going on in the right way. They had given more to God during the past year than ever they had given before, and nothing was ever lost that was given in that way.... They wanted a few more District Visitors and several more teachers in the Sunday schools, both male and female, and he hoped the vacancies would be filled up that night."_

Another tea party was reported two years later ( _Lancaster Gazette_ , 3rdJanuary 1863), with many fewer present, probably because of "the [unexplained] distress existing in the district, and which would very effectually prevent many from joining in the usual festivities of the season." Those who did attend were treated to "some excellent musical selections upon the bells" by "a company of hand-bell ringers", and entertained by a choir of boys and girls from the schools which "sang several very pretty pieces in an excellent manner."

Issues of justice

Colin Campbell Junior was a man of principles and like many other evangelical churchmen of the day he took matters of justice and fairness seriously. As Bettey (1987 p.142) explains, "all over the country there were countless... concerned and caring clergymen actively trying to promote the social and economic welfare of their parishioners as well as caring for their spiritual needs." Thus, for example, we find Colin Campbell lecturing in the Palatine Hall to working men of the town. In November 1869 he gave "a very able address [which] was most attentively listened to" about 'The battle of life and how to win it' ( _Lancaster Gazette_ , 27th November 1869). The following year he spoke on behalf of the Working Men's Unsectarian Bible Class on 'Whiter than snow' ( _Lancaster Gazette_ , 12th November 1870).

Nearly a decade earlier (May 1860) he had also addressed the local troop of soldiers - the First Duke of Lancaster's Own Militia - at the Palatine Hall, then recently opened ( _Lancaster Gazette_ , 19th May 1860). He said

" _he knew he was speaking to brave men... [who] were ready, he was aware, to march up to the cannon's mouth and meet death face to face, but had they the courage, when temptation stood in their way, to utter that little word 'no?' Had they the courage to withstand the jibes and ribald laughter of bad companions when they were convinced it was their duty to leave off doing evil?"_

In particular he "implored his hearers to leave off the debasing sin of drunkenness."

In October 1861 Campbell also chaired a meeting in the Palatine Hall about slavery. A Mr J C Thompson, "an escaped slave from the Southern States of America", gave a talk on 'The horrors of slavery unveiled' based on his own experiences ( _Lancaster Gazette_ , 12th October 1861).

Defending the faith

The Vicar saved some of his energy for fighting the growth of Ritualism and 'Romanism' within the Church of England. In this he was following in the footsteps of Joseph Armytage, his father Colin, and many other Anglican clergymen during the 19th century. He was not an activist in terms of taking direct action but he did not shy away from talking openly about the threat or from rallying supporters to the cause.

An early sign of his commitment came in April 1861 when he allowed several members of the church to speak at the congregational tea party about forces that were then threatening to pull the Anglican Church apart. The _Lancaster Gazette_ (6th April 1861) quotes Mr Burrell (a Churchwarden) as saying that the Church of England "had enemies within and without". The "enemies within" included sympathisers of Unitarian doctrines and men who were theologians (particularly those who had studied German theology) not pastors, "who were not sincere believers in the Bible... They were mere theorists and never had to apply a cure to a heart-broken soul, as the ministers of congregations had to do...". The "enemies without" included leading Nonconformists who were vocally advocating the separation of Church and State.

By today's standards these widespread concerns, and particularly the defence against Catholicism, seem uncharitable and ill-founded, paranoid even, but at the time they were taken very seriously and were regarded as a matter both of personal conscience and collective responsibility. With the benefit of hindsight the Church of England might have been better served by addressing the rapid growth of secularisation, especially in the big towns and cities, in an era when modern scientific ideas - particularly Darwin's theory of evolution, published in 1859 in _The Origin of Species_ \- were leading many people to question the whole foundation of their religious beliefs.

Later in the 1860s Colin Campbell started to pin his colours even more firmly to the mast. In late June 1865, for example, we find him chairing a meeting in the Music Hall in aid of the Protestant Reform Society [later the Protestant Reform Association] and Church Missions to Roman Catholics in Great Britain ( _Lancaster Gazette_ , 1st July 1865). The Society had been recently formed "for the purposes of countering the influence of Romanism in this country, and preventing the spread of the insidious doctrines of Rome amongst the Protestant community." Rev William Clementson from Liverpool talked about the advance of 'Romanism' in England since Catholic emancipation in 1829, including receiving government money for schools and reformatories and permission to have Catholic chaplains in prisons, and the prospect of Catholic priests attached to the Workhouses. He pointed out the next big danger was the Catholic aim -

" _to get the children of the protestants to attend their Schools, where although they professed not to teach them the doctrines of the Roman Catholic faith, they contrived to instil their principles. They did not care for the adults, but by getting the children into their power they hoped to secure the next generation."_

One solution, he thought, was for the Church of England to raise its game in challenging the forward march of the Catholic Church, because "wherever the Roman Catholics found there was a Protestant Missionary scanning their actions, they ceased the efforts at conversion and confined themselves to their own flock."

By the late 1860s the campaign against Ritualism in the Church of England was gathering pace in Lancaster and elsewhere. Colin Campbell once again took a lead in Lancaster, opening in prayer a meeting in October 1867 of the Protestant Reform Association. The _Lancaster Gazette_ (19thOctober 1867) described the well-attended meeting in the Music Hall as "a very practical demonstration condemnatory of the detestable Ritualistic practices which in so many places are defacing the legitimate services of the Church of England."

The meeting was addressed by a Rev Taylor, who described Ritualism in the Church of England as

" _a histrionic performance of Divine worship... an appeal to the senses in the gorgeously lighted altar, the gorgeous vestments, the incense which arises, processions, turnings, bowings... of the character of theatrical performances... such as had not been seen for 300 years in a truly Protestant church. What a descent to the superstitions of the Church of Rome!"_

He portrayed it as a battle for the heart and soul of the Anglican Church and the minds and spirits of Anglican people. He was concerned about the spectacle of such services, asking rhetorically

" _How was it possible for the minister or priest to be occupied in spiritual worship while attending to this minute ceremonial, and how could the congregation attend to spiritual matters when their attentions were engaged in the ceremonial?"_

He was particularly concerned about three doctrines behind the spectacle - transubstantiation (the belief that the real person of Christ's body and blood entered into the bread and wine), absolution (forgiveness on confession of sins) by the priest, and the saying of prayers for the dead. He said "in common with all the reformers of the Church, he believed the Church of Rome was the great apostasy of the faith", and he urged his listeners to do all they could to check the growth of the movement because

" _there was something of an attractiveness and seductiveness about it for young people which was highly dangerous... [because] It was not the worship of God, or the search of truth, which was the aim in its truest sense; it was simply a gorgeous display."_

Colin Campbell, responding to Rev Taylor at the end of the meeting, said that he "was satisfied that Lancaster was resolved to do its utmost to remove the noisome plague and pestilence which had come upon the church."

The challenge of Ritualism within the Church of England seems to have triggered bursts of uncharacteristically intemperate language from Colin Campbell, a man who otherwise comes across as mild-mannered and quiet spoken. He took the challenge very seriously, and sought to address it head on.

Campbell took the lead in an anti-Ritualism meeting held in the Music Hall in February 1868, which had met to form "an association similar to those which are being formed in other parts of the country for the purpose of preserving to England the blessings of our Scriptural and Protestant Church." He stressed that

" _there is a real necessity for rallying round our parent church at this crisis in our history... [and reported that] every one of the clergy whom I have spoken to in the town and neighbourhood [including the Vicar of Lancaster]... joined us heart and soul in our opposition to Ritualism, though they don't all agree as to the best mode of dealing with it." (Lancaster Gazette, 15 th February 1868)_

In February 1870, he chaired a meeting of the Church Association in the Music Hall. He spoke of how "our good old ship, the Church of England, is in a state of mutiny and, more than that, her chief officers seem unable or unwilling to control at least a portion of her crew that are transgressing the ship's rules and regulations." ( _Lancaster Gazette_ , 5th February 1870) He commented that the more he looked into the "real doctrines of the church... the more satisfied I am our church is intensely and essentially evangelical... to the very back bone."

A year later he gave the vote of thanks at another meeting of the same Association in the same place, at which Joseph Armytage (then working with the Church Pastoral Aid Society) spoke on the subject of 'The character and the present circumstances of the Church of Rome and our consequent duties.' ( _Lancaster Gazette_ , 21st January 1871) Armytage spoke about

" _the spread of infidelity, which he said was making rapid progress all over Europe, as well as in our own country. It was taking the varied forms of Atheism, Deism, Materialism, Secularism, and Spiritualism, and he had no hesitation on characterising it as the work of the devil."_

He drew particular attention to the Ritualist clergymen in the Church of England -

" _who thought its services so plain that it would enhance it to introduce a little more music and to make a little more show, with fancy dresses and bright colours. By and by they introduced just a little popish doctrine and a little more was added time after time until they became downright popish priests."_

Commenting on how church members should respond to "the infection" of "Infidelity, Popery and Republicanism" that was "spreading to an alarming degree", he pointed out that "their first duty was to observe the signs of the times, then next to read the book of Revelation with intelligence." Whenever they found these Ritualists "he exhorted his listeners to shun them - to keep them at arm's length."

Mission and outreach

Colin Campbell was also following in his father's footsteps as a supporter of missionary work in the UK and overseas. He was a regular participant in Lancaster meetings of some of the most active national missionary societies and organisations.

He said the opening prayer and spoke at a meeting of the Irish Church Missions in October 1860, noting that

" _already the efforts of the mission had been abundantly blessed. He knew that he nor any other human being could of themselves bring one sinner home to God - it was the grace and mercy of God alone that could do that - but they ought to be the humble means of grace, and the success that had attended their efforts encouraged them to believe that God was with them, and so encouraged they were determined, with God's blessing, to persevere."_ ( _Lancaster Gazette,_ 6th October 1860)

The newspaper lists him among the platform party at meetings of that mission society in December 1867 and October 1970.

Campbell was also a strong supporter of the Church Missionary Society. For example, he chaired the annual meeting of the Lancaster branch in February 1862 in the Palatine Hall, at which his Curate George Head (who the following year would become his brother-in-law) spoke "at considerable length... and concluded a lively and instructive address with a few admonitory remarks on the duty incumbent on all Christians to promote the propagation of the good tidings of salvation." ( _Lancaster Gazette_ , 3rd May 1862) Reflecting on "the perishing condition of so vast an aggregate of living souls" Head urged the Christians in Britain "to go out to the distant parts of the east and endeavour to uproot the mass of ignorance and idolatry festering in those far off regions."

Campbell preached in aid of the Church Missionary Society at the parish church in Bolton-le-Sands late in 1864 ( _Lancaster Gazette_ , 3rd December 1864) and presented the financial report at the Society's May 1871 meeting in Lancaster ( _Lancaster Gazette_ , 20th May 1871).

The Vicar was also active in the Lancaster branch of the British and Foreign Bible Society. He opened in prayer the 1866 annual meeting in Palatine Hall, was elected branch Secretary at the 1868 meeting, and read the report of the local association at the 1870 meeting ( _Lancaster Gazette_ , 12th May 1866; 23rd May 1868; 4th June 1870). He also supported the London Society for Promoting Christianity amongst the Jews, chairing the annual meetings of the Lancaster branch held in the Music Hall in 1868, 1869 and 1871 ( _Lancaster Gazette_ 28th March 1868; 27th March 1869; 2nd September 1871). In June 1871 he was one of a small number of people to attend a meeting of London City Mission held in the Music Hall ( _Lancaster Gazette_ , 10th June 1871).

Campbell seems to have been particularly committed to the work of the Religious Tract Society and attended every annual meeting of its Lancaster branch between 1866 and 1870, either as chair or a member of the platform party ( _Lancaster Gazette_ , 8th December 1866; 30th November 1867; 24th October 1868; 9th October 1869; 5th November 1870). He addressed the 1869 meeting, noting that

" _if religious belief was simply the result of man's speculation and human research, then one man's opinion was as good as that of another, but it was not so, for they had the truth as spoken by God himself [in the Bible], and they were not left to their own opinions to be tossed about on the waves of confusion and to drift away from the rock of truth."_

He was even more direct in 1870, when he told members that

" _they were living in sad and perilous times, and though he did not want them to take a gloomy view of things and did not fear the ultimate triumph of the Word of God, still it was necessary that they, as Christians, should apply themselves with all their might to combat the superstitious idolatries, on the one hand, which sought to supersede them, and the infidel attempts, on the other, to annihilate that glorious truth, so precious to them.... Evil agencies were at work amongst them, and they trembled for many that might be drawn into the snares set for them, but with the assistance of such societies as they were met to support, he did not fear but that they would be able to stem the torrent of infidelity, ungodliness, and superstition which surrounded them."_

The Vicar also supported the work of the Church Pastoral Aid Society, for which Armytage was then working and of which his father had been a strong supporter. He presided at a poorly attended meeting of the Society held in the Musical Hall on the 20th of April 1869, at which Rev John Bardsley, Vicar of St John's, Bootle, gave a challenging talk. Bardsley defended the Society against three charges -

" _first, that the existence of such a society as the Church Pastoral Aid Society was in itself proof that the parochial system had failed; second, that the society was merely intended as a kind of help for lazy clergymen who would not do their own work, and must therefore have some assistance to do it; and third, that it was not a Church Society, because it set aside the bishops."_ ( _Lancaster Gazette,_ 27th April 1869)

St Thomas' National Schools

The number of people living within the St Thomas' district had grown through the 1850s. They were mostly poor working class families, often living in cramped and over-crowded conditions. As the _Lancaster Gazette_ noted on the 1st of January 1859, by then this was "a thickly populated district which has, as it were, grown up around the church with unexpected rapidity." There were many young children living practically on the doorstep of St Thomas'.

Colin Campbell Senior had played a key role in funding the buildings and establishing the schools, and thanks to "the personal exertions and liberal aid afforded by some few friends" the schools had survived the threat of closure, and by 1859 were "amongst the largest and most replete with convenience, that are to be found in any part of the kingdom.... [they have] become an important institution in the town." The newspaper hoped that

" _with the kindly support of all who can afford to give it, it will gradually extend its sphere of usefulness, and eventually rescue the populous portion of Lancaster, in the midst of which it is situate, from the state of scholastic destitution in which too many of its youth must still be immersed."_

Some years later the paper described the school buildings as "of the most commodious description, of modern erection, and adapted to their high purpose in every respect." ( _Lancaster Gazette,_ 22nd December 1866)

In 1859 the schools had 137 boys on the register, with between 110 and 120 attending in a typical day. By December 1860 around 400 children were being taught, with an additional 115 on the Night School Register, of whom between 60 and 70 attended regularly.

Robert Gregson was appointed Master of the Boys' National School in 1865 and in his first four years average attendance more than doubled from 70 to 170. On one particular day in December 1867 around 200 of the scholars were present ( _Lancaster Gazette_ , 8th February 1868). The Vicar had the pleasure of marrying Robert Gregson and Mary Ann Hawthornthwaite in church on the 1st of February 1868, after which the Master was presented with a wedding gift of "a handsome timepiece" by the church. ( _Lancaster Gazette_ , 8th February 1868)

The schools were well run and producing good results, judging from results of the annual public examination which covered reading and recitations, grammar, slate arithmetic, mental arithmetic, dictation, geography, history, and scripture. The _Lancaster Gazette_ (22nd December 1860) proudly reported that the annual public examination and distribution of prizes in 1860, presided over as usual by the Vicar, was "one of the most interesting and satisfactory scholastic exhibitions we ever had the pleasure to attend." At the public examination two years later the paper noted that "the rooms were beautifully decorated with evergreens, mottoes, and banners, and presented a very seasonable and cheerful appearance." ( _Lancaster Gazette_ , 20th December 1862)

The Government Inspector who visited the schools in May 1860 submitted a very positive report, writing

" _The instruction in this school does great credit to the care and attention of the master, who appears strictly to superintend the instruction of every division. The boys are quick at answering. The writing and arithmetic of the first class are very superior. The whole school is in a flourishing condition. The discipline also is very good."_ ( _Lancaster Gazette_ , 22ndDecember 1860)

The Inspector's report for 1870 was equally positive -

" _This school is one of the most thoroughly efficient and satisfactory in the district. Attendance is large, and considerably more than half of the boys are in the higher standard. Discipline, attainments, general intelligence, tone, and manners, are alike excellent. Religious knowledge, geography, grammar, maps, higher arithmetic, and mental arithmetic, are exceedingly well taught. The papers and teaching of the pupil teachers deserve special praise. A good playground [used for drill exercises as well as recreation] has been added since last year." (Lancaster Gazette, 24 th December 1870)_

The Vicar took a keen interest in the schools and regularly preached sermons in church to support them both financially and spiritually. In October 1866, for example, "before a full and attentive congregation" which included the Mayor and members of the corporation in their full regalia, Colin Campbell preached on Ecclesiastes 4: 13 ("Better a poor but wise youth than an old but foolish king"). ( _Lancaster Gazette_ , 24th October 1866)

Colin Campbell Junior was a keen supporter of the church school system, not just his own school. Speaking at a thanksgiving service for St John's National Schools the day after they opened in February 1869, he said he was

" _pleased to find that such provision was being made for the rising generation of that neighbourhood, and that they would receive instruction of a sound and solid character having a spiritual basis.... There could not be too many schools, for he believed the supply created the demand, and if it should happen that some of his own scholars of that neighbourhood should leave St. Thomas's to go to St. John's he would feel that Mr. Pedder [former Curate at St Thomas', now Vicar of St John's] had more right to them because they were of his own parish."_ ( _Lancaster Gazette,_ 6th February 1869)

Resignation and departure

The details are rather patchy, but it seems that after late 1868 Colin Campbell's activities were restricted by ill health.

The first clue comes in a report in the _Lancaster Gazette_ on the 19th of December 1868 that "in the absence of the Rev. Colin Campbell, who was unavoidably detained by illness, the Rev. Mr. Armitage presided" at a lecture for The Church Association to Rome?'. Armitage, the Curate, officiated at all of the baptisms in St Thomas' between the 6th of October 1868 and the 31st of July 1869, clearly standing in for the Vicar.

Campbell's last entry in the Baptism Register as Vicar of St Thomas' is dated the 4th of March 1871, and the _Lancaster Gazette_ on the 14th of September 1871 noted that "the Rev. Colin Campbell, Vicar of St Thomas', is expected to return to Lancaster on or about the 30th of this month." The nature of his health problems remain shrouded in mystery, but we do know that he spent time recouperating on the continent - possibly somewhere like the Alps, where there were many sanitariums (health spas).

He did return to Lancaster as expected on the 30th of September, and the church bells were rung to welcome him back. But he brought the unexpected news that he would be leaving St Thomas' for good, having accepted the post of Vicar of Ambleside. The _Lancaster Gazette_ reported on the 5th of October 1871 that "the announcement has caused great regret amongst the members of his congregation, who were confidently looking forward to his return amongst them to resume his duties, after his long absence on the Continent, where he has been residing for the benefit of his health."

The report explains that he decided to leave because "he does not feel equal to the duties of so large a charge, and prefers the comparative retirement of the living he has accepted." He was 37 years old and it would be understandable if he wanted a better work-life balance with less responsibility and stress. After all, he had seen his father die in post at St Thomas' sixteen years earlier, at the age of forty-nine, and might well have feared his work was driving him into an early grave too.

Colin Campbell preached for the last time to a packed St Thomas' on the 17th of November 1871. He spoke on 1 Thessalonians 5: 23 ("May God himself, the God of peace, sanctify you through and through. May your whole spirit, soul and body be kept blameless at the coming of our Lord Jesus Christ.") As well as giving what the _Lancaster Gazette_ (23rdNovember 1871) described as "a very eloquent and impressing sermon", he announced that his successor would be none other than Joseph Armytage, the first Vicar of St Thomas' and his father's predecessor. The paper declared that "there were many who remembered the late Mr. Campbell with deep respect, who felt that the son had worthily occupied and improved his birthright, and whose hearts deeply responses to their excellent pastor's affectionate farewell."

Colin Campbell left Lancaster in November 1872, after fourteen years of faithful ministry as what the _Lancaster Gazette_ described on the 22nd of December 1866 as "the estimable and much-loved incumbent" of St Thomas'. Before he left the teachers and scholars presented him with "a handsome moderator lamp and a gold pencil case" at a gathering in the Boys' School room, and the congregation said their farewells to "a faithful, affectionate, zealous, and self-denying minister of Christ." ( _Lancaster Gazette_ , 23rd November 1871)

Fortunately William Armitage remained at St Thomas' as Curate over this period and was able to oversee the interregnum. Amongst other things, he chaired the annual Meeting of the Parishioners in April 1872, when the Vicar was once again away, and he officiated at all baptisms after the 5thof March 1871. After Campbell's departure he chaired the April 1873 Meeting of the Parishioners and continued to officiate at all baptisms up to the 9th of July 1873.

Colin Campbell was Vicar of Ambleside from 1872 to 1875, after which he served as Perpetual Curate of St Mary's at Hatfield in Hertfordshire (1875-80) and Vicar of Christ Church in Weston-super-Mare, Somerset (1880-1906). He died on the 17th of June 1906, at Weston-super-Mare, Somerset, aged 72.

What about his legacy? He had helped build a vibrant and stable church, consolidated what his father had done some years before, continued the church's commitment to mission at home and away, and contributed to preserving the Protestant church \- particularly the Established Church of England - against Roman Catholic influences and practices. J. Wane (1909), who knew him personally, described him rather enigmatically as

" _a striking personality... a somewhat delicate man, but an earnest and faithful preacher. His sermons were of the direct and personal order, and though tinged with a certain pathetic melancholy, were, I am sure, of great value, and conducive of much good! Who can tell?"_

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8. Joseph Armytage (1871-1873)

" _We have the great pleasure to announce that the living of St Thomas's, which is in the gift of the Rev. Colin Campbell, has been accepted by the Rev. J.N.G. Armytage." Lancaster Gazette_ (26th October 1871)

Joseph North Green Armytage was Colin Campbell's choice to succeed him as Vicar of St Thomas'. We saw in Chapter 2 how Armytage had been behind the movement to establish St Thomas' and in Chapter 4 how he had served as its first Vicar between 1841 and 1845. He had left St Thomas' in 1845 to work for the Church Pastoral Aid Society (CPAS) in London. After further clergy appointments at two other churches - in Painswick, Gloucester, and in Cheltenham - he served as Rector of Flax-Bourton in Somerset between 1866 and 1870, and retired in 1870, aged 65, to live at 9 Victoria Square in Bristol.

Colin Campbell's choice of successor is an intriguing one, particularly given Armytage's age and the fact that he was by then retired. Recall that the first Colin Campbell had secured the patronage of St Thomas' from the estate of Elizabeth Salisbury, and had selected his son Colin Campbell to succeed him as Vicar when he had finished his training. Colin Campbell Junior must have inherited the patronage on his father's death, so it was within his gift to choose who would come after him.

The decision to bring Armytage back to St Thomas' for a second spell as Vicar hints at a desire to make sure that St Thomas' did not fall into the wrong hands. We shall never know why Colin Junior was so protective and what he feared in opening up the post to other possible incumbents, but there must have been no shortage of well trained and experienced people to choose from, including his own loyal Curate William Armitage.

A year had elapsed between Campbell's announcement that he was leaving and his departure for Ambleside, which left plenty of time for him to select his successor. The _Lancaster Gazette_ (22nd February 1873) advised its readers that Joseph Armytage had accepted the offer of the living "with the understanding that [he] could not by reason of a prior engagement take actual charge for a few months... [and] that the new Vicar came over to Lancaster and formally read himself in."

Curate William Armitage 'looked after the shop' during the interregnum, just as he had during Campbell's long period of absence towards the end of his time as Vicar. According to the Baptism Register the Curate took care of all baptisms between November 1872 and July 1873, and the new Vicar is not listed at all. The only evidence that Armytage even visited Lancaster around this time is a report in the _Lancaster Gazette_ on the 13thof April 1872 noting that he was present at a tea party for the Sunday school teachers and friends of St Thomas' Schools, held in the school in early April 1872, when "after tea a pleasant evening was spent, some of the members of the choir singing glees.... The room was very chastely decorated for the occasion."

Failing health

The first hint we get that the re-appointment of Armytage as Vicar might not work out as hoped comes in a newspaper report of the 1873 annual meeting in aid of the Church Pastoral Aid Society in the Music Hall on the 13th of February. Colin Campbell Junior, then Vicar of Ambleside, chaired the meeting and Joseph Armytage had been invited to attend. Campbell had to pass on Armytage's apologies because he was "still on a sick bed, and unable to fulfil his engagement" ( _Lancaster Gazette_ , 15th February 1873).

Within days the news had got much worse, and it fell once again to Colin Campbell announce it. Shortly before the start of the morning service in St Thomas' on Sunday the 16th of February, the Curate received an urgent telegram announcing that Joseph Armytage had died of bronchitis at home in Bristol about an hour earlier. Colin Campbell had been spending some time in Lancaster that week, and had agreed to lead the morning service in church. According to the _Lancaster Gazette_ (22nd February 1873) -

" _at the conclusion of his duties in the pulpit he disclosed the sad intelligence [of Armytage's death] under the influence of deep emotion and a lively sense of the mournful mission he had undertaken. Pathetic and most considerate for the feelings of his numerous hearers was the language in which the melancholy tidings were made known; but no care or caution could entirely break the force of the shock. Tears were the only relief, and it was saddening to see men and women, old and young, alike affected, burying involuntary grief in the folds of their handkerchiefs. No spectacle could be more touching and impressive. After an appropriate prayer by the former Vicar and the customary benediction, the congregation, which was a full one, took their way slowly and mournfully beyond the precincts of the sacred edifice, passing on to their several habitations with heavy hearts and subdued comments on the sad event which had occupied every mind."_

The news clearly came as a surprise and a shock. The _Lancaster Gazette_ , reporting the following Saturday, emphasised that "it was known that the rev. gentleman was indeed much indisposed - even seriously - but no idea was entertained of the malady [bronchitis] with which he was afflicted proving fatal." Joseph Armytage was 67 when he died.

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9. John Bone (1873-1906)

" _We have the satisfaction to announce that the Rev. J. Bone, from North Meols, Curate with the Rev. C. Hesketh, by whom he is spoken most highly of, has been presented by the Rev. C. Campbell to the living of St Thomas' in this town._ ( _Lancaster Gazette,_ 12th April 1873)

John Bone was born in Newington, Surrey, in about 1835 to John (a linen and woollen draper) and Mary Bone. He was the first non-Oxbridge Vicar of St Thomas, having trained at King's College, London, where he qualified as a Theological Associate (TA).

He was ordained in Rochdale in 1861, and served his first Curacy at Poulton-le-Fylde Parish Church, living with his wife Eliza (born in Camberwell in 1837) and young son Douglas (1865, Preston) at East View in Preston. Between 1866 and 1872 he was Curate at St Cuthbert's, near Southport, where they had three more children - Jessica Eliza (1866), Amy Maria (1869) and Bertram (1872).

The family moved to Lancaster in 1873 when he was appointed Vicar at St Thomas'. They lived in the Vicarage at 30 Queen Street, where another two children were born - Cecil (1873) and Ella Amelia (1876). The busy household was supported by two domestic servants.

The key sources of information about the church change over the 33 years that John Bone served as Vicar of St Thomas'. Publication of the _Lancaster Gazette_ ceased in 1894, but from about 1875 another valuable source opens up. This comes in the form of minutes of the Vestry Meetings (fore-runner of the PCC), Meetings of Parishioners and Pewholders (fore-runner of the Annual Church Meeting), and Meetings of Churchwardens and Sidesmen, the original hand-written minutes of which are archived in the Public Records Office in Preston.

Appointment and arrival

On Sunday the 29th of May 1873, according to the _Lancaster Gazette_ (4thJune 1873),

" _the Rev. John Bone, M.A., the new Vicar, read himself into St Thomas' Church, and in the evening preached his introductory sermon to his new congregation from the 2 nd epistle to the Corinthians, 4th chapter, 7th verse ["we have this treasure in jars of clay to show that this all-surpassing power is from God and not from us"]. A very attentive audience listened to the rev. gentleman's exposition of a minister's duties and responsibilities to his charge, and also the duties a Christian congregation owed to its minister. The members of the church were dismissed to their homes feeling satisfied that a God-fearing, zealous Pastor had been appointed to watch over them."_

The Vicar quickly settled into his new role, officiating at his first marriage in church on the 14th of July. The next day his wife gave birth to their second son, Cecil. But joy quickly turned to sorrow when their four year old daughter Amy Maria died at the Vicarage on the 24th of August.

Bone first appears in the Baptism Register as Vicar of St Thomas on the 14th of August 1873. His first few months were not the easiest for him. The _Lancaster Gazette_ (25th October 1873) reported that he was unable to attend the October meeting of the Lancaster branch of the Religious Tract Society in the Palatine Hall, having been chosen to succeed Colin Campbell as President, "by severe personal affliction" (cause unknown, but possibly still mourning the recent loss of his daughter). The members were asked to "earnestly pray that he may be speedily restored to health, and able to enter fully upon his public duties in Lancaster."

The Vicar and his church

It's not immediately obvious why Colin Campbell selected John Bone to succeed him as Vicar of St Thomas'. He was a very different character to Joseph Armytage or either of the Campbells; he came from a different mould. Haythornthwaite (1875, p.83), who knew him personally, wrote that

" _though a staunch member of the evangelical party he professes broader views than the generality of that school would venture to hold.... he certainly has the appearance of being at ease both with himself and the congregation. We were very much pleased with the charitable manner in which he in his sermon spoke of those Christians who might differ with him as to the advisability of holding week-day services throughout Passion Week."_

Astronomy

Unlike his predecessors, John Bone actively engaged in some prominent non-church activities in Lancaster. Thus we find him playing a leading role in "a meeting of ladies and gentlemen interested in the formation of a Philosophical Society for Lancaster, held in the Amicable Society's room, Church-street, for the purpose of establishing the proposed society, and for the adoption of rules for its guidance." ( _Lancaster Gazette_ , 10thJanuary 1885). He was elected joint secretary of the Society and read a paper at its February 1888 meeting on 'Some recent Spectroscopic Investigations of Stars' ( _Lancaster Gazette_ , 25th February 1888). Three years later he read a paper "illustrated by photographs and diagrams... exhibited by means of the lime-light lantern" on 'Physical Selonography', about the formation of the surface of the moon ( _Lancaster Gazette_ , 21stMarch 1891).

Farrer and Brownbill (1914) wrote rather enigmatically that "the Rev. John Bone... did something to promote scientific studies in the town." As a Fellow of the Royal Astronomical Society, he had a long-standing scientific interest in stars and planets that complemented his religious interest in heaven and eternity. In 1890 he took the lead in setting up an Astronomical Society in Lancaster, the objects of which were "The association of observers, especially the possessors of small telescopes, for mutual help, and their organisation in the work of astronomical observation. The circulation of current astronomical information. The encouragement of a popular interest in astronomy." ( _Lancaster Gazette_ , 23rd August 1890)

Two years later John Bone was appointed Honorary Director of the astronomical section of the town's public Greg Observatory which was opened in Williamson Park on the 27th of July 1892 by the Astronomer Royal of Scotland ( _Lancaster Gazette_ , 2nd July 1892).

In May 1903 he was the main speaker at the inaugural meeting of the Lancaster Astronomical and Meteorological Association, where he gave a talk on 'The possible extent of amateur astronomical observation'. His ambition was to raise public interest in astronomy and the Observatory, regretting that "these privileges... are absolutely neglected by the townspeople at large." (Wade 2003).

It is worth noting that, at a time when science was seriously challenging religious faith, John Bone was something of a Renaissance man, able successfully to bridge the two worldviews or intellectual universes, publicly, both in his preaching and his hobbies and interests.

Safe haven

Whatever the primary reason for the establishment of St Thomas's Church in 1841, three decades later Haythornthwaite (1875, p.79) was able to describe it as

" _now pre-eminently the anti-papal Church of the town. ... There is a Protestant quartet of Churchmen in Lancaster, who always appear together on platforms when 'the errors of Popery' are discussed; and three out of the four are regular frequenters of St. Thomas's."_

For all his personal breadth of interest and outlook, John Bone still had within his congregation a group of active and vocal local opponents of Catholicism in Lancaster. Haythornthwaite (1875, p.79) also pointed out that

" _the attendance at St. Thomas's seems to be larger and more regular than at St. John's or St. Anne's. It is difficult to account for this circumstance, though possibly it arises from the additions that have been made at different times from other congregations. St. Thomas's has indeed been a... refuge of the disaffected members of Lancaster Churches. Whenever anything went wrong either at St. Mary's or at St. Anne's the final result was usually an accession of strength to St. Thomas's."_

This reputation that St Thomas' had earned as a safe haven for Anglicans who had fallen out with other local Anglican churches in Lancaster can be traced right back to the establishment of the church in the late 1830s, under the Joseph Armytage who led the exodus from the Parish Church.

Lancaster during his time

Religious landscape

The closing decades of the 19th century witnessed continued change in the religious landscape of the town, as the Nonconformist churches and the Established church continued to compete for the souls of men and women.

Methodism was expanding at this time, and in 1873 the Wesleyan Methodists replaced their small chapel in Sulyard Street near Dalton Square with a grand new building with seats for 1,400 people (which is now housing), to serve the dense population that had recently grown up in this part of the town. Round the corner on Moor Lane the Primitive Methodists built a Gothic chapel (now part of the Dukes Theatre) in 1893. The Wesleyans had built a chapel in Skerton in 1858 and a separate Primitive Methodist congregation also worshipped on Main Street in Skerton by 1875. In 1870 the United Methodist Free Church, also known as the New Connection, had built a stone chapel on Brock Street (now an Indian restaurant).

The Baptists were also taking root in Lancaster. Earlier in the century a number of Baptists were attending the High Street (Independent) Chapel and others held services in a room in Nicholas Street, and in 1862 a congregation started to meet for worship in the Assembly Rooms. As numbers and funds increased they were able to build a Baptist chapel (now Christian's Alive church) in White Cross Street, between the Militia Barracks and White Cross Mill, in 1872. It was replaced in 1896 by the present chapel in Nelson Street.

The Congregationalists opened a mission in a house in St Leonardsgate in 1872, and after they outgrew that they met in the Palatine Hall. In the 1870s the Congregationalists split over the issue of abstinence from strong alcohol; the stricter group left High Street and built the Centenary Church [now a pub] in Stonewell in 1879. In the late 1870s the Presbyterians left their chapel in St Nicholas Street, which was taken over by the Unitarians, and moved to a larger one on Queen Street.

In 1905 the Congregationalists opened a mission chapel in Bowerham (now a United Reformed Church). It was built at the corner of Bowerham Road and Ulster Road to serve the army barracks and the new housing estates being built in that suburb to the south of the canal, with access assisted by the town's tram system.

Smaller church groups also had a presence in town at this time. A Church of Christ (founded in 1889) met in Balmoral Road, in a building opened in 1897; the Presbyterian Church of England (founded in 1899) had a temporary place of worship; and the Jubilee Town Mission (established in 1887) had several mission rooms in town. A group that called itself the Catholic Apostolic Church, or Irvingites, began meeting in a room in Friar's Passage in about 1871, and from 1875 they met regularly for services in the former Sunday School room of the Wesleyan Methodists in Edward Street.

The Roman Catholic Church was also extending its reach, building a school and chapel (1896) and later a church - St Joseph's (1901), in the Gothic style with pulpit and furnishing by Gillow - on the main road in Skerton.

The Church of England was also in building mode, putting up St Paul's in Scotforth in 1876 to serve the growing population there. Fund-raising for the project was championed by a group of middle-class supporters including Edmund Sharpe, who designed the new church in the round-arched Romanesque style, clad in baked terracotta not carved stone, with a tall thin tower. Nicolaus Pevsner described it as "an anachronism almost beyond belief", contrasting as it did with the Gothic style which was so popular and fashionable by the 1850s.

Manufacturing

By the late 19th century Lancaster's reputation as a manufacturing centre was in decline, but its reputation in cabinet making continued to grow. Gillows remained on Castle Hill until they moved their operations into a larger new showroom and factory (now a furniture shop and night club) on North Road in 1881.

Gillows was the best known but there were 18 other cabinet-makers in Lancaster at that time. The largest after Gillow was James Hatch & Sons, which was founded in 1841 and moved to a one acre site in Queens Square in 1848, where they made extensive use of steam engines. The Hatch family was part of the congregation of St Thomas' and for many years James Hatch served as Churchwarden.

Facilities in the town

The face of Lancaster was transformed a great deal from the 1870s on.

James Williamson, who had begun landscaping the former stone quarry overlooking Lancaster, up on Lancaster Moor, died in 1879, but the project was completed by his son James Williamson (later Lord Ashton) who presented it to the town in 1881. A small astronomical observatory was opened in the park in 1892, with which John Bone was closely associated.

In 1880 a Victorian army barracks was built in Bowerham as a base for the King's Own Royal Regiment (Lancaster).

The centre of Lancaster saw changes too. The King's Arms Hotel was built in 1882 on the site of an old coaching inn dating back to 1664 that had been demolished in 1879. Five years later, in 1887, the Storey Institute was built nearby on Meeting House Lane, on the site of the former Mechanics Institute (1856). It contained a Public Free Library and reading rooms, a School of Art and a Technical School, and was funded by Sir Thomas Storey who presented to the town in 1893.

In 1892 the Corporation built a coal-fired electricity generating plant close to the canal near the Town Hall in Dalton Square, initially to provide power for street lighting and public and commercial premises. Close by were other important utilities including the fire station at the back of the Town Hall, and the cattle market at the top of Penny Street. One of Lancaster's best-known landmarks, The Queen Victoria monument, paid for by Lord Ashton, was built in Dalton Square in 1906.

Other facilities were built outside the town centre, including an isolation hospital on the Marsh in 1890 (which was closed in 1910 and the Lune Mill linoleum works built on the site), and a public cemetery was laid out in Scotforth in 1890 and enlarged in 1908, after Scotforth township had been incorporated into the borough. Another public cemetery was opened north of the river Lune in Skerton in 1904. In 1896 a new town hospital, the Royal Infirmary, was opened on the site of the former Springfield Hall on Ashton Road, just south of the canal. It was funded by public subscriptions and built to replace the Dispensary (1833) on Thurnham Street whose premises were by then proving inadequate. Access to the Royal Infirmary and the south was greatly improved by the building in 1900 of Penny Street Bridge over the canal.

The Corporation introduced a tram system in Lancaster in 1905, using twelve electric tramcars built at the Wagon Works down by the river. The original tram depot was built by Dalton Square in 1903, but five years later it had to be relocated to the top of Thurnham Street [now a vehicle tyre business] to create space for the new Town Hall. The double-decker trams were originally open-topped but in 1911 they had roofs fitted; in 1920 many of them were converted to single-deckers. The tram service was discontinued in 1930, having proved unviable; people had often complained about over-crowding on the trams, but the system was simply too small, and it was operated in two separate services which never joined up, one running from Dalton Square and the other from Stonewell.

New housing estates

The most visible change in the townscape of Lancaster during John Bone's time at St Thomas' was the rapid increase in population and the spread of new housing to accommodate the growth. The population had grown relatively little between 1801 and 1871, from just over 6,000 to 9,713, but over the next three decades it more than doubled, to around 25,000, partly due to boundary changes.

Most of the new housing was built after 1870 and large estates were laid out during the 1880s on Primrose Hill, the Marsh and parts of Skerton. Development continued in Skerton through the 1890s and into the early 20th century, and the Bowerham and Greaves parts of Scotforth also grew rapidly at that time, both assisted by the tram system that increased access between the town centre and these suburbs.

Most of the new housing was terraced, to keep costs down and make best use of the available space. Some of the terraces - for example along Greaves Road, Regent Street, Dale Street, Dallas Road, Blades Street and Westbourne Road - were designed for lower middle class families, with small front gardens and rear plots. Most - such as those along De Vitre Street, Lune Street and Shaw Street - were smaller two-up, two-down terraced houses for working class families.

Althea Woof and James Price (2004) describe the growth of Bowerham, which would turn out to be very important for the future development of St Thomas'. They point out that by 1900

" _Bowerham was one of the fastest growing parts of the town with a population drawn from the lower middle and respectable working classes... As late as 1860 this area had been a small collection of houses on Bowerham Lane, a country road leading to the Quernmore Valley.... The first development was the erection of Bowerham Barracks by the War Office between 1873 and 1880.... Between 1880 and 1900 streets of terraced houses were erected outside the barracks off Bowerham Road viz. Havelock Street and Adelphi Street. Some of these homes provided accommodation for soldiers' families, others for people who worked in the factories, shops and services in the town, and others for workers on the LNW Railway.... Further growth was aided by the opening of the tram line in 1903 from Dalton Square via Bowerham Road and Coulston Road to its terminus at Williamson Park.... It is after 1903 that Bowerham developed rapidly, as a 'Tramway Suburb', in all directions from the Primrose Estate to Barton Road."_

Curates

William Armitage moved on from his post as Curate in July 1873 and John Bone arrived as Vicar the following month, so they didn't overlap. The Vicar would have to manage without the assistance of a Curate over the next 18 years, although one (John Dufour Ellenbergher) had been selected and ordained, and was due to start in September 1875, "but abruptly afterwards he died, without ever having entered upon his duties as Curate." ( _Lancaster Gazette_ , 17th June 1891)

Lack of funding seems to have been the main reason for the long delay in securing the services of a Curate. At the Easter Vestry Meeting in 1881 the Churchwarden Mr Hatch explained that "an effort was made two years ago to secure a Curate, but so little support was promised that the Churchwardens did not feel justified in undertaking the responsibility in that respect. No resolution was come to, but a general feeling was expressed that it would be very desirable to obtain a Curate if arrangements could be made for meeting the extra expense which would thereby be incurred."

At the Vestry Meeting the following year the Vicar reported that "a fund was being established for the employment of a Curate, which during the past year had received liberal support." Wheels were set in motion but another nine years would pass before a Curate was eventually appointed.

Doubtless with much relief all round the church was eventually able to appoint a new Curate in 1891. After graduating from the University of Oxford (BA 1889, MA 1892), Benjamin Lund Carr was ordained deacon in 1891 and took up his first Curacy at St Thomas' the same year. We first hear of him reading the lesson at the Jubilee Thanksgiving Service on the 14th of June ( _Lancaster Gazette_ , 20th June 1891). He was ordained priest in 1893 and disappears from the Baptism Register for St Thomas' in October that year. The local newspaper reported that "his services at St Thomas' have been so thoroughly appreciated", and when he resigned in November 1893 to become Curate of Newlands in Keswick the St Thomas' Schools presented him with "a purse of gold and other presents" ( _Lancaster Gazette_ , 22nd November 1893). At Newlands he served as Curate (1893-94) and then Vicar (1894-1913), before moving south on being appointed Rector of Waterstock, near Thame in Oxfordshire (1913 to at least 1920).

John Bone was once again left without a Curate, but this time only for six months. Providing a reliable funding stream for a Curate must have been a continuing challenge, because a meeting of the Churchwardens and Sidesmen in March 1894 agreed that a Committee for the Collection of St Thomas' Curate Sustentation Fund should be set up, with four members, to be chaired by Schoolmaster John Hatch.

Within a few months Hugh Brady Brew arrived as the next Curate. He graduated from Trinity College Dublin with a BA in 1891 and was ordained deacon in 1894. Like Benjamin Carr this was his first Curacy. He only stayed for one year; his first appearance in the St Thomas' Baptism Register is on the 27th of May 1894, and his last is on the 10th of November 1895. He was ordained priest in 1895, and after leaving Lancaster held a number of Curate posts in Newbury (1895-97), Buckingham (1897-99), Holy Trinity Ryde in the Isle of Wight (1899-1907), and Frimley Surrey (1907-12), then Rector of Elstead in Surrey (1912-28) and of Ampthill in St Albans (1928 to at least 1932).

Finance remained a problem, and in April 1896 the Vicar announced at a meeting of the Churchwardens and Sidesmen that "the Curate Sustentation Fund was too low to allow the appointment of a successor to Hugh Brew who had left last November, and he could not take steps to appoint a successor until after Easter." Six months later, at a meeting of the same group in November, there was discussion about whether to appoint an Assistant Curate as soon as possible, or wait for the available funding to increase because "it would be most desirable that the Curate be in full orders, and with some experience in pastoral visitation, and the superintendence of religious education in the Day and Sunday Schools." The decision seems to have been taken to appoint without delay but hope to secure the services of a more experienced Curate than the first two had been.

The new Curate was W. J. Haire. There is some uncertainty over exactly when he started at St Thomas' because he first appears in the Baptism Register as Curate in February 1896, but that is before the meetings of the Churchwardens and Sidesmen. He was certainly in post by April 1897, when the Vicar described him in a Vestry Meeting as "a very zealous and valued colleague". There is also uncertainty over when he finished, because his last entry in the Baptism Register was a month earlier, on the 14th of March 1897. At a meeting of the Churchwardens and Sidesmen on the 2nd of June, the Vicar reported that because of ill-health the Curate "had been compelled to retire, upon medical advice", having only been licensed as Curate at St Thomas' four months earlier. The Churchwardens and Sidesmen agreed a motion put by the Vicar expressing their appreciation of the Curate's "Ministerial services... and regret that the failure of his health has necessitated his retirement. They hope that with due rest and change, his health may be fully re-established, and that he may be prepared for future usefulness in the service of the Church." Haire is not listed in _Crockford's Clerical Directory_ for 1920 so we can only assume that he had died before then.

The Vicar was clearly unfortunate in his choice of Curates, having had one die before taking up the post, two leave after a year, and one retire on health ground after only four months. He was more successful with the next appointment.

Llewellyn David Amer Rees had graduated from the Schola Episcopi, a clergy training college in Manchester, and from Owens College (later to become Manchester University). He was ordained deacon in 1895 and priest in 1896, and served as Curate of St Bartholomew's in Salford from 1895 to 1897. Like his predecessor, the precise timing of his arrival in St Thomas' is a little uncertain. He is first listed as Curate in the Baptism Register on the 10th of October 1897, but the Vicar reported to a meeting of the Churchwardens and Sidesmen two months later (December 1897) that "he had taken steps to secure a successor to W.J. Haire, and had succeeded in obtaining the services of the Rev Llewellyn D.R. Rees." His last entry in the Baptism Register is dated the 20th of May 1900, so he spent just under three years at St Thomas'. From here he moved on to become Vicar at St James' in Oldham (1901-03), Blackley in Manchester (1903-05), Burbage in Hinckley (1908-11), St Barnabas' in Derby (1911-14), All Saints in Bromsgrove (1915-18), and Kegworth in Leicester (1918-19). He is listed in _Crockford's Clerical Directory_ for 1920 as living at Cathcart, Park Road, Torquay, presumably retired.

A few months after Rees left St Thomas' he was replaced by Charles Crowther Browitt, a graduate of Queen's College Birmingham (1897) and the University of Durham (1905) who was ordained deacon in 1900 and priest in 1901. St Thomas' was his first Curacy and he is first listed in the Baptism Register on the 27th of January 1901. His last baptism at St Thomas was on the 16th of September 1906. He was incumbent of St Bartholomew's in Blackburn from 1906 to at least 1940, but he is not listed in _Crockford's Clerical Directory_ for 1947 so must have died by then.

Church governance

As the church approached the close of the 19th century, the Vicar saw fit to update some important aspects of its governance to make them more suitable for the needs of the day.

One major change was in the patronage of the church. As we have seen Colin Campbell bought the advowson from Elizabeth Salisbury on her death, and passed it on to his son Colin who still held it at the time John Bone was appointed. John Bone announced to the Easter Vestry Meeting in April 1896 that "some years ago he urged the patron, Rev Colin Campbell, to take the step of associating with himself other persons in the responsibilities of the advowson, in such a way as to make the patronage public."

Making the patronage more public and transparent would increase the church's eligibility to receive funding from public or ecclesiastical sources, because up to then its income had come entirely from pew rents. In recent years the Vicar had not received more than £140 [£12,500] a year from pew rents, which the congregation kindly supplemented with Free Will Offerings at Easter of around £19 [£1,700] each year.

Early in 1896 Colin Campbell had met with John Bone to consider "what would be best for the future of the parish", as a result of which he had transferred the patronage to a public body of trustees, the trustees of the Church Pastoral Aid Society (CPAS). This move would benefit all future incumbents, as well as encouraging the Diocese and the Ecclesiastical Commissioners to provide grant support "in aid of the endowment of the living".

Some other governance issues had been dealt with ten years earlier. In 1878 the name of the annual meeting of parishioners (the equivalent of the Annual Parochial Church Meeting today) was changed from the Seatholders' Meeting to the Vestry Meeting, although the name change failed to make the meeting more appealing to potential attenders. For example, the minutes of the Easter Vestry Meeting in March 1891 record only seven people present - the Vicar in the chair, four other men including one Churchwarden, and two newspaper reporters (it was common practice in those days for journalists to sit in church meetings and report on what was discussed).

At the Easter 1888 Vestry Meeting the Vicar spoke in favour of "some such body as a parochial council being appointed", including the Churchwardens and "some members of the congregation... who possessed the confidence and esteem of the parishioners. He thought it quite right that such persons should be recognised by the Vestry, but [recognised that] in a parish like St Thomas's, which was created by Act of Parliament, they had no power to elect officers having a legal status except those created by the Act - the Churchwardens."

From 1892 onwards there were regular meetings of the Churchwardens and Sidesmen, like a Church Council as the Vicar had suggested four years earlier. It would be a further twenty years before new legislation was introduced which created the Parochial Church Councils that we know today, made up of elected members and officers such as the Treasurer and Churchwardens.

Churchwardens

The Churchwardens played a key role in the life of the church in those days, as today, as the only lay leaders recognised in church law and the Vicar's right-hand men... for men they always were. Two were appointed each year, one selected by the Vicar and the other by the parishioners, and there was no limit on how long any one individual could stay in the role.

At the 1892 Easter Vestry Meeting Mr Hatch announced his intention to stand down as Churchwarden after 33 years of service due to pressure of other commitments (both as an Alderman and head of the family cabinet making business). His son, also an Alderman, continued the family tradition and served as Churchwarden for 20 years, between 1894 and 1914.

The Vicar relied heavily on his Churchwardens, as well as one his Curates, and they provided continuity in the running of the church, including through changes of incumbents and Curates. They had wide-ranging responsibilities, key ones being the collection of pew rents (the Vicar's main form of income) and the regular payment of expenses to the organist, choir, bell-ringers and other staff. Their work could often be taken for granted by the congregation, prompting the Vicar to tell the Easter Vestry Meeting in 1889 that he "really wished the congregation would recognise the Churchwardens' services in undertaking to come here and sit for 2½ hours at the end of each half year to receive the rents."

The Vicar and Churchwardens usually got along well together and formed close and productive working relationships. Thus, for example, we read in the minutes of the 1882 Easter Vestry Meeting of the Vicar thanking Mr Hatch for his long service as Churchwarden, having "always exercised the greatest vigilance over the expenditure the parishioners might well trust the disbursement of funds to his hands", but he added that "he would like to see him more lavish in the expenditure of money and have greater faith in getting it afterwards."

But peace and harmony between Vicar and Churchwardens was not guaranteed, because the wardens had a duty to protect the interests of the church when they had reason to believe the Vicar was acting in a way contrary to that. Occasionally the Vicar would have to remind his wardens that he had ultimate responsibility for all matters relating to the church, and he would have the final word in any serious disagreement.

One disagreement became very public and very embarrassing for the church. It occurred in April 1882 and is described at length in the _Lancaster Gazette_ (10th and 15th April 1882) under the headline 'The Little Storm at St Thomas' Church Vestry Meeting'. It centred on "'Innovations' [that] have been introduced which have caused great pain to the Vicar's Churchwarden [Mr Hatch], and which the parishioners' warden [Mr Baynes] characterises as 'childish frivolities.'"

What were these 'innovations', and why did they cause such a falling out? It turns out that Mr Hatch was objecting to some changes in the interior of the church that were designed to brighten it up, particularly new carpets and cushions for the pulpit and reading desk, and a new Prayer Book, all paid for by members of the congregation, and the decoration of the church with flowers at festive seasons. He was particularly incensed that some nails had been hammered into the wooden pulpit on which to hang the floral decorations.

Mr Hatch argued that the Vicar had introduced these changes - which the Vicar described as "innocent decorations" but he thought smacked of "Popery" - without the approval of the Churchwardens, although the newspaper report challenged the accusation, insisting that "this special work was not undertaken without the sanction of at least one of the wardens [presumably Mr Baynes] who actually subscribed to the fund." The reporter wrote rhetorically "let us know what Romish doctrine is to be found underneath beds of moss and bunches of primroses, like a snake in the grass, that we may be made aware of the dangers we are in when we look admiringly and innocently upon spring flowers at Eastertide."

Although the paper thought that his language was too intemperate, it did agree with Mr Hatch that "to hammer nails into the pulpit of a church for the purpose of temporary decoration is an 'innovation' which no Churchwarden would be justified in tolerating, and he did quite right in expressing his determination to put a stop to the practice in future."

The paper came down firmly on the side of the Vicar, who "displayed a spirit of forbearance in the course he took. Ministers are too frequently arbitrary and self-willed in their dealings with their parishioners, but on this occasion Mr. Bone's attitude was most commendable."

The debate hinged on who had ultimate authority for looking after the church. Mr Hatch said that while he and Baynes were Churchwardens they "would insist... in prohibiting Mr Bone or anyone else from injuring the church property." The Vicar responded that Mr Hatch "must clearly understand that the incumbent of the church was the freeholder of the church, and that he must not be dictated to in that spirit of autocracy which would indicate to him that he was to make himself the servant of the Churchwardens."

The paper reported that, shortly after this exchange, "the Chairman [the Vicar] declined to continue to discussion, and the meeting came to a somewhat abrupt termination."

This was not St Thomas' finest hour and doubtless both sides in the dispute over-reacted over the 'innocent decorations'. Although the fall-out was very public and acrimonious, it seems that the hatchet was quickly buried because no further reference to it can be found in the minutes of church meetings or in the _Lancaster Gazette_.

John Bone was ahead of his time in calling for greater lay involvement in the life and work of the church, though he was envisaging lay members offering more assistance rather than exercising genuinely shared leadership. At the 1905 Easter Vestry Meeting he thanked the Churchwardens and Sidesmen and added that

" _their duties were important, and they were growing in importance from year to year. Sidesmen might be much more useful than merely assisting in collecting the offertories. They might be constituted as a permanent committee of church workers, to further the interests and organisations of the parish. In certain cases they did read the lessons, with advantage to the congregations and relief to the clergy. They needed more of the right kind of Congregationalism in the Church of England, and he would like to see the laity taking a more active interest in the work of the Church, giving active assistance to all the organisations. The weakness of the Church of England was that too much was left to the individual judgment and energy of the clergyman, and if he failed in the discharge of his duty - as he was apt to do in consequence of advancing age [John Bone was then about 65] or through his capacity not being equal to the strain - the parish suffered."_

Finances

Minutes of the Vestry Meetings and Meetings of Parishioners and Seat-holders start in 1875 and they offer us an insight into the financial workings of St Thomas' which was simply not possible through the _Lancaster Gazette_ reports we had to rely on for information about earlier years. For the first time in the history of the church it is possible to look at details of the budget, not only in terms of overall annual income and expenditure but where the money came from and what it was spent on. Perhaps not surprisingly balancing the books was a major challenge most years, but the story has some interesting twists and turns during John Bone's time as Vicar.

The main costs most years were the stipends (salaries) of the Vicar and Curate, and the upkeep and improvement of the buildings and facilities.

The incumbent's stipend was paid from pew rents collected by the Churchwardens twice a year from the pewholders, supplemented by a special collection taken up during the Easter services (which in 1895, for example, amounted to nearly £79 [£7,900]). The church had a fixed number of seats - it was built with a total of 1,100 sittings (pews and spaces on benches), more than a third of which were free - and no control over what could be charged for each seat, so the maximum income from pew rents was fixed. Pew rents could raise no more than £130 [£11,700] a year, and the income from this source was often much lower because not all pewholders paid up every year.

Money was also raised from donations (for example, in memory of a member of the congregation who had died), and from quarterly free will collections taken up in the services, usually in support of outside bodies (like missionary groups), support of the sick and the poor, and the work of the Churchwardens in maintaining and improving the buildings and facilities. Not all pewholders - including the wealthier individuals - attended services in church on a regular basis, so their contribution to the special collections was unpredictable.

Raising money to support a Curate was a perennial challenge, because during Bone's time the Church Pastoral Aid Society gave a grant as patron to cover half the cost (£60 a year [£4,400]) and the church was responsible for the other half. In August 1875 the Vicar explained to a Meeting of Parishioners and Seat-holders that "the excess of the offertory funds after providing for the sick and poor had hitherto been required to supplement the expense of Divine Worship incurred by the Churchwardens", and the best way of raising the £60 for a Curate was by means of a weekly offering. His suggestion was supported unanimously, and "the members present expressed themselves willing to hold themselves responsible for the deficiency if such there should be."

The Churchwardens' expenses tended to increase through time, partly because of increasing costs but also because a number of items of expenditure were passed from the Vicar to the wardens. Mr Hatch reported to the 1881 Easter Vestry Meeting that the Churchwardens' expenses had risen from nearly £35 [£2,700] in 1859, when he was first appointed, to nearly £104 [£8,000] in 1880. The Churchwardens were now responsible for various payments the Vicar had originally made, particularly the organist's salary (£25 [£1,900]), the cost of tuning the organ (£7 [£540]), the bell-ringers' fees (£12 [£930]), and payments to the choir boys (just over £5 [£390]) each year. They also paid the verger (£20 [£1,600]), which was previously covered from collections from the pewholders.

Income in most years through the 1880s was between about £115 [£9,000] and £125 [£9,700]), but expenses doubled between 1879 and 1882, from £98 [£7,800] to £204 [£16,000], so little wonder balancing the books was such a challenge. Much of the increased spend went on essential repairs and cleaning of the church, the purchase of a much larger gas meter, and repairs to the central heating system (Easter Vestry Meeting, March 1883).

Maintaining the organ was also proving difficult and costly, and in 1883 a committee was set up and collections started to fund a thorough restoration of it. At the Vestry Meeting the following April (1884) the Vicar reported that just under £223 [£18,000] had been donated to cover various costs of improving the church. £130 [£11,000] was spent on restoring the organ, a further £24 [£2,000] on lighting up the organ pipes, and £38 [£3,000] on extending the hot water radiators to the galleries and installing two ventilators in the roof of the church. Mr Baynes, one of the Churchwardens, had generously donated money to cover the cost of improving the church grounds, including "new lamps at the entrance gates, enclosing the land adjoining, and planting with shrubs."

With expenditure running higher than income in many years and no reserves to fall back on, the financial situation of the church remained precarious throughout most of John Bone's incumbency. Reading this today one might question the budgeting skills and money management of the people involved, but the Vicar remained firmly of the view that "God will provide". He said as much at the 1885 Vestry Meeting, where he announced that "he had never any doubt that the congregation would always find means sufficient for maintaining the worship of God in the church in a decent and solemn manner." One solution proposed at the May 1892 Meeting of the Churchwardens and Sidesmen was to take up a collection at each service, rather than four times a year.

Financial problems continued through much of the 1890s. In 1894, for example, the income was just under £236 [£21,000] and expenditure was £255 [£22,600], resulting in an overspend of £19 [£1,700]. How the books were balanced is not recorded in minutes of the Vestry Meetings... but this was becoming a regular pattern, and it must have exercised the minds and tested the resilience of the Vicar and Churchwardens.

At the Easter Vestry Meeting in 1894 the Vicar voiced his belief that there were a number of "well-to-do residents" living within the parish who were "Church people" but did not attend St Thomas'. As he put it

" _it seemed to him that, if the parochial principle of the Church of England was to be maintained, and if parishioners were to maintain a church for divine worship for the benefit of the parish, residents in that parish should recognise a responsibility in that matter, and contribute in some measure towards the support of divine worship and the maintenance of the church in their own parish. If they attended other churches then that was an advantage which they granted to themselves, but was one which did not, he thought, do away with their responsibility or of their contributing in some measure towards the support of the church to which they professed to belong in their own parish."_

From his perspective the solution to the church's enduring financial problems was simple - everyone who lived within the parish had a responsibility to contribute to the costs, no matter where they worshipped, if indeed they worshipped anywhere at all.

By 1898 the situation was getting serious. At the Easter Vestry Meeting that year the Vicar reported an overspend the previous year of more than £36 [£3,100], adding that "he did not see how [the heavy losses] were to be limited unless they closed the organ, or gave up ringing the bells."

He repeated his battle cry that "if the church had to be maintained in the parish, if it was lighted, warmed, cleaned, and the services to be maintained in it, they had a right to expect that the parishioners should themselves do something towards it." He excused Nonconformists who supported their own chapels as "altogether different" but insisted that -

" _people who were Church people [by which he meant Church of England people], they were ignoring one of the plainest duties of Church people, and that was to do their best to support the church which existed in their own parish, not only for their own welfare, but for the spiritual good of their neighbours, and especially their poorer neighbours."_

One parishioner at the meeting, a Mr Sattertwaite, suggested that they adopt "a more systematic way of giving", arguing that "if they had a method of giving so much every time there was a church expenses collection, he was sure their collections would increase." Unbeknowns to Mr Satterthwaite, these are the first suggestions on record of a move towards planned giving and the first hint of the need for a church stewardship campaign.

The situation seems to have improved somewhat over that year because although the church's running costs had risen they had all been met. The 1899 Easter Vestry Meeting heard that collections had raised £17 [£1,500] for the schools, £4 [£350] for the Sunday School, and more than £9 [£790] for the Curate's Sustentation Fund, and the Easter offerings to the Vicar came to £4 [£350]. Other collections for the Lancaster Infirmary, the Schoolmaster and Schoolmistress's Benevolent Fund, the Church Missionary Society, the Society for Waifs and Strays, Workhouse Chaplain's Fund, and others totalled just over £40 [£3,500]. It is heartening to read that, even when the financial situation was far from buoyant, the church continued its charitable giving to worthy causes, local and national.

The recovery was to be short-lived, however. Dr Forsythe, one of the Churchwardens, told the Easter Vestry Meeting in 1900 that the debt had been wiped out, books had balanced, and there was now a small surplus (less than eight shillings [£34]), but the coming year would require a sizeable expenditure on repairs and redecoration of the church. A report on the meeting in the Lancaster Observer noted that

" _The church finances are in a bad way and some drastic step needs to be taken. Exactly what should be done is not clear, but when it is seriously suggested that if things did not mend the organ might be abandoned in the interests of economy it will readily be allowed that matters are reaching an acute crisis. St Thomas' is not a wealthy parish, yet it is not one of the poorest. Its Vicar is a hard-working and zealous parson, and the record both of the church and schools is one to be proud of. The matter ought to be faced by the whole Churchfolk of the town, it seems to us, and Mr Bone should ask and expect assistance from others than those in his own parish. The present state of things at St Thomas' is a reproach to the energy and enthusiasm of the Church life of Lancaster."_

Further to the Vicar's plea that 'Church people' living within the parish should help financially, here was a local newspaper suggesting that other Anglican churches in Lancaster should also be helping out St Thomas'. There is no evidence that any of them responded positively to the call.

As predicted, the 1901 Easter Vestry Meeting heard that the accounts were back in deficit to the tune of £15 [£1,300], on a total income of £121 [£10,300] and expenditure of £136 [£11,500]. Churchwarden Hatch underlined the point that

" _if they were to carry on the services of that church in the way they had been doing by payments to organists, bell-ringers, etc., they must have a larger income. Payments on such things as the organ, the choir boys, and music, bell-ringing and bells amounted to no less than £69 8s [£5,900], or rather more than half their expenditure. These things could not continue unless more support was forthcoming."_

There are no signs of any serious efforts to balance the books sustainably other than by once again asking the congregation to dig deeper into their pockets in order to keep the church solvent. The Vicar suggested that "they must make more frequent appeals to the worshippers. Their old system of quarterly church collections had become obsolete. They must have more frequent collections in the church so that those who worshipped there as well as the seat holders might have an opportunity of contributing to the necessary expenses of Divine worship."

As well as the age-old challenge of raising enough funds to have a Curate (Browett was by then in post), the church was being asked by the Bishop to contribute to the Queen Victoria Clergy Fund (which sought to increase the income of poor parishes like St Thomas' to £200 [£17,000] a year) and to a scheme called the Twentieth Century Million Shilling Fund which sought to raise £50,000 [£4.2 million] towards the endowment of a State orchestra).

The same month the question of finances dominated a meeting of the Churchwardens and Sidesmen. Churchwarden Mr Hatch Junior gave an update on the estimated cost of essential work on the church, including repairs to the fabric (£35 [£3,000]), cleaning the church (£63 [£5,300]), some replacement windows (£17 [£1,400]) and work on the bells (£20 [£1,700]) and organ (£20 [£1,700]). He suggested that "a Bazaar or Sale of Work should be held in order to raise the amount of money necessary for these repairs", and the Vicar agreed to "call a meeting of the Ladies of the congregation for Wednesday next, for the purpose of forming a Ladies Committee."

The accounts presented at the 1902 Easter Vestry Meeting show where the money came from and what it was used for. That year the total income was £159 [£13,500], made up from collections for church expenses (£61 [£5,200]), offertories (£40 [£3,400]), donations (£20 [£1,700]), interest from the Bazaar Fund (£12 [£1,000]), profits from the Sale of Work (£5 [£420]), Vicar's rental of pews (£4 [£340]), alms box (18s [£76]), rent of Church House [4 Marton Street] (£17 [£1,400]), and special offertories including £16 [£1,400] for St Thomas' Schools £5 6s. [£450] for the Sunday School, £6 12s [£560] for the Curates' Sustentation Fund, £37 14s [£3,200] for the Easter Clergy Fund, and £44 [£3,700] for other projects.

Expenditure more or less balanced income but projected costs for "the resuscitation of the church" included sizeable sums required for work on the organ (around £250 [£21,200]), bells (£50 [£4,200]), church fabric (£50 [£4,200]), and the installation of electric lighting (£110 [£9,300]). The "resuscitation" work was expensive but enough money was raised to fund it, allowing Mr Hatch to report at the 1905 Easter Vestry Meeting that the electric lighting of the church was complete, the bells had been re-hung, the heating system had been repaired, but repairs to the organ had been put on hold.

Financial matters continued to occupy church meetings through the early years of the 20th century, with the budget ending in deficit most years. If the church was a company it would have been declared unviable by this stage.

The money raised from Bazaars or Sales of Work from 1899 onwards was becoming critical in keeping the church afloat and for funding particular projects for many years to come. For example, the Bazaar held on the 29thof October 1901 raised a total of £913 [£77,300] through the sale of work (£514 [£43,500]), tickets and entertainments (£111 [£9,400]) and donations (£288; [£24,400]). Costs were just over £85 [£7,200], leaving a net income of just under £828 [£70,100].

As well as raising much-needed cash, the Bazaars helped the church to keep its books in the black, making it possible to apply for grant support to outside bodies like the Diocesan Society and the Ecclesiastical Commissioners (fore-runner of the Church Commissioners). Thus the Vicar was able to report to the January 1902 Meeting of the Churchwardens and Sidesmen that he had successfully applied for grants of £200 [£17,000] from the Church Building Society, £50 [£4,200] from Mrs Fraser's Funds, and £250 [£21,200] from the Ecclesiastical Commissioners. On the strength of this, Mr Hatch's proposal that there should be "an Annual sale of work, or of old properties commonly called 'a jumble sale', in aid of the Church Expenses" was adopted with great enthusiasm.

It was not just a question of balancing the books, because matters of shared responsibility often reared their head. This was the case, for example, when Mr Hatch reminded the 1904 Easter Vestry Meeting that "when they considered the average amount of the collections - and he knew for a fact that three-fourths of it came from very few pockets - it did not place the congregation in a very pleasant light."

Silver Jubilee (1891)

1891 was a special year in the life of St Thomas' because it marked the 50th anniversary of the opening of the church. Special celebrations and thanksgiving services were organised in the third week of June.

The special Jubilee Services in church began on the morning of Sunday the 14th of June 1891. The Vicar read the prayers and the second lesson, Curate Benjamin Carr read the first lesson (Isaiah 12: 4), and Colin Campbell (visiting from Weston-super-Mare where he was now Vicar of Christ Church) gave the sermon, based on Psalm 127: 1 ('Except the Lord build the house, they labour in vain that built it.').

Campbell spoke for some time, reminding those present of how the church had been established by Armytage after he resigned as Curate in the Parish Church, "grasping beyond most men of his time the pure evangelical truth, and the prophetic unfolding of the things which should be thereafter." He reminded them of Elizabeth Salisbury's generosity in giving the church a £1,000 endowment, and his father's commitment to clearing the debt, building the schools, buying the Vicarage, and funding the spire, organ and church bells. Few of the original members of the congregation were still alive, but he was pleased to note that Mr Hatch, who had helped to build the church, was still giving faithfull service as a Churchwarden.

He believed that St Thomas' "had been a great blessing to those who lived in the neighbourhood", but reminded those listening that "the building of the material house of God was only a parable upon the construction of the parable of the spiritual church of God." He developed this theme by

" _comparing each individual soul in this latter church with the stones of which the material church was built, [and] he pointed out that these souls were so to speak gathered from many quarries in all parts of the earth, that they had to be built upon a solid foundation from which all deposit of worldliness and sin had been cleared away, that as solid walls were essential to the construction of the building they were worshipping in that morning, union was of essential importance in the church of God, and he trusted that they would one and all do all they could to bring each member of that church, scattered as they were, into living union and communion with each other."_

The service closed with the National Anthem "and the bells sent forth joyous peals." ( _Lancaster Gazette_ 17th June 1891)

The following evening (Monday) there was a congregational gathering at the Vicarage, hosted by the Vicar and his wife and attended by up to 300 members of the congregation. The weather was good, games were organised in the garden, and songs were sung by various people including one of the Vicar's sons. As the newspaper reported ( _Lancaster Gazette_ , 20th June 1891),

" _a few of the gentlemen present were much interested and gratified in examining and having lucidly explained to them the uses of Mr. Bone's astronomical instruments... One of the telescopes was mounted, and although the sun was considerably obscured by clouds, some of the spots on it could be seen at intervals."_

An organ recital was given in the church on the Tuesday evening, followed by a full choral evening service which included choirs from other Lancaster churches (St Mary's, St Anne's, Christ Church, St Luke's Skerton and St Paul's Scotforth) and members of the Lancaster Choral Society. "All the pieces were well played and highly appreciated by those present." ( _Lancaster Gazette_ , 20th June 1891) The Rev Canon Cross from Southport preached to a crowded church.

A congregational trip to Grange had been organised for the Wednesday afternoon, and despite dull weather between 600 and 700 people joined in

" _and on the whole [it] was enjoyable. Some of the party remained to enjoy the beauties of Grange - and where arrangements had been made for tea - whilst others made their way to Cartmel - some in waggonettes and other vehicles, and some on foot - where a short service was announced to be held in the Priory Church.... At the conclusion of the service a good number partook of tea at Shaftesbury House, which had been kindly lent for the occasion by Miss Coward... The choir and others had tea in the school-room, ample provision having been made for all. After a stroll around Cartmel the party returned to Grange, where the train was again taken, and Lancaster reached shortly before ten."_ ( _Lancaster Gazette,_ 20thJune 1891)

The final formal part of the celebrations was a Children's Flower Service in church on the Thursday evening, at which a Rev C. Riley preached. It "was largely attended. The scholars of the day and Sunday schools occupied the pews at each side of the nave, and brought with them offerings of flowers and fruits which they presented at the altar after the prayers had been read.... [after the service] The fruit and flowers will be given to the Lancaster Infirmary." ( _Lancaster Gazette_ , 20th June 1891)

The success of the Jubilee celebration was commented on at the Easter Vestry Meeting the following year (1892), where the Vicar reported that

" _the jubilee of St Thomas' last year was an event which was celebrated with the greatest satisfaction by the congregation, and the earnest attendance and the liberal efforts they bestowed upon that occasion testified to the great interest which was still felt, and had been felt for the last fifty years, in the welfare and progress of St Thomas' Church. The jubilee offertories realised upwards of £50 [£4,200], of which £22 [£1,900] was devoted to St Thomas' Schools and the other portion to the Curate's Sustentation Fund."_

Church fabric

When John Bone took over as Vicar in 1873 the church was pretty much as Colin Campbell Senior had left it nearly twenty years earlier. Little had been invested in the fabric, other than essential repairs and maintenance work.

It fell to him to launch a major restoration and improvement project, which would occupy him and the Churchwardens for some years. The first phase was modest but started the ball rolling; the April 1876 Meeting of the Parishioners asked the Churchwardens "to undertake the thorough cleaning of the church and decoration of the chancel, desiring that the font should be removed to the West-end and [Mr Howett] making the handsome offer of a Lectern if that were done." The 1878 Easter Vestry Meeting considered "some means to preserve the ground in front of the church more orderly" and the matter was left in the hands of the Churchwardens.

Momentum started to gather at the Congregational Tea Party in April 1882, at which Mr S. Harris (a former Mayor) spoke about the poor state the church organ was in and why a thorough restoration was necessary, and about "the present beastly and disgusting old seats" and his hope that "pews of a more modern description would be provided." In response the Vicar said he looked forward to the time when new church pews might be installed, noting that he

" _wanted to see the large luxurious pews compressed into smaller dimensions, and he wanted to see the nasty old sheep pens done away with. He also wanted to see the red merinos [coverings] stripped off and converted into flags if it was good enough for that purpose, and if not it should go into the ragbag. He should like to see good seats introduced, and he thought that seats (especially in a church like St Thomas's) might very well be appropriated, but seats ought always to be at the service of every individual who came to church to worship God. He held that no individual, whatever he paid for his seat, had any vested right in that seat to prevent any other person using it if there was room to spare, and when the service had once begin ought to be available for any person who felt inclined to come and worship.... He hoped that day would soon come when a change could be effected."_ ( _Lancaster Gazette,_ 30th April 1882)

Restoration and improvement

It took some years for the need for major restoration work to be seen as a priority. At the 1887 Easter Vestry Meeting a number of parishioners agreed that "no one could help feeling that the church required a complete renovation" and the general view was that the congregation should be willing to cover the costs. One church member said "it was absolutely necessary for the decent performance of divine worship and to be in decent keeping with the house of God."

The last renovation had been done five years earlier and cost £40 [£3,100]; the likely cost of renovation this time was estimated at around £100 [£8,700]. The following year the Vicar was able to tell the Vestry Meeting that the work of "thoroughly cleaning and so far as possible beautifying the church" had been done, for which "money had been cheerfully and liberally subscribed... [and] the church put into a fit condition for the purposes of Divine worship."

Despite such progress, the Churchwardens were determined not to rest on their laurels. They told the 1895 Easter Vestry Meeting that "they should endeavour to make the Church what it could easily be made - one of the best so far as cleanliness and stability of the fabric was concerned". Six months later Churchwarden John Hatch presented a plan to the Meeting of the Churchwardens and Sidesmen (22nd October 1895) for improving the West Gallery "for the purpose of better accommodating the choir and promoting the efficiency of the singing". His proposals were unanimously approved. Further improvements were agreed at the July 1902 Vestry Meeting, including installing electric lighting in the church, particularly in the Organ Gallery.

Organ

Mr Harris's concern about the church organ was acted upon, and it was taken out of use in March 1883 "in consequence of being very much out of order".

The organ was dismantled, cleaned and rebuilt by a Mr Rubb of Liverpool. About 7,000 new parts were added and all the original wires and nobs were replaced. It was recommissioned at a service in church in September 1883, led by the Vicar, at which the guest organist was Dr Spark from Leeds and the preacher was Rev Cross from Southport who spoke on 1 Chronicles 16:42 ("Hemun and Jeduthun were responsible for the sounding of the trumpets and cymbals and for the playing of the other instruments for sacred song.").

Cross reminded those present that "in the possession of an improved instrument worshippers were called upon for a greater dedication of themselves to God, a purer purity of heart, and a holier holiness of life." An appeal on behalf of the Organ Fund raised £20 14s [£1,600]. ( _Lancaster Gazette_ , 1st September 1883)

Seating

The matter of seating within the church had been challenging the Vicar and Churchwardens for some years. One issue was the need to increase the number of people who could be seated in the church. The 1878 Easter Vestry Meeting agreed that "it was considered advisable to provide more seat accommodation for the poor and the placing of some chairs in front of the pulpit and reading desk was sanctioned should the Churchwardens think it desirable." The Sidesmen played an important role in seating the congregation before services, for which the Vicar thanked them at the November 1896 and 1898 Meetings of the Churchwardens and Sidesmen.

A second important issue was making sure that pew rents were paid in full and on time, in order to maximise the church's income. At the 1876 Easter Meeting of the Parishioners Churchwarden Hatch "mentioned that as some of the seats had been let for less than the amount prescribed by the last schedule it was desirous that the proper amounts should be paid."

That was agreed in principle but not followed through in practice. Three years later at the 1879 Easter Vestry Meeting Mr Hatch once again "called the attention of the Vestry to the fact that some seat-holders had been hitherto charged less than that authorised by the Bishop's schedule, and wished the Vestry to express an opinion upon it. The Vestry was of the opinion that all seat rents should be collected by the Churchwardens according to the rate prescribed by the Bishop's schedule."

Over the next two decades income from pew rentals declined as more and more holders stopped making regular payments. This led the Vicar to declare, at the 1901 Easter Vestry Meeting, that St Thomas'

" _was becoming what he might call a free Church. The seat payments were fewer, yet it did not mean that the congregation was less. They provided a great amount of accommodation for those who came to worship there, and they were glad to do so. He was afraid that the opinion had gone out in past times that seat rents were not legal. There was not the slightest doubt, however, and he said it in the presence of a legal gentleman, that under the recent Acts of Parliament seat rents were the provision made for the stipend of the incumbent."_

A third issue, raised by a parishioner at the 1886 Easter Vestry Meeting, was "whether non-parishioners has any locus standi (right to appear) at that meeting? Had a seat-holder who was a non-parishioner any voice? It was a matter of fact that they did not follow the law strictly in that respect, because Mr Hatch was not a parishioner."

The Vicar replied that, if the appointment of Churchwardens "were a contested matter - which he did not at all anticipate - it would probably be his duty to take the votes only of parishioners." Today only the votes of people listed on the church's Electoral Roll can be counted, but it sounds as though that was not a requirement at the end of the 19th century.

Services

We hear more about the physical state of the church than its spiritual state during John Bone's time, but we do get glimpses of the services and worship.

Haythornthwaite (1875, p.82) visited St Thomas' on several Sundays in the mid-1870s, and describes what he thought of the service. He opens by noting that

" _the choir at St. Thomas's is still in its first twelve months of practice, and has not therefore developed the utmost perfection of which its members are capable. It consists, we are told, of about a dozen ladies, the same number of boys and about eight men, but the average attendance is under thirty."_

He then tells us what he thought of the music -

" _we were considerably astonished at first with the compound performance of the organ and choir, which was of a somewhat irregular and thunderous character. The effect upon delicate nerves must have been painful. Each broken note would shoot magnetically along the spine, and the full effect of the chorus would then fly off through the hands and feet in a series of electric shocks."_

He was clearly not impressed. He might have caught the church at a bad time, before the choir found its voice and before the organ had been fully restored.

He might have come away a more positive attitude had he attended one of the annual Harvest Festival services in church which began in 1880. As with the Annual Congregational Tea Parties, great efforts were made to decorate the premises for the Harvest Festival thanksgiving services. The _Lancaster Gazette_ (9th October 1880) describes how the church was decorated in 1880 -

" _The ledge of the painted east window was covered with a number of choice plants and ferns, and immediately under these and behind the altar was placed the text 'Thou visitest the earth and blessest it,' the letters being formed of grains of wheat on grass-green ground with a border of wheat and oats in the ear and autumn berries. Immediately under this text was another, 'Honour the Lord with thy first fruits, so shall thy barns be filled with plenty', worked in gold letters of a blue ground. The chancel stalls and chandeliers were decorated with ears of grain and dahlias, with a devise at the end, consisting of white everlastings on velvet ground, each being surmounted by a few ears of corn. The pulpit was very tastefully decorated, the edge round the top being hung with a fringe of oats in the ear and autumn berries; the pillars being covered with ivy and coloured flowers consisting of asters, etc, which gave it a very brilliant aspect, the panels being implanted with a miniature sheaf of grain, the central one having a similar device with a large bunch of grapes in the centre; and the base being arranged with a number of choice plants and flowers. The reading desk was surmounted with a fringe of oats in the ear and autumn berries; the panels having similar arrangements as the pulpit, with a bunch of grapes in the central panel, the base being strewn with a varied collection of ripe fruit and vegetables, the chief amongst them being a beautiful ornamental gourd. The font, the most beautiful of the whole of the decorations, and which showed to great advantage, was surrounded at its summit with a wreath of cotoneasters interspersed with geraniums, etc, below which was a succession of ivy and autumn berries, the steps being covered with moss; on its base next the ground was the text 'The Bread of Life'; and around it again was a number of choice plants neatly arranged; from the summit of the font was a beautiful hexagonal prismal construction, surmounted by a miniature sheaf of wheat, and between the sides of this construction in the inside were a few choice flowers neatly arranged. The organ was hung with the text, beautifully executed in coloured letters on a white ground, 'Sing ye praises with understanding.' The choir stalls or pews were also neatly decorated with corn and flowers. Above the principal entrance door in the porch was the text 'Enter his gates with thanksgiving,' neatly executed in coloured letters on a white ground."_

The Vicar was generally happy with the services and the number of people who turned up for them. He told the 1885 Easter Vestry Meeting that "the services had been well maintained, the congregations had been good."

Not everyone in the congregation had such a positive view, however. One parishioner announced at the Vestry Meeting two years later that

" _he would like in the church a little more lively service in the shape of singing. Churches seemed to degenerate if the congregation sat too quietly ... Instead of a choir of the present size, they might, he thought, obtain one five times as large in point of numbers. There ought also to be more congregational singing.... People did not always attend the church of the parish in which they lived. They hunted up and down for the very best singing and service they could find. He thought they might very much improve the services at St Thomas'.... He was quite sure they must all feel that their church was devoid of congregational singing. An occasional sermon on the value of singing as an aid to the services might be useful."_

The Vicar responded by saying that "he had long wished to see the services brighter and the singing more of a congregational character." He thought the choir was very good, but not in the best place upstairs in the West Gallery near the organ. He reminded his listeners that several years earlier, when the organ was being repaired, the choir was moved to the chancel in front of church, and "he thought that they then sang with a great deal more effect."

The Vicar also looked ahead to a time, probably after he had left, "when the organ must be brought down, when the choir must be placed in the chancel, and when the church must be re-seated." That turned out to be very prophetic, as we shall see in later chapters.

Discussions about where the choir sat and how well they sang were not allowed to overshadow the good news that, overall, the services were well received and attracted new people into the church. The Vicar told the 1899 Easter Vestry Meeting that "the services had... been well maintained and attended, and an increasing number of strangers [visitors] had been observed at the services, and he was sure the Churchwardens would be glad to give accommodation to any newcomers."

In 1902 the Bishop wrote a letter to all clergy in the Diocese encouraging them to give serious thought to the adoption of a new hymn book. At that time St Thomas', like many Anglican Churches, was using the _Hymnal (Companion to the Book of Common Prayer)_ , which contained few of the well known hymns and modern tunes that appeared in _Hymns Ancient and Modern_. The Churchwardens and Sidesmen, who discussed the matter at a meeting on the 10th of July 1902, were unanimously in favour of adopting the new hymn book; five days later, at a Vestry Meeting, it was agreed that the Vicar should write to the Bishop "asking what hymnal he should recommend, in case any change were made."

Congregation

The curious incident of the "innocent decorations" in April 1882 came from nowhere, with no hint beforehand that trouble was brewing. It may have been dramatic at the time, and the fact that it was played out in public certainly didn't help, but it appears to have caused no lasting damage. Good working relationships between the Vicar and Churchwardens were soon restored, and the Vicar's standing with his congregation remained undiminished.

Fourteen years later, in 1896, we get the first glimpse of an issue that was to sit like a dark cloud over St Thomas' for much of the next century, which was the prospect of having to relocate the church to another part of town because of declining congregations and precarious funding.

The first trace of this in any minutes of church meetings can be found in the 1896 Easter Vestry Meeting, when Churchwarden Hatch is reported to have said "it would be his pleasure to keep St Thomas' not only in its present position, but to see it filled with a hearty congregation, and to make it one of the best-going churches in this part of the country. They had a good church in every way...".

The church leadership appears to have kept calm and carried on. At the 1899 Vestry Meeting the Vicar reported that "in a time when there were so many unhappy dissensions in some parishes, it was a pleasure to know they were at peace, for it was nothing short of wickedness and folly to allow God's work to be hindered and frustrated by matters which were of altogether secondary importance."

It's not clear what the "unhappy dissentions in some parishes" were over (possibly continuing concerns over Catholic practices in the Anglican church), but it does seem that the Vicar was determined to keep his focus fixed firmly on the pastoral and missional ministries of St Thomas'. In that he appears to have been successful; in April 1902 one local newspaper (the _Lancaster Observer_ ) wrote of

" _The cordial relationship existing between the Vicar and his flock [which] was emphasised [at the Easter Vestry Meeting], and it is no small thing, as the Rev J. Bone hinted, for a clergyman, after a ministry of thirty years, to be able to look his people in the face with the consciousness that he has done his duty, and that they recognised it. Clergymen have their peculiarities... [but] the exercise of tact and common sense, and the recognition of the rights as well as the responsibilities of the laity, should remove - rather should they prevent - grave misunderstandings."_

One way in which John Bone tried to build good relationships with his parishioners was through organising social occasions at which they could spend time getting to know one another.

Pride of place went to the annual Congregational Tea Parties that were held on a mid-week evening in the Boys' School room behind church. Great efforts were made to make the place look nice. We read in the _Lancaster Gazette_ , for example, that for the January 1875 party

" _the decorations were very neat, and appropriate to the season of the year. The cross-beams were dressed with festoons of evergreens, whilst the side walls were adorned with wreaths of evergreens and paper flowers, the central parts displaying a variety of suitable mottoes.... Not the least important feature of attraction in the body of the room was a pretty Christmas Tree, upon which were arranged Chinese lanterns, and a variety of ornaments."_

Often between 200 and 250 people attended the Tea Parties, and they were treated to a variety of types of entertainment. Reports in the _Lancaster Gazette_ give a flavor - at the September 1883 party "an hour was devoted to a series of conjuring tricks, ventriloquist sketches, and illustrations of spiritualism"; at the January 1885 party the Temperance Choir sang several songs, and Mrs Bone (the Vicar's wife) sang 'Tell her I love her so' accompanied on the flute by her husband, and their son sang 'The Grey Mare'; at the March 1892 party a Mr Whiteman gave a two hour set called 'Merriment' "which consisted of original musical sketches of the company met with at an evening party; clever impersonations; and a burlesque conjuring séance, or an exposure of modern magic."

The Congregational Tea Parties also provided an opportunity to address the church members on important matters of the day. Thus, for example, in January 1875 the guest of honour William Armitage (former Curate at St Thomas' and now Vicar of St Paul's, Scotforth) announced that "parochial visiting had given him more pleasure than any other part of his work", proposed a vote of thanks to the District Visitors of St Thomas', and encouraged them not to be discouraged by "the misery and filth" they often encountered in their work ( _Lancaster Gazette_ , 9th January 1875).

In September 1883 the Vicar spoke about the need "to bind congregations together" and for every church to "be united and strong in its congregation". He emphasised the need for the members of St Thomas' to "be united one with another, if they were to carry on works of Christian usefulness with full vigour and effect." ( _Lancaster Gazette_ , 29th September 1883).

Armitage returned in January 1885 and, taking as his theme local churches working together, compared individual churches to the carriages of a railway, which were parts of one train - the Church. He noted ( _Lancaster Gazette_ , 10th January 1885) that

" _it was well that they should have them hooked well and fastened properly, in order that they might run well and safely together at a good speed... They all worked for one Master and one end; and if one carriage was heavily laden, the carriage behind or in front might not be; and so they as churches could help those that were heavily worked, and give support where it was needed."_

For reasons that remain unclear there appear to have been no annual Tea Parties for about four years in the late 1880s, but the next reported one held in February 1891 was attended by around 250 people. The Vicar was heartened to see among them many "who zealously took part in all good works connected with their parish, and who inspired them with courage and zeal for their duties by the regular attendance at the services of the church, and by their piety, zeal, and liberality.".

He touched on the sensitive question of the sustainability of the church, commenting that "a short time ago some laments seemed to have been uttered upon the state of St Thomas's, but he thought the present gathering was sufficient proof that there was a great deal of vitality in the old Church yet."

The Vicar took the large turn-out at the Tea Party, the congregation's generous giving towards the cost of a Curate, and the promise of further assistance from Lancaster's two largest employers (James Williamson and the Storey Brothers), as encouraging signs of support rallying around the church in its time of need. He said he was willing to learn lessons from the local Nonconformist chapels about how they engaged their supporters, and he thought that "what they needed in the Church of England was a more thorough and vigorous lay co-operation." He stressed in particular his belief that they

" _wanted amongst church people more realisation [that] religion... was a thing to live by and live in.... He did not think they wanted more religion in the sense of talking about it, or more affectation of it. They wanted more sanctification and as little sanctimoniousness as possible; they wanted that religion which would help them to discharge their various duties with an eye to justice between man and man, and by which they would be sure to please God and fulfil the law of Christ." (Lancaster Gazette, 14 thFebruary 1891)_

Without using the phrase, the Vicar was hoping for a time of spiritual renewal in St Thomas', which did eventually come more than seventy years later, as we shall see in Chapter 16.

The following year he highlighted "the social aspect of the Christian life", noting that "when they came together that night they came together to meet as friends and spend a social evening, and give way to those feelings of sociableness, of mirth, of happiness, and of innocent enjoyment which were strictly consonant with the spirit of the gospel." He bemoaned those who failed to attend church regularly without good reason, emphasising ( _Lancaster Gazette_ , 9th March 1892) that

" _the happiness and blessings to be obtained from the ministrations in the house of God were by no means inconsiderable, as it enabled them to undertake better the various duties of life, they were made more strong in principle, more sanguine in their efforts, and were enabled to look beyond this present life. If they only looked to the things of this life they were most miserable, for there was something more for men and women to do than live for the wages they earned, or the bread they put into their mouths. Man was possessed of an underlying soul, and that soul has aspirations; the aspirations of that soul were worth satisfying, and nowhere could it be more efficiently satisfied than by constant ministrations in the sanctuary which God himself had provided."_

Outreach and mission

Outreach during John Bone's time at St Thomas' took various forms.

Like his predecessors, the Vicar was keep to improve the lives of people living within the parish, and one way of doing this was by providing some relief the poor, particularly at Christmas time. The proceeds of the Bradshaw Bequest (a charity funded by a Mr Bradshaw who gave capital to the Vicar and Churchwardens of St Thomas' for the provision of bread, meat or fuel at Christmas to the poor connected to the parish; it finally closed in 1996) were used to buy food and gifts for two hundred poor people, who were each given 2 lbs of beef, a stone of potatoes and two ounces of tea from the fund, and a 4 lb loaf of bread donated by parishioners. (Meeting of the Churchwardens and Sidesmen, 15thDecember 1897; Vestry Meeting, 19th April 1900)

Unlike his predecessors, the Vicar was sympathetic to working with his Nonconformist colleagues. For example, in May 1892 he assisted in a Sunday afternoon service at the Wesleyan Chapel, in connection with an Adult Bible Class. There he "gave an excellent address, taking for his subject 'Dogs and Crumbs'. There was a good congregation, and much interest was displayed." ( _Blackburn Standard_ , 28th May 1892)

We find the first record of a local mission being organised in Lancaster by St Thomas' during John Bone's time. The week long mission took place early in December 1875, beginning with a short service in church on the Saturday evening followed by services held every night that week.

On the Tuesday the missioner, Rev T J Clarke from York, gave a talk to about 100 workmen employed by Messrs Baynes and Hatch (the Churchwardens). The _Lancaster Gazette_ reported on the 4th of December 1875 that "the address was a very earnest and practical one, specially appropriate to the occasion, and was well listened to with respectful attention by those present."

On Wednesday the missioner spoke at a meeting in church of about 150 business men, basing his remarks on Luke 10: 42 ("few things are needed") and "endeavoured to impress upon his hearers the importance and necessity of first seeking 'the kingdom of God and His righteousness'." During the week he also spoke to the workers at Queen Street Mill and to groups of mothers and children.

The evening meetings in church were well attended "and represent nearly every religious denomination in the town; the interest displayed in the services, and the devout feeling which has pervaded those present, being of a remarkable nature. The sermon each evening has been followed by an 'after meeting', for the benefit of those who felt specially anxious in regard to religious matters."

John Bone followed in the footsteps of previous Vicars at St Thomas' by taking an active interest in the Temperance Movement, accepting it as part of his duty to help the poor. Thus, for example, we find him addressing a 'Rescue' Tea Party held in the Palatine Hall in late December 1873, at which 320 working class people enjoyed 'Special Christmas Fare'. He spoke about

" _his testimony as a minister of the gospel to the enormous evils of the drink system and the drinking customs of our country. He believed that this was a most important matter at the present time... [when] artisans were receiving an unparalleled amount of wages - yet he feared they were living in times when a larger amount than ever of those wages was being spent on drink; and... if the working men were besotted with drink, England must go down and her prosperity must fail."_

He commented that, when he first arrived in Lancaster "it grieved him very much to see the number of boys from the country (and girls too) wandering about the streets, the greater part of whom were half-tipsy... They well knew that if a young man came and took a sip of drink which made him half tipsy he had taken the Devil into him - he had learnt the maddening influence of drink and that lad was soon on the road to drunkenness." ( _Lancaster Gazette_ , 21st December 1873)

The Vicar also spoke on temperance at the Ruri-Decanal [Deanery Synod] Conference in Lancaster in April 1875, declaring that

" _he had known men become sober and maintain their position for a time, but when the temptation came they fell back again. Very often the first glass did it, and the demon, the love of drink, became rampant once more, and the man fell lower and lower.... He thought the homes of the working classes had something to do with their drinking habits. Their homes in many instances were untidy, or they breathed the vitiated air of their close confined dwellings, and felt when morning came quite unrefreshed for the labours of the day, and in order to stimulate himself a man often took a drop at the dram-shop on the way to his work, and that frequently led to a day's drinking."_

He said he looked to Parliament to "deal with the subject, and give increased facilities for better dwellings for the working classes", but he also recognised the importance of better education and the role of the church. He put it all down to the matter of self-respect, concluding that "there had been a great improvement in the upper classes of late years, for now no gentleman would think of leaving the dinner table the worse for the wine he had drunk; and surely the same kind of feeling might be induced amongst the working classes." ( _Lancaster Gazette_ 24th April 1875)

Six months later he preached a special sermon on temperance at St Thomas', one of nine church leaders in Lancaster to do so in early September 1875. He preached on Philippians 3: 17-19 ("Join together in following my example... and... keep your eyes on those who live as we do.... many live as enemies of the cross of Christ."). He spoke of how

" _we in our own time, could not shut our eyes to the enormous evil of intemperance around us" and how "intemperance was a hydra-headed evil - a monster not to be destroyed by cutting off one of its heads only; it was a monster which brought degradation and ruin, and misery unto thousands and caused many to walk faithless to Christ, and worthless to the world. Intemperance did not refer to one kind of sin only; there was intemperance in eating as well as in drinking; and there was intemperance in dressing, and in spending, and in speaking - all forms of the same kind of evil."_

In concluding he "urged his hearers to look to Christ as the source from which all temperance and true sobriety will flourish." ( _Lancaster Gazette_ , 11th September 1875)

John Bone continued the St Thomas' tradition of supporting national missionary societies, but we find his name attached to fewer of them than his predecessors. He was president of the annual meetings of the Lancaster branch of the Church Missionary Society, certainly in 1878 ( _Lancaster Gazette_ , 22nd May 1878) and 1891 ( _Lancaster Gazette_ , 25thJuly 1891).

He also served as president and chairman of the annual meetings of the Religious Tract Society. At the October 1875 meeting in the Palatine Hall, he emphasised how small publications given away freely "had no doubt been blessed of God in the conversion of sinners, and in bringing people to a knowledge of God's word... [and how] there was a power in the gospel of Christ found without the aid of the living voice, and awakening of the sense of religion." ( _Lancaster Gazette_ 16th October 1875)

He told the October 1882 meeting of the Religious Tract Society, held in the Mechanics' Hall ( _Lancaster Gazette_ , 21st October 1882), that

" _we could not enter our hospitals, our workhouses, or prisons, nor go amongst bodies of men, such as crews of ships, or armies in the field, without feeling that the tract was the necessary accompaniment of the Word of God - the tract which pointed out in plain, clear, and distinct terms, those truths of salvation which were to be found in the Word of God."_

Sunday Schools

We hear relatively little about the Sunday Schools during John Bone's time; the absence of evidence to the contrary suggests that it probably ticked over quite smoothly. There was some discussion about it at the 1886 Easter Vestry Meeting, where a parishioner (Mr Bond) announced that "he did not know any better means of making a healthy spiritual church than by looking well after the Sunday school, where spiritual instruction should be given to their young people."

The _Lancaster Gazette_ on the 15th of August 1891 included a report of a Sunday School outing in which about a hundred pupils joined the Vicar and his wife, the Curate (Benjamin Carr), and several teachers, on a train trip to Caton:

" _On reaching Caton they were marched to a field which had been kindly lent for their use by Mr. Gregson. Here numerous games, races, etc. were indulged in by the younger children... At five o'clock the scholars assembled at the Victoria Institute, and partook of tea. .. On arriving back at Lancaster the children were marched to the school, and a distribution of sweets, marbles, etc., brought a pleasant afternoon to a close."_

Day (National) School

The St Thomas' Day Schools continued to prosper under John Bone, but towards the end of his time the funding and management of all National Schools underwent significant change. The Vicar was proud of what the schools were achieving and he supported them in word and deed.

Once a year he preached on the schools in church. In October 1874, for example, he preached on Colossians 3: 17 ("whatever you do... do it all in the name of the Lord Jesus, giving thanks to God the Father through him"), emphasising that "there was reason to believe that religious knowledge, given earnestly, systematically, and prayerfully, would result under God's blessing in true religion, which would hereafter be manifested in the lives and conversation of those who had been educated in our schools." ( _Lancaster Gazette_ , 3rd October 1874)

The Bishop of Manchester, Dr Fraser, was also a strong supporter of the National School system. Preaching at St Thomas' in February 1878 ( _Lancaster Gazette_ , 23rd February 1878), he

" _thought it right that there ought to be sufficient and efficient schools placed within the reach of every working man in this country, so that no person in the country should have the power to say that the parson, or the squire, or the farmer, or his employer, or any circumstance of society, prevented him from getting a suitable education for his children.... The practical upshot of it would be this - that in every place there would be good schools in which a working man's child could get an education suitable to its station, and if it had ability, work its way up from a low to a higher grade, and eventually attain to a university."_

By the late 1880s the St Thomas' Schools were important not only to the church but also to the whole town. In December 1888 there were 891 scholars on the books, with a daily average attendance of just under 700 ( _Lancaster Gazette_ , 15th December 1888). The Schools were certainly carrying their fair share of the educational load in Lancaster.

Major changes in the National School system were introduced after the turn of the century as a result of Government legislation. Under the 1902 Education Act newly created Local Education Authorities were given responsibility for educational matters, and Trustees were made liable for the maintenance of buildings. This led the Vicar to point out to the 1902 Easter Vestry Meeting that "it was most desirable that a Fabric Fund be established [for the school], and [he] hoped that some portion of the funds now in the Treasurer's hands would be appropriated for that purpose."

The 1902 Act also established a minimum age of twelve at which children could leave school and start work (usually as apprentices in the mills and factories). Before the Act there had been no lower limit, so many children left school at a very early age or split their time between school and part-time work in order to earn a wage to help the family finances.

A much bigger challenge for church schools was the 'confiscation' of local control which brought a significant reduction in the opportunities for religious education. The Vicar spoke about this "present crisis of affairs" at the 1906 Easter Vestry Meeting, where he pointed out that

" _schools built by Churchmen, on which millions of money had been spent for the purpose of carrying on national education concurrently with religious education in accordance with the principles of those who built and maintained those schools at great sacrifice, were to be taken out of the hands of the managers and trustees and carried on without any respect to the provisions of the trust deeds under which they were founded. Whatever religious teaching was permitted in them was to be carried out by teachers who might never have been instructed in or tested as to their belief in that instruction or their ability to impart it. Not so geography, arithmetic, or history."_

Religious instruction "according to the principles of the founder" would be permitted twice a week, if parents demanded it and trustees were willing to pay for it. A resolution was passed, stating that "this Vestry protests against any proposals which will alienate the religious education of the non-provided schools from that of the intentions of their founders, and place obstacles in the way of children being instructed in the religious faith of their parents." There is no evidence that the St Thomas' Vestry protest led to any change in heart or plan by the Government.

Death of the Vicar

John Bone appears to have enjoyed good health through most of his time as Vicar of St Thomas'. The only record we have of poor health comes in the minutes of the 1904 Easter Vestry Meeting, which had to be chaired by Curate Charles Browitt in the absence of the Vicar through illness. The absence was a short one because he took part in other meetings after this date.

John Bone died in Lancaster on the 27th of May 1906, having given 33 years' faithful service in St Thomas'. The cause of death is not know, nor how sudden it was, but we do know that he was fit enough to chair the Vestry Meeting on the 17th of April.

Like Colin Campbell Senior and Joseph Armytage before him, and John Dufour Ellenbergher his first Curate, John Bone died in post at St Thomas'. Half of the first six Vicars dying in post might not be a record, but it certainly makes St Thomas' look like a dangerous place to be incumbent of. Armytage was old and living in retirement in Bristol when he died; Campbell worked himself into an early grave. Bone was 71 years old when he died, so natural causes look likely.

Less than three weeks after the death of John Bone the congregation received the sad news that Colin Campbell Junior had died at Weston-super-Mare in Somerset on the 17th of June at the age of 72.

A meeting of the Churchwardens and Sidesmen held on the 22nd of June 1906, chaired by Churchwarden Dr Forsyth, agreed a series of proposals: "a vote of condolence was passed to the family of our late dear Vicar; and... a similar vote to the family of the late Rev Colin Campbell.... that an early meeting be held to consider a memorial to the late Rev J. Bone.... that a letter be sent to the CPAS in connection with the vacancy in the living.... that the ladies of the congregation be asked to put flowers in the vases on the Communion Table until the new Vicar came."

Because the _Lancaster Gazette_ had ceased publication by this time, we are robbed of the useful reports it traditionally carried on the departure or death of incumbents, which usually included an obituary. The only testimonial we have about John Bone comes from local writer J. Wane (1909) who knew him personally, who wrote -

" _a more sympathetic and kindly man there could not be. Of his preaching what can one say? When he let his mind go amongst his favourite stars, when he spoke of the wonders of Nature and always of the greatness and love of the Creator, his language rose to the very height of poetical eloquence. Such sermons as rendered by these two good men [Colin Campbell Junior and John Bone] are, in my opinion, as a layman, of infinitely more value to poor suffering and sinful humanity than the learned doctrinal discourses affected by some. A reference to St. Augustine, or other saints, does not appeal to me, nor does it I am sure to human beings tired with life's struggles."_

A memorial tablet to John Bone was erected in church in 1907 by his successor Stanley Hersee, and new pews were installed in the nave and aisles. Further details of this are given in the next chapter.

Identifying a lasting legacy left by John Bone, St Thomas' sixth Vicar, is something of a challenge. One claim to fame he has is as the church's longest serving Vicar to date, by some margin. He served 33 years; the next longest was Peter Guinness (20 years), closely followed by Samuel Latham (19 years) and Cyril Ashton (17 years), then Colin Campbell Junior (14 years).

Looking at the long sweep of his incumbency overall, it clearly marks the end of an era for St Thomas' and the start of a new chapter. Gone is the fervour displayed by the early Vicars as 'defenders of the faith', speaking out and protesting about Ritualism and 'Popery' within the Church of England, and about Nonconformity within the religious landscape of the country. In this area John Bone comes across as much more of a conciliator, perhaps even an accommodator, than his predecessors.

But Bone also shared some qualities with those who had gone before him. Most prominent of these was his emphasis on maintenance rather than mission. There are few signs of any great commitment to outreach and evangelism, and his focus was clearly on keeping going rather than reaching out or building up the church.

John Bone's time at St Thomas' must be viewed in the context of what was happening beyond the church in Britain but having an increasingly serious impact on the Established Church. The early 20th century was a time of great change in how people looked on and thought about religion, as a result of the growing emphasis on the notion of progress, the approach and discoveries of science, and the move towards personal objectives such as the pursuit of wealth and happiness. The church at large was struggling to capture the public imagination, especially in the face of the newly acquired authority and prestige of science, as educated people in particular started to look more towards science as a way of explaining things and towards humanism as a basis for personal morality. Paradoxically, the extension of universal education only made matters worse for the church, because it increased the spread of knowledge about science, its approaches and conclusions.

The church was starting to look old-fashioned and anachronistic in the emerging culture which church historian Roger Lloyd (1966, p.64) described as a mixture of "secular humanism and scientific utopianism". Religion was starting to engage in a struggle for survival, evidenced by declining public interest in and support for organised religion, declining church attendance and financial stability, and a decline in the power and effectiveness of the voice of the Church as the conscience of the nation.

Most people still looked to the Church to continue providing cradle-to-grave services such as baptisms, weddings and burials, but otherwise the people of Britain were starting to distance themselves from their national Church. Secularism was on the march in Britain as across mainland Europe during the first two decades of the 20th century.

But the Church was not about to roll over, admit defeat and die; it would at least try to fight back as best it could. On the last day of 1899 Canon Charles Gore had preached in Westminster Abbey, pointing out that "the 19th century was closing with a widespread sense of disappointment and anxiety among some who cared most for righteousness and truth." But he did see dim signs of hope, noting that "the lack of rival enthusiasms gave an opportunity to the Church to appeal to every man's conscience. They were on the eve of a fresh understanding of Christianity. The old Bible was being read afresh with new power. If there is for the moment silence, it may only be the hush before the wind of the divine spirit blows." (Lloyd 1966 pp.69-70)

In some ways Canon Gore was anticipating revival within the Church of England, when "the wind of the spirit" would indeed blow again, but that would not come for another six decades or so. When it did it would have a powerful and lasting impact, in St Thomas' and in many other churches across the land.

There is no evidence of any particular concern or reaction in St Thomas' to the challenge of Darwin's theory of evolution, as described in his ground-breaking book _The Origin of Species_ (1857). This may be partly because the Vicar was not only sympathetic to the ideas and approaches of modern science, but also an active participant in it through his astronomical observations and explanations.

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10. Stanley Hersee (1906-1914)

" _The Rev. Stanley John Hersee, who I am thankful to say has not yet qualified as a former Vicar, is, I venture to say, a worthy successor to the line of faithful and earnest men whose voices are now mute."_ (J. Wane, 1909)

Stanley John Hersee was born in Peckham, Surrey, in 1871, the second child of Alfred Hersee of Beckenham and Ellen Gibbs from Camberwell. His father had died before Stanley reached the age of twenty; in the 1891 census his mother is listed as a widow and head of the household "living on her own means" in Beckenham. Stanley attended Dulwich College and graduated from Corpus Christi at the University of Cambridge in 1894 with a BA 1894. He was ordained deacon in 1894 and started his clergy career as Curate at St Peter's, Islington.

He served as Curate of Cromer in Norfolk between 1896 and 1898, and was Metropolitan Association Secretary of the Irish Church Mission (which previous Vicars at St Thomas' had supported and prayed for) between 1898 and 1902, before moving north to serve as Chaplain of Smithills near Bolton in Lancashire from 1902 to 1906. By 1901, when he was living in Hornsea in Middlesex, he had married Sarah Jane from Plymouth in Devon and they had a daughter called Nora Ellen who was born in Hornsea in 1900. A second daughter, Margaret Eunice, was born in Hornsea in 1901.

Appointment and arrival

The Hersee family moved from Bolton to Lancaster in 1906 when Stanley was appointed Vicar of St Thomas'. He was the first Vicar to be selected by the Church Pastoral Aid Society; recall that ten years earlier Colin Campbell Junior had transferred the patronage from himself to CPAS at the request of John Bone.

They arrived in Lancaster a mere four months after the death of John Bone. Stanley is first listed in the Baptism Register as Vicar at St Thomas' on the 25th of September 1906. He chaired his first Vestry Meeting the following Easter, on the 2nd of April 1907. Alongside his work as Vicar at St Thomas' he also served as Chaplain to Lancaster Castle.

Like their predecessors the Hersees lived in the Vicarage in Queen Street, supported by three domestic servants. The family grew as Nora and Margaret were joined by two sisters, Mary Ainsworth (born in 1907) and Muriel de Hermann (1909) and a brother, Lawrence John Ambrose (1911), all of who were born in Lancaster.

Wane (1909) described Stanley Hersee as "a strong Evangelical Churchman, in sympathy with all forms of Christian work, and especially is an ardent supporter of Temperance reform and Missionary work."

We catch a glimpse of his passion for evangelism in a colourful incident from his early days as a clergyman in London. It happened in August 1896 when Hersee, then Curate at St Peter's in Islington, had a major falling out with the landlord of the Camden Head pub after he started holding an open air service outside the pub, including the use of loud musical instruments. In pursuit of revenge the landlord "employed employed an organ grinder for three Mondays to play in opposition to the army", but - as the _Pall Mall Gazette_ (28th August 1896) reported

" _the grinding of the grinder was as nought, being lost in the thunder of the big drum... In short, the Rev Stanley Hersee, his lutes, harps, sackbuts, psalteries, dulcimers and all kinds of musical instruments, including the big drum, appear to be an abominable nuisance; and if he be really anxious to promote religion he will, not to put too fine a point on it, hold his row."_

The story made it into _The Times_ (7th October 1896) which reported that -

" _Rev Stanley Hersee... was fined 30s. [£135] including costs [at Clerkenwell Court], for causing an obstruction by holding an open air service. The defendant declined on principle to pay the money, and the magistrate said that, if he would not do so, a distress warrant [which empowers a bailiff to collect the amount by removing goods or agreeing an instalment arrangement] would be issued."_

It looks likely that in due course Hersee paid up, having made his stand.

Lancaster during his time

Stanley Hersee was only Vicar of St Thomas' for eight years, but the face of the town was still changing over that period.

In 1906 the Palatine Hall was sold and converted into the Hippodrome Music Hall, where Gracie Fields was among many who performed. The Girls' Grammar School was founded in 1907. Lord Ashton funded the building of a new Town Hall in Dalton Square which opened in 1909, the same year as the Ashton Memorial was opened on the highest point in Williamson Park, along with an adjacent Palm House (now a Butterfly House).

Changes in the religious landscape include the opening by the Wesleyan Methodists of a chapel in Greaves in 1909, and the relocation of their Skerton chapel from Main Street to Owen Road in 1910.

By the early 1900s housing development had spread south and eastwards from Playhouse Field and the Freehold area to cover the Greaves Estate, parts of Bowerham Hill and up Primrose and East Road. Housing had also spread as far west as the Marsh, with larger houses for the wealthy on Abraham Heights. The borough boundaries had also been extended to include Scotforth and Skerton.

Curates

Stanley Hersey had the carry the entire clergy workload on his own for most of his first two years at St Thomas'. The minutes of the Church Council meeting held on the 7th of January 1908 note that "the Vicar spoke of the desirability of securing a Curate in the near future and it was resolved that he be authorised to obtain the services of a suitable man as soon as an opportunity presented and that the Congregation be asked to subscribe the necessary funds."

Progress was quickly made. The Vicar was able to report to the Easter Vestry Meeting that a new Curate had been found in the person of the H.C. Barrows, who "had a great deal of experience as a lay worker in the East end of London and other places" and was scheduled to be ordained on Trinity Sunday and be with them on the 14th of June. The Vicar proposed to give £50 [£4,000] of his stipend as Prison Chaplain to the Curate's Fund "and with the kind assistance of Lord Ashton and Messrs Storey they ought to be able to raise the balance [of the Curate's stipend] without much difficulty."

It looks as though Barrows never arrived to take up the post. He is not listed as Curate in the Baptism Register over this period, nor is he listed in _Crockford's Clerical Directory_ for 1920, so by then it looks as though he had either left the Church of England or died.

Recall how, 33 years earlier in 1875, John Dufour Ellenbergher had been appointed Curate by John Bone but didn't live long enough to take up the post. This was a pattern that Stanley Hersee and his successors would not want to see repeated too frequently.

The Vicar had better success in his search for a Curate the second time round, and by July that year Samuel Martin Johnstone had been appointed. He was born and raised in Australia, where he had trained for the ministry, was ordained deacon (1902) and priest (1904) in Sydney, and served three back-to-back Curacies - at St John's in Parramatta, Sydney (1902-04), St Barnabas' in Sydney (1904-07) and Dulwich Hill in New South Wales (1907-08). He first appears in the Baptism Register as Curate at St Thomas' on the 26th of July 1908, just over three months after the Vicar had announced the imminent arrival of H.C. Barrows. He attended his first Church Council meeting at St Thomas' on the 11th of September. He was in Lancaster just over a year; his final entry on the Baptism Register was on the 2nd of September 1909.

After Lancaster he moved back to Australia to become General Secretary of the Church Missionary Association, based in Sydney (1910-11), then Rector of St John's in Parramatta, Sydney (1911 to 1936), where he had served his first Curacy nine years earlier. His quick return to Australia came as no surprise to the Vicar, who told the Easter 1909 Vestry Meeting that Samuel Johnstone "had proved himself an able and devoted colleague, and expressed regret that his stay in England was not likely to be long, as he hoped to resume work in Australia in a few years. His ministry had been not only appreciated, but had been made a distinct blessing to many of the congregation." After St John's he was Archdeacon of Camden in Sydney (1936 to at least 1947) and a Canon of St Andrew's Cathedral in Sydney (1944 to at least 1947). He is not listed in _Crockford's Clerical Directory_ for 1949, so must have died in 1948.

Once again Stanley Hersee proved quick off the mark, introducing Henry Stokes Douglas Griffiths as the new Curate at a meeting of the Church Council on the 28th of September 1909. Griffiths graduated from St Catherine's College, University of Cambridge with a BA in 1902 and an MA in 1906, and was ordained deacon in 1903 and priest in 1904. He served his first Curacy at St Augustine's in Broxbourne (1903-06), followed by three years as Curate of St Jude's in East Brixton (1906-09). His stay in Lancaster was to be a short one; he is listed in the Baptism Register as Curate at St Thomas' between the 7th of October 1909 and the 30th of June 1910. He went on to serve Curacies at Cross Stone in Todmorden, West Yorkshire (1910-11), St John's in Macclesfield (1911-12), at Didsbury (1912-13), and Coleshill in Berkshire (1915-17), and as Vicar of Bobbington in Gloucester (from 1917 to at least 1947). He is not listed in _Crockford's Clerical Directory_ for 1948, so we must assume he died in 1947.

Four months later the Vicar had Griffiths' successor, Frederick George Llewellin, sitting beside him at the April 1911 Vestry Meeting. There he

" _expressed his appreciation of the help he had received during the past six months from his Curate... who had been a devoted colleague, and had done valuable work beyond the bounds of St Thomas's Parish. He had written a treatise on 'Sunday School Teaching' [1911], which had already obtained considerable circulation. In the Press there had been favourable comments on the value of the work, and he congratulated St Thomas's on their association with such a Curate. They also knew that Mr Llewellin was a doughty champion against the Mormons. The latter were trembling in their shoes as to where the next thrust should come from, and where he was going to strike the next blow. They hoped he would be successful in the near future in completely clearing them out of the Lancaster district."_

Frederick Llewellin was born in Liverpool in 1879 and in 1908 graduated from Trinity College, Dublin. He was ordained deacon (1906) and priest (1907), and served his first two curacies in Wales, at Llanhilleth (1906-07) and Panteg (1907-10). He first appears in the Baptism Register as Curate of St Thomas' on the 9th of October 1910. He left Lancaster on the 10th of October 1912 and then served as Curate of Northam in Devon (1913-16), Vicar of Clodock near Abergavenny (1916-22), Priest in Charge in Longtown (1916-20), and Vicar of Kidsgrove (from 1922 to at least 1940; he is not listed in _Crockord's Clerical Directory_ for 1947). Between 1917 and 1920 he restored and became patron of the 5th century British Church of Saint Clodock, 17 miles from Hereford, about whom he wrote the book _St Clodock, British King and Martyr_ (1919). In 1919 Llewellin graduated from the University of Durham as Bachelor of Divinity, although he must have been registered there as a part-time student because Stanley Hersee mentioned at the Easter 1913 Vestry Meeting that "they wished him every success in his studies at Durham", and he was incumbent at a number of churches between 1913 and 1919.

When Llewellin left St Thomas' the Curacy Fund was overdrawn by about £23 [£1,800], and the Church Council agreed on the 23rd of August 1912 that a Thank Offering Sunday should be held in February 1913 in support of that Fund. That decision was rescinded five months later, at the Church Council meeting held on the 21st of January 1913, where "after full discussion it was resolved to postpone the Thank Offering Sunday until the Vicar has engaged a suitable Curate. This he was empowered to do at the earliest possible opportunity, the Council undertaking to be responsible for raising the balance of the Stipend."

Eight months would pass before the Vicar could report to the Church Council meeting on the 18th of September that "he had secured a satisfactory Curate, the Rev F.P. [Frank Percival] Mansfield, who would take up his duties on the 1st of October." Mansfield sat alongside Hersee at the next Church Council meeting, on the 30th of October 1913. Born in Catford, London, in March 1873, he studied at the Schola Episcopi in Manchester, where Llewellyn Rees (Curate between 1897 and 1900) had trained. He was ordained deacon in 1900 and priest in 1901, and managed to pack five curacies into the next twelve years - at St Paul's in Hulme (1900-03), Dinting in Derbyshire (1903-05), St Stephen's in Manchester(1905-06), Holy Trinity in Rusholme (1906-10) and St Catherine's in Manchester (1910-13) - before being appointed Curate of St Thomas' (1913-18). After Lancaster he moved south to take over as Priest-in-Charge of Freckleton in Manchester (from 1918 to 1920), then became Rector of St Simon's in Salford (1920-26) and Vicar of St Stephen's in Preston (1926-31), before retiring to live in Stockport.

Loyal to the cause

A theme resurfaces in Stanley Hersee's time that exercised most of his predecessors other than John Bone, and that is concern at the 'Romeward Drift' of the Church of England.

It first appeared at the 1911 Easter Vestry Meeting, where the Vicar and Curate Llewellin voiced their concerns at the form of the prayer recommended by the Archbishops of Canterbury and York for use in church services on the Coronation of King George V in June, which included the words 'altar' and 'altar of God' 27 times during the service "in place of the words 'Holy Table' or 'Communion Table' as invariably used in the Book of Common Prayer".

They were objecting to the High Church language and emphasis of the service. Their protest was covered in The Times (19th April 1911) which reported their view that "the suggested service could not be used by a large and important section of Churchmen without violating their conscience and nullifying their teaching, and respectfully asking that the form of the service should be altered or that the Bishops should sanction an alternative rendering."

The theme surfaced again three years later at the 1914 Easter Vestry Meeting, where the Vicar

" _called attention to a petition that would be laid on the table for signature respecting Prayer Book revision. Certain proposals were before Convocation [fore-runner of Synod] that had been more or less accepted, and had taken concrete form, recommending drastic alterations connected with the ritual of the Church.... the extent of the changes... would alter the complexion of the Prayer Book and the order of the services.... They joined their own Bishop in a protest against what he defined as 'The Romeward Drift.'"_

The protest was against the adoption of Catholic vestments and practices (particularly the use of the 'Reserved Sacrament' and the restoration of Catholic-type Mass) in Anglican services. The Vicar urged Vestry members to be aware that

" _silence at such a time meant danger, and he invited all to sign the memorial, and bring to the notice of those whose duty it was to preserve the teaching of the Church of England, the resolution of its loyal sons and daughters to resist strenuously the introduction of medieval doctrine and practices which were opposed to the Holy Scriptures."_

Memorial to Rev Bone

The church had clearly appreciated the ministry of John Bone over more than three decades, and its members were keen to make sure that this was commemorated in an appropriate way.

It was agreed that a brass memorial tablet should be mounted on the north wall of the Chancel, and on the 26th of July 1907 a faculty was submitted to the diocese seeking permission to do this. The tablet was inscribed with the words "To the Glory of God and in loving memory of the Rev John Bone A.K.C. F.R.A.S for 33 years Vicar of this Parish. Born October 20th 1983 died May 27th 1906. A diligent and faithful Pastor beloved and respected by all." The tablet was taken down during the 1990s and is now stored in the church office.

The Church Council agreed on the 11th of September 1908 that "the reseating of the nave and aisles in Oak at an approximate cost of £420 [£34,200] be adopted as the memorial scheme to the late Vicar's memory and that it be commended to the hearty support of all friends of the late Mr Bone." Fund-raising got under way and by mid-January 1909 a total of £322 [£26,200] had been donated or promised. Within two months that had risen to £375 [£30,500], nearly 90 percent of the estimated cost. Work on the new oak pews and choir stalls was completed during 1909.

Church Governance

The Vestry Meeting Minute Book for January 1908 recorded that the Meeting of the Churchwardens and Sidesmen became the Church Council, which for the first time included elected representatives of the church membership without specific roles. Church Council would henceforth meet monthly, with the Vicar in the chair. The creation of the Church Council at St Thomas' in 1908 occurred four years before the Diocese had decided that "each parish should have a Parochial Church Council." (Church Council meeting, 23rd August 1912)

Three months later, at the Vestry Meeting in late April, the Vicar raised the question of dividing the diocese, in response to a memorandum he had received on the matter from the Bishop of Manchester. The Vicar said that

" _the formation of new bishoprics was a very doubtful advantage. The multiplication of machinery in the Church and the corresponding increase of cathedral staffs were not at all desirable. If the Bishop was overworked and the two suffragans of Burnley and Blackburn were not sufficient to relieve him a third might be appointed, and Lancaster would be suitable both as to position and income for his locus. The Church of England, especially considering the growing influence of other sections of the Church, was already over-weighted with expense, and a number of episcopal incomes could well be reduced if their obligations were reduced accordingly."_

The views of seat-holders were canvassed at a meeting held on the 24th of May, and four days later the re-convened Vestry Meeting agreed "that the need is not sufficiently apparent for undertaking the matter at the present time, especially in view of the large expenditure which would be involved."

That view seemed widely shared across the Diocese of Manchester, and question of division was kicked into the long grass. This would not be the end of the matter, however, because the new Diocese of Blackburn, to which St Thomas' would be attached, was eventually created eighteen years later in 1926.

Churchwardens

Few significant matters seem to have emerged during Stanley Hersee's time as Vicar that proved problematic for the Churchwardens. The only item specifically about them was a local newspaper report which picked up a statement made at the 1912 Easter Vestry Meeting that

" _the average age of the Churchwardens and Sidesmen - who number eighteen - was seventy and a half years. The revelation was a surprise, for no one, to look at the active and vigorous lay officers of St Thomas' would have credited them with having passed the Psalmist's allotted span of life. A still more remarkable fact was revealed, namely, that the average age of the church officers who collected the alms of the congregation on Good Friday was over 71 years. The Vicar certainly has had the advantage of the counsel of old men, and he was frank enough to admit that he had accepted it because it was good. Probably no other church can claim so remarkable a record."_

Longevity and long service were certainly hallmarks of the St Thomas' Churchwardens in those days. Mr Hatch Junior stood down as 'people's warden' at the 1914 Easter Vestry Meeting, after serving for 21 years. His father, who he took over from, had been warden for 33 years. Between them they had clocked up more than half a century of continuous service to the church.

Finances

Balancing the books had exercised the Churchwardens through much of John Bone's time as Vicar, and the challenge was to continue through Stanley Hersee's time too.

Churchwarden Hatch, presenting the accounts to the 1907 Easter Vestry Meeting, reported a total income for 1906 of £153 [£12,600], an increase on the previous year of £19 [£1,600]. He emphasised that "that was a satisfactory beginning, but they had a considerable debit, he was sorry to say. This was caused by necessary church cleaning before the new Vicar came, and the purchase of new hymn books. Coals had cost more than usual, more had been paid in alms to the poor, certain fees had to be met in connection with the new Vicar's appointment, the parish room [probably the one above a garage in Queen Street, referred to in the minutes of the Church Council meeting in September 1914] had cost more..."

The Vicar was pleased to report that "at the last rental day 40 additional sittings were let - a very satisfactory sign of improvement."

Income the following year came to £174 [£14,100], which after expenditure of £169 [£13,800] left a net balance of £5 [£300]. It was pointed out at the 1908 Easter Vestry Meeting that "since 1888 the accounts had shown a balance in hand on five occasions, on four they had balanced, and on the remainder there had been a deficit." The Vicar reported that this year £116 [£9,400], a greater amount than ever before, had been received in pew rents.

Income varied from year to year in ways that made financial planning very difficult. In 1909, for example, it fell to £173 [£14,000], with expenditure of £177 [£14,400], producing a loss of £3 [£400] over the year.

Most years the accounts barely broke even at best. The accounts for 1912, presented at the Easter Vestry Meeting, show a balance at the beginning of the year of £7 13s. [£600] and a balance at the end of the year of 2s. 11d. [£11].

Churchwarden Hatch told the 1911 Easter Vestry Meeting that "he had very great pleasure in presenting the accounts, because of the unusual experience of having a credit balance." Income totalled £206 [£15,900] and expenditure came to £175 [£13,400], leaving a balance of £31 [£2,500].

The breakdown of income by source is interesting - £128 [£10,100] was given in offertories for church expenses, £5 [£400] was donated for alms, rents raised a further £21 [£1,700], the congregational tea had a surplus of £2 [£160], £3 17s [£300] was raised from the sale of work in the school, and free will offerings in March totalled £138 [£11,000]. In addition there were special collections (included those for the School, Sunday School, Curate's Sustentation Fund, and the Easter offering for the Vicar) which raised a total of £31 14s [£2,500].

The matter of finances was discussed at great length at the 1910 Easter Vestry Meeting. Although it remained a challenge, the Vicar reported that

" _the amount raised for outside projects showed that their outlook was anything but parochial. They were proud of the earnest and self-denying interest the members of the congregation took in the church, and during the year they had had substantial evidence of it in the zeal put into the restoration scheme, which had been carried out to the general satisfaction. There was still a balance of £100 [£8,000] to be raised, and that must seriously engage their attention during the next twelve months.... No one could doubt that the improvement had conduced very much to the brightness and comfort of the church."_

The Church Council Meeting held on the 7th of November 1910 agreed "that an appeal be made to the Congregation to raise this amount [the £100] by a freewill offering to be presented in Church on Sunday March 3rd." The Thanks Offering Sunday was moved back one week to the 11thof March, and it raised a total of £138 [£11,000] (Church Council, 7thFebruary 1912).

One solution proposed to tackle the problem of fluctuating income was to increase the frequency of collections taken up during services. As the Vicar pointed out to the 1910 Easter Vestry Meeting "at present there was only one Sunday collection in the month, except where there were five Sundays in the month, when there were two, when collections were not taken. Some seat-holders had expressed regret that they had not an opportunity of contributing, and visitors were deprived of the blessing of giving and the church was deprived of the benefit. He suggested that an offering should be taken at each service for church expenses except when one was taken for outside objects. No one need feel an obligation to give, but everybody would then have an opportunity of contributing."

It was proving difficult to balance the books with all the internal expenses at St Thomas', but the challenge grew even bigger in 1912 when the Diocese introduced a scheme designed to significantly increase the annual Diocesan income, based largely on a levy on individual parishes.

The precise amount for each parish was to be assessed by the Ruri-Decanal [Deanery Synod] Conference, and "each parish [was to] make its own arrangements for raising the amount assessed." The Church Council meeting held on the 23rd of August 1912 was told that "the assessed Diocesan contributions be completed on Diocesan Sunday, and that they be sent in as soon as possible after that day." The following May the Church Council was informed that the Church Levy for St Thomas' had been assessed at £28 2s. [£2,200].

By 1914 the Vicar was pointing out to the Easter Vestry Meeting that "the period was a [financial] crisis in the history of the church." The extent to which this contributed to his decision to resign from St Thomas and move on to a post elsewhere remains unknown.

Grand Bazaar (1909)

The regular (annual or two-yearly) Bazaar or Sale of Work had proved very effective in John Bone's time as a means of raising much-needed income for the church, and the sums raised had been both highly impressing and greatly welcomed. Stanley Hersee continued that tradition, and we have an unusually detailed record of the 1909 Grand Bazaar because a copy of the printed programme for it is archived in the Lancaster City Library Local Studies Collection.

Planning for it started in September 1908, when the Church Council agreed "that the ladies of the congregation be asked, under Mrs Hersee's direction, to make preparations for a Bazaar at the earliest convenient date in the Spring with the object of raising £350 [£28,500] for this purpose (the cleaning and decorating of the Church, including the Chancel and Vestry), repairing the heating apparatus and other improvements in the Church."

In January 1909 the Church Council agreed "to engage the Assembly Rooms for the week May 10-14 inclusive at £5 10s. [£450], exclusive of light." But two months later the date was changed to Thursday the 13th to Saturday the 15th of May, "as it was considered that Saturday would prove a better day for sale." (Church Council, 22nd March 1909)

The objects of the bazaar were to provide funds for the cleaning and decorating of the church, the provision of choir stalls, the creation of a new vestry entrance and offices, and other improvements in the church as part of "a larger scheme for the improvement of our church". The latter, as we have seen, included re-seating of the nave and aisles, cleaning and repairing the organ, installing a new heating system, and repairs to the fabric.

The event was opened at 2 pm on Thursday 13th May 1909 by Miss Marton of Capernwray (whose family had donated the land on which St Thomas' was built over 60 years earlier). It ran over three days and included a full programme of entertainments, which included -

  * "Concerts arranged by Mr. A.E. Taylor and Mr. R.T. Goose.

  * The Centenary Quartette.

  * Concerts by St. Thomas' Infants.

  * The Noted Morris Dancers in their Songs and Dance.

  * Professors Pert Mervyn and Genochio in their unique performances.

  * Lantern lectures. Living pictures from the Hippodrome.

  * Palmistry: Madame Nora Mirabilis.

  * Phrenology: Professor Taylor.

  * Competitions galore: hat trimming, penny polishing, wood sawing, drawing, and nail driving, etc. electric fish pond. Bran tub. Height and weight testing.... Remember! All are Instructive, Humorous, and Recreative combined, besides helping the Bazaar Fund."

The Vicar gave a 30 minute Lantern Lecture ( _Tour through Lakeland_ ) on the Thursday evening, after the Morris Dancers had performed. He was followed by the Grand Concert, which included items by a Banjo and Mandolin Band, a duet 'Two Gay Owls' sung by Mr Leopold Cheyne and Mr J. Leytham. The Thursday entertainments closed with 'A humorous recital' by Mrs Gledhill.

Another concert on the Friday evening included selections from Bizet's _Carmen_ , Gilbert and Sullivan's _Mikado_ , and Offenbach's _Barcarolle_. The competitions look quaint by modern standards, and they reveal a great deal about gender stereotyping in early 20th England. The programme includes the following details -

" _Hat-trimming competition (for Gentlemen only), Friar's Balsom supplied for punctured fingers. Time allowed: 15 mins._

Nail-driving Competition (Ladies only); Each lady must drive the allotted number of nails on the positions marked for them. A prize will be awarded to the lady driving the nails most accurately in the shortest time.

Wood-sawing Competition (for Ladies only); Each lady must make two cuts across floor-board, one straight and one at an angle. Two prizes awarded to the ladies making the most accurate cuts, in the shortest time.

Polishing Competition (open to both Ladies and Gentlemen); A Prize will be awarded to the Lady or Gentleman polishing the largest number of pennies in the space of five minutes."

Church fabric

The reseating project in memory of John Bone (described below) became part of a broader restoration scheme carried out in 1909. As the Vicar reported to the Easter Vestry Meeting that year, the scheme was also designed "to increase the comfort of worshippers. He hoped it would also witness increased spiritual progress."

The Vicar added that "the scheme included the redecoration of the church and new heating apparatus... at a cost of £70 [£5,700] and the congregation had experienced increased comfort. They hoped the forthcoming bazaar would discharge the whole of the cost. For some time a fund had been accruing for the improvement of the vestry by constructing an entrance at the east end and providing lavatory accommodation, which was seriously needed."

According to the minutes of the Church Council Meeting held on the 22ndof March, a contract had been issued for the reseating of the nave and aisles with benches of smoked oak, and it was agreed "that a faculty for the completion of the whole scheme as presented in the plan, and including the extension of the chancel floor to provide for the erection of choir stalls, alterations in reading desk and pulpit, moving of the font to S.E. door be applied for." This faculty, dated the 28th of May 1909, also covered the creation of "a Vestry entrance and Offices". It was necessary to close the church while most of the work was carried out, and the Church Council agreed on the 22nd of March that a formal Re-opening be held on Sunday the 27th of June, at which Bishop Welldone (Dean of Manchester) would preach in the morning and Rev J.H. St.P. Jarrett (Vicar of Worthing) in the evening.

The September meeting of Church Council was given an update on the restoration scheme. They were told that "the reseating, choir stalls, vestry entrance, organ cleaning, decoration, repairs and new heating apparatus" were completed, and there was a cost overrun of about £137 [£11,100] which they hoped to meet by a supplementary sale in the Schools some time in November for the disposal of the goods left over from the annual Bazaar.

Steeple and bells

The church appears to have been happy with the steeple and bells, the building and installation of which Colin Campbell had funded and overseen back in 1852. The steeple had completed the outside appearance of the church and the bells were an effective way of calling people to worship and marking key moments in the life of the church.

But unhappiness with the bell-ringers surfaced at the 1908 Easter Vestry Meeting when Churchwarden Hatch "raised the question of bell-ringers and suggested for consideration that a chiming apparatus be substituted." He argued that they were "paying men who never came inside the church £12 [£980] a year... [and proposed that] a chiming apparatus should be purchased at a cost of £40 or £50 [£3,300 to £4,000]. They could have all the bells rung against five at present, and could have them rung when they thought fit."

His proposal appears not to have been accepted, because he made the same plea to the Vestry Meeting the following year, suggesting that "the ringing of the bells should be abolished in the interests of economy, and so effect a saving of £12 [£980] a year. They [the bells] were rather of the 'tinny' sort, and though they might be missed they constituted a luxury which might be done away with."

The proposal to replace people with a machine was driven more by financial considerations than musical ones because, as Mr Hatch pointed out (Vestry Meeting, April 1909), "that was the only item on which they could save, and unless they did so the congregation must dig deeper into their pockets."

The Vicar took a broader view, and was disappointed at the bell ringers' stubborn refusal to attend the church services. At the 1914 Easter Vestry Meeting he pointed out that "though they invited other people to come to church they declined to come in themselves. When he invited them 'they began with one accord to make excuse.' In some places the bell ringers were confined to members of the congregation. They said they were too warm to come into church after ringing."

Organ

As with the steeple and bells, the organ served the church well for over half a century, but by 1908 it was showing its age.

A report from specialists, "showing the serious and antiquated condition of the Instrument", was discussed at the Church Council meeting in February 1908, which agreed two proposals - one "for a new Organ as the memorial to the late Vicar" and the other that a letter from the Vicar "be sent to the Congregation to ascertain their feeling and the measure of support that could be counted upon."

The following month the Church Council agreed that "two or three Organ Builders be invited to tender for repairs." In September that year the Church Council accepted a quotation of £51 [£4,200] for the cost of cleaning and repairing the organ.

Seating

New oak pews and benches had been installed in church in 1909 as a memorial to John Bone, but some church members felt that the cushions and covers on them should be as uniform as possible. Thus at the September 1909 Church Council meeting the Vicar was asked "to request... those seat-holders furnishing would do in crimson and in accordance with patterns to be seen at Mr Johnson's."

The matter clearly wasn't resolved quickly, because seven months later, the Vicar told the 1910 Easter Vestry Meeting that "it was a little blot on the improvement scheme that the furnishing of the pews had such a 'scratch' appearance, and he asked the Vestry to consider whether it would not be the wisest plan to instruct the wardens to come to some decision as to a uniform pattern, and then invite the congregation to make donations as they felt disposed."

The colour of seat coverings was not the only matter relating to the pews that exercised the Vicar. He had advised the 1909 Easter Vestry Meeting that "after reseating was completed there would probably be a decrease in pew rentals, which had already decreased since he became Vicar owing the deaths and the failure to obtain new seat-holders."

At the Easter Vestry Meeting the following year he said he "felt very strongly that they ought to make worshippers feel that the house of God was a place where there was a welcome for everybody." Stopping short of proposing making more seats in church free from pew rental, he noted that "the assignment of a few pews at the back of the church as free seats was no absolutely ideal... [and] The mischief was accentuated by the fact that the rental seats were practically scattered over the whole church, and no stranger could sit down without a certain feeling of anxiety."

In conclusion, he said he "hoped the time would come when the gallery would be entirely free, and that would enable people to know that there was a part where they could sit where they liked." This was a brave forecast because his own stipend depended directly on the income raised from pew rentals. As we shall see, pew rental would eventually be abolished in St Thomas' 25 years later, in 1934.

Services

We hear almost nothing about the services during Stanley Hersee's time. In fact services are mentioned only twice in minutes of church meetings over that eight year period.

The first mention comes in the 1910 Easter Vestry Meeting when, after the 1909 restoration scheme, the Vicar said he felt that

" _their services were superior, as to the musical part, to two or three of the leading Manchester churches he had preached in for the Church Missionary Society, and their organist and choir deserved every credit for that."_

The second comes two years later, at the 1912 Easter Vestry Meeting, when the Vicar reported that "the number of communicants [on Easter Sunday] was 196, an increase [on last year] of 31, although many friends were from home. This showed that the spiritual as well as the monetary aspect of the work was being maintained."

Congregation

The Congregational Tea Parties that had been such a success during John Bone's time continued, probably annually, but few details about them are recorded in the minutes of Church Council meetings.

One was held on the 29th of January 1908, with catering provided by ladies of the church, and tickets sold at 9d [£3] each; it produced a profit of £1 10s [£122] which was paid into the Churchwardens Account (Church Council minutes, 6thFebruary 1908).

The only other references in Church Council minutes to Congregational Tea Parties between 1906 and 1914 are one in November 1910 agreeing to move it from January ("being found inconvenient to many") to Shrove Tuesday, and one in February 1912 agreeing to hold it in the Friends Hall on the 13th of February.

Parish Hall

One thing we hear about for the first time at St Thomas during Stanley Hersee's time is the need for some form of Parish Hall. It was already becoming apparent that, blessed as the church already was in terms of its premises (the church and the school buildings), other opportunities could be opened up if there was also a more flexible space in which groups of different sizes could meet.

The Vicar told the 1911 Easter Vestry Meeting that

" _amongst the questions they would have to face sooner or later was that of the provision of a parish room. The matter had been ventilated before, and they knew the need. Their school was not well adapted for Church and social gatherings in the evening, and he thought they should seriously consider the question. They could not possibly have the same freedom of action in a building used as a day school."_

No action was taken to pursue this during his years as Vicar, but as we shall see neither the need nor the ambition would diminish in the years ahead.

Vicarage

The Vicarage in Queen Street, which Colin Campbell Senior had bought in 1851 and generously donated to St Thomas' in 1853, is rarely mentioned in the minutes of church meetings over the following sixty years.

By 1913, with apparently little having been spent on its upkeep and improvement over that period, it was in need of investment. The Vicar and Churchwarden Hatch reported on the state of the Vicarage to the Church Council meeting on the 15th of May 1913, noting in particular the "serious condition of the water and sanitary arrangements". Church Council agreed unanimously that "the house should be put into a thorough and satisfactory condition and that the cost be defrayed by the Church aided by a grant from the Queen Anne's Bounty." Mr Hatch updated Church Council on the 18th of September, reporting that "the Queen Anne's Bounty Commissioners had made a grant of £100 [£7,700] towards the cost and there would remain a sum of about £125 [£9,600] for the Congregation to raise."

Outreach and mission

J. Wane (1909) might have described Stanley Hersee as an "ardent supporter of... missionary work", but it is difficult to evidence of any active engagement with it, either locally or wider afield.

We have the rather enigmatic minute of the 1911 Easter Vestry Meeting, which records that "the Lenten Lantern Services were a venture in order to induce more people to attend. The result was decidedly encouraging, for the attendance would be four or five times as large as they had previously had." But we have no information about what form those services took or whether they were a one-off event.

The only record of any local mission work is the minute of the December 1907 Church Council Meeting, which notes that 165 people were chosen to receive food (2 lbs of beef, 14 lbs of potatoes and 4 oz of tea, plus a loaf of bread and 2 lbs of onions donated by parishioners) from the Bradshaw Bequest.

The Vicar also spoke in favour of Temperance reform at the 1908 Easter Vestry Meeting, noting that it "affected the national life very deeply, and appealed to the best interests of men of all [political] parties.... he moved that the question of temperance reform ought to be considered apart from party interests, and concerned the national welfare and the progress of Christian life and work...". But talking about it and doing anything about it are two different things, and there is no evidence that he 'walked the talk' on Temperance reform.

One way in which Hersee contributed to the mission agenda was through the church's charitable giving to a range of national bodies. The minutes of the 1911 Easter Vestry Meeting includes a list of such bodies which includes - the Church Pastoral Aid Society, Teachers' Benevolent Fund, Whitehaven Colliery Disaster, Continental Church Missions, District Nursing Society, Workhouse Nursing Society, Workhouse Chaplain Fund, Church Missionary Society, C.M.S. Medical Missions, Diocesan Societies, British and Foreign Bible Society, and the Queen Victoria Clergy Fund. The minutes do not record how much money was involved in each case.

Day (National) School

The St Thomas' Schools, like all others in England and Wales, had had to adapt to the requirements of the 1902 Education Act.

Like many of his clergy colleagues in Lancaster and elsewhere Stanley Hersee had concerns particularly about the reduced amount of religious education built into the curriculum, and at the 1908 Easter Vestry Meeting he proposed that "a conference of representatives of the Church of England, Roman Catholics and Nonconformist churches be held to try and arrive at some method for adjusting the grievances existing, and maintaining religious teaching in a national system of education." His proposal was accepted, but there is no record about whether or how it was followed up.

The programme for the 1909 Grand Bazaar notes that Churchwarden John Hatch took charge of St Thomas' schools in 1879 "and so (D.V.) will complete 30 year's service in September next. During this period no less than 4,000 children have passed through Mr. Hatch's hands. Originally there were three departments, but in July, 1900, the boys' and girls' departments were combined."

Resignation and departure

With apparently little advance warning, Stanley Hersee announced at the 1914 Easter Vestry Meeting that "he was leaving St Thomas' very shortly to proceed to another parish in Blackburn to which the Bishop had appointed him. He wished to thank the wardens, sidesmen and the people for the splendid way in which they had supported him."

He left Lancaster shortly after Easter in 1914, having been Vicar of St Thomas' for eight years. The Curate, Frank Mansfield, 'looked after the shop' during the interregnum. The new Vicar, Robert Findlay, was in post by Easter 1915 but the exact date of his arrival is not known.

Hersee went on to serve as Vicar of Christ Church in Blackburn (1914-23), was Organising Secretary of the Church Association (1923-27), then returned to parish work as Vicar of Wootton Bassett in Wiltshire (1927-28), Curate of St Paul's in St Albans (1932-37) and Rector of Evenlode in Worcestershire (1937-39). He died at Stoke Abbotts Court in Worthing in 1941 at the age of 70.

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11. Robert Finlay (1915-1924)

Robert Alfred William Finlay was born in October 1869 at St Pancras in London. He was the first son and second child of William (a painter and decorator born in Donegal, Ireland) and Lavinia (born in Middlesex). He had two sisters, Sarah (who was five years older) and Maud (sixteen years younger) and two brothers, James (a year younger) and Robert (seven years younger).

He is the first Vicar of St Thomas' known to have trained for the ministry after a spell in other employment. The 1891 census lists him as a bookseller's assistant, living with his parents and siblings at 12 Rodney Residences in Clerkenwell, London. He was still a bookseller's assistant (then living in Redhill in Surrey) in August 1894 when he married Valerie Dorothea Müller (a spinster born in Switzerland but then living in Redhill) at St Matthew's Church in Redhill; the groom was 26 and his bride 18 years older.

Shortly after getting married he must have given up his bookselling job because they moved to Gloucester where he attended college and graduated in 1895. He was ordained deacon in 1897 and priest in 1898. Like John Bone, but unlike most of his predecessors at St Thomas', Robert Finlay was not an Oxbridge man.

He was nearly thirty when he took up his first clergy post as Curate at St Luke's at Barton Hill in Bristol (1897-1900). His entry in _Crockford's Clerical Directory_ lists him at the University of Durham in 1900, but doesn't say what he studied or whether he graduated. In the 1901 census he is listed as a 31-year old clergyman boarding at 79 High Street, Tow Law in Durham, with his wife Valeria.

After Durham he returned to Bristol to serve as Curate of Fishponds in Bristol (1902-07), Curate of The Temple (Holy Cross) in Bristol (1907-09) and then Vicar of St Lawrence's in Bristol (1909-14). His wife died some time between 1901 and 1911, and he is listed in the 1911 census living at the St Lawrence Vicarage in Bristol, with his parents and two domestic staff.

Three years later, in June 1914, the widowed clergyman (still living in Bristol) married Mary Selina Lewis, a spinster from South Kensington in London, at St Paul's Church in Onslow Square, Kensington. There is no record of any children from either of his marriages.

Appointment and arrival

It's not clear how long after his second marriage Robert Finlay resigned as Vicar of St Lawrence's in Bristol and moved north with his new bride Mary to become the eighth Vicar of St Thomas' (seventh if we discount Armytage's fateful second appointment). He was certainly in post by early April 1915, when he chaired the Easter Vestry Meeting. Stanley Hersee had left soon after Easter 1914, and Frank Mansfield had overseen the interregnum.

Looking back over the previous twelve months, at the Easter Vestry Meeting in April 1915, the new Vicar reported that "the past year had been one of quiet, steady work, and nothing of an epoch-making character had occurred. The outstanding event had been the change of Vicar." He noted that twelve months ago "the matter of the departure of Rev S.J. Hersee was referred to as 'a crisis' in the history of the church", and said he "hoped to see St Thomas' Church - which had been described as only second in importance [in Lancaster] to St Mary's - worthily filling its part in the church life of the town."

Lancaster during his time

Robert Finlay arrived in Lancaster after its economic and industrial heyday, but found a town still undergoing change and proud of its heritage. As Peter Gedge (2000, p.19) points out, by then the town's great age of church-building had come to an end, finances were limited, there were no more rich benefactors, local business were often taken over, and local unemployment was rising.

Farrer and Brownbill describe the Lancaster Robert Finlay first encountered in 1914:

" _The urban area, originally a small portion of the northern edge of the township bordering on the Lune, has extended itself to east and west, filling the gentle hollow between the Castle Hill on the west and the higher land on the east, which was formerly the moor; it has also stretched southwards over the border into Scotforth, and to some degree across the river into Skerton. There are still fields and open lands to the south-west, while on the east side the park and the asylum grounds check the growth of streets.... The main streets of old time continue to be the leading thoroughfares, but have been widened and otherwise improved as opportunity has allowed. The entrance to the town from the south, after descending from 'Pointer' on the Scotforth Road and crossing the canal, is by Penny Street, which leads down to the river-side; from it King Street turns off to the left to go directly to the Castle, which may be seen rising up in front. 'Pointer' marks the old boundary of the town. From it a road turns east to Bowerham, which contains barracks erected in 1876-80, the depot of No.4 Regimental District and head quarters of the 3 rd (Reserve) Battalion of the King's Own Royal Lancaster regiment. On the right side of the main road, just before the canal is reached, may be seen the remains of the old militia barracks [White Cross]."_

In 1920 the Palatine Hall building on Dalton Square, then the Hippodrome Music Hall, was bought by a Blackpool Company who changed its name and function to The County Cinema. This was the era of the silent movies ("talkies" came in with the release of _The Jazz Singer_ in 1927), and Lancaster now had its very own picture palace.

Events in Europe

If Stanley Hersee's time at St Thomas' had been quiet and uneventful, his successor would not enjoy such tranquility, thanks largely to events in Europe. The vote was given to women in Britain in 1918, but that had little direct impact on the church.

The first four years of Finlay's time as Vicar of St Thomas' would be overshadowed by the First World War that started on the 28th of July 1914 (Britain declared war on Germany on the 4th of August) and ended with the Armistice on the 11th of November 1918. No family in Britain could escape being touched directly or indirectly by the Great War, 'the war to end all wars'.

As church historian Roger Lloyd (1966 p.226) has pointed out "in the first year of the war some of the signs of a coming religious revival had undoubtedly existed. Churches were unwontedly full. In large numbers people came on weekdays to pray silently and on Sundays to worship in them." As we shall see, the war also brought great challenges for a town-centre church like St Thomas'.

Local impacts of the war

Stephen Constantine and Alan Warde (2001) describe a number of ways in which Lancaster experienced World War I.

After military conscription was imposed early in 1916 many unmarried local men aged between the ages of 18 and 40 were called up to fight; more than a thousand of them never returned to Lancaster, according to the bronze panels in the Garden of Remembrance beside the Town Hall.

Several Lancaster firms were redirected towards serving the war effort. The craftsmen at Waring and Gillows turned their hands and equipment to making aircraft wings and propellers; Storeys made shells at White Cross; the Caton Road Wagon Works was used initially as a prisoner of war camp for captured Germans, then from 1915 onwards it made shells which were filled at White Lund as part of the National Projectile Factory.

After the war the Westfield Memorial Village, funded and built on land donated by the Storey family, was built as a garden village for disabled ex-servicemen; it opened in November 1924.

Although the war started in mid-1914, it is not mentioned in any minutes of church meetings until April 1916 when the Church Council agreed to recommend that the Churchwardens should insure the church against air-raids, to the value of £7,000 [£370,000], with an annual premium of £7 [£270]. The war in the air at this time was largely confined to the continent, and although Zeppelin airships could fly as far as North West England - one raid dropped bombs on Bolton in September 1916, killing 13 civilians, and a second dropped bombs on Widnes in April 1918 - Lancaster was never attacked this way but there was always a risk and that had to be managed. The Easter Vestry Meeting that month heard that, as well as the additional insurance, £10 [£530] had been set aside "for darkening the church" - blackening out the windows so that church lighting would not assist the enemy in navigating at night.

Whilst financial matters were important, the much bigger concern was the impact of the war on the people of St Thomas'. The Easter Vestry Meeting in 1916 was told that 26 communicant members of the church were "with the forces" and 35 parishioners had so far lost their lives in the war. The Vicar told the meeting that

" _he was deeply grateful for the tokens of God's blessing which had attended the church during the year, and for the earnest efforts of the people. As they looked upon the parish they realised how much they were humbled, notwithstanding the efforts put forth by all the churches in their midst. And yet they started out again with fresh hope and prayer that the present year might see peace restored, and the home-coming of their friends."_

The minutes of the 1918 Easter Vestry Meeting record that "sympathetic reference was made to the men from the parish who were fighting, to the men who had made the supreme sacrifice, as well as to those who were missing and wounded."

By 1916 the war was seriously constraining what Robert Finlay had hoped to do in terms of building up St Thomas'. He told the Easter Vestry Meeting that the previous three years "in some respects... had been unfortunate years, for he came to the parish with great schemes, which had, however, been checked on account of the war, and they had had to go quietly on."

He pointed out that "the church renovation fund stood at £134 13s. [£7,100], but the scheme had been postponed until the end of the war" and noted that "the lighting restrictions had interfered with the evening work of the church organisations, and one or two had been in abeyance during the winter."

The matter of church lighting and darkening the windows posed a challenge for all churches, particularly after a national New Lighting Order was introduced in 1916, which included fines for non-observance. The Order required that, between two hours after sunset and before sunrise, all external lights (other than those approved by the Police on public safety grounds) must be extinguished, and "all lights which are not extinguished must be reduced to the minimum intensity consistent with safety, and so shaded or obscured that direct light is cut off in all directions above the horizontal, and no more than a diffused light is cast upon the ground."

PCC discussed the Lighting Order and its requirements in September 1916, and agreed to visit St Barnabas' Church in Morecambe to evaluate how their approach of covering the windows with green paper "affected the daylight at morning service". It also agreed to ask the Chief Constable (of Lancaster) if such an approach would be satisfactory for St Thomas'. The October PCC heard that "in order to use the daylight as much as possible" St Barnabas' fixed curtains to windows beneath the galleries and paper to the upper windows; it was agreed to adopt this solution at St Thomas'.

By late 1916 hopes were quite high that the war would not last much longer, and thoughts started turning to how best to remember those who had made the ultimate sacrifice. The PCC meeting that October briefly discussed a Service of Remembrance, and approved the hanging in the church porch of a Roll of Honour "of parishioners and members of the congregation who had died in the War."

As the war dragged on more and more clergy recognised the need for them to lead by example and volunteer for the war effort. The Vicar had told the 1916 Easter Vestry Meeting that the church had been called on to release one of its clergy for National Service, and Curate Frank Mansfield had offered his services though the offer was not taken up.

According to the minutes of the 1917 Easter Vestry Meeting, one local newspaper in Lancaster reported that some clergy

" _are waiting for the summons that will call them from parishes to ministerial work in the army or to some other form of national service; and others are prepared to do extra work at home in order to release the younger men for such service as the State may require of them. The Vicar of St Thomas's put the matter quite clearly when he showed that the clergy were as eager as anyone else to undertake national work. They are men imbued with the spirit of high adventure, and it is only a strong sense of duty and recognition of the spiritual authority of the Bishops that has prevented an exodus of clergy from town and country parishes."_

The following year, at the May PCC meeting, the Vicar "alluded to the question of conscription and National Service, and reported that he had volunteered for some service, but that no Curate could be got."

After the war finally ended in November 1918 minds could return once again to the question of remembrance. The Vicar introduced a discussion about "a Memorial to the men of the Parish who had been killed in the War" at the Church Council meeting in January 1919.

Four possible memorial schemes were considered - a new East Window, moving the organ downstairs (both thought impracticable at the time), a Parish Hall, and building a Baptistry - but no resolution was agreed to put to the congregation. The following month the PCC agreed to put three schemes before the congregation - a Parish Hall (no particulars given), alteration of the Chancel Window (estimated cost £800 [£28,700]), or erect a bronze tablet in the church (estimated cost £100 [£3,600]).

In March most members of PCC voted in favour of the window scheme, although the following month they discussed proposals to erect a tablet and agreed "that a referendum be first sent out, asking which of the three proposals the congregation would support? And to what extent in donations?" Unfortunately there is no record of what the result of the congregational "referendum" was.

The matter of a Parish Hall was pursued further in Robert Finlay's successor's time. There is no evidence of any changes to the Chancel Window, and if a bronze tablet was erected inside the church any trace of it has long since disappeared.

Some time after the war had ended the Vicar told the 1920 Easter Vestry Meeting that

" _he did not know what was the experience of his ministerial brethren, but his feeling was that since the war there had been a distinct reaction towards worldliness and indifference. Whether it arose from strain or fear, or both, there certainly was less inclination towards the things of God, but reactions had a way of spending themselves, and they must plod on in prayer and hope of a return to a state of mind in which people would see that their deepest needs were not carnal but spiritual."_

"Plod on in prayer" sounds like the words of a seriously disheartened clergyman, but Finlay's disappointment at how the war had overshadowed and curtailed his attempts to build up St Thomas' is understandable.

The "distinct reaction towards worldliness and indifference" was not simply a result of the war, however. At this time secularisation was on the march across Europe, doubtless assisted by changing attitudes and values triggered at least in part by the horrors and disappointments of the Great War.

Curate

Two recurring and inter-linked challenges that had exercised former Vicars at St Thomas' continued to surface during Robert Finlay's time, and these were finance and Curates.

Finlay was fortunate, when he arrived, to have the assistance of Frank Mansfield, the Curate who had looked after St Thomas' during the brief interregnum. But it was only a matter of time before Mansfield would move on to his next post, and the Vicar told the Church Council in December 1917 that he would be instituted as Priest-in-Charge at Freckleton in Manchester in March the following year. We outlined the rest of Frank Mansfield's career in the last chapter.

Eighteen months later the Vicar reminded the 1920 Easter Vestry Meeting that "there had been no collections for the Curate Fund, as the parish had been without a Curate for two years, and one of the first things the new council would have to consider was whether the parish should have a Curate." In July 1921 he explained to PCC "the position regarding the development of church work and the necessity for help, either full-time as a Curate, or partial in the form of a Lay Reader or other occasional helper.... Owing to the financial position it was eventually... resolved that the question of the appointment of a Curate be deferred for the present."

They probably needed no reminding, but the Vicar pointed out to the 1923 Easter Vestry Meeting that the church had been without a Curate for five years. After a discussion that September on how to raise the extra £120 [£5,400] a year needed to fund a Curate, PCC agreed "that the appointment of an Assistant Curate be not proceeded with."

Church Governance

One minor but interesting aspect of church governance during Robert Finlay's time was the fact that minutes of the Vestry Meetings were not formally written up in the Minute Book, as had happened under previous Vicars, but cut from local newspaper reports and pasted in the Minute Book.

This was only possible because local journalists from the _Lancaster Obse_ rver and _Lancaster Guardian_ routinely sat in on church meetings and wrote fairly comprehensive reports which the paper published the same week. This was also true of the other Anglican churches in Lancaster and it shows a desire on behalf of the churches to let local people know what was happening and why, and an appetite among locals to find out what was happening in other churches than their own (and presumably also sometimes in their own).

Much more important were the changes being introduced by the Church of England in the governance of its parish churches. They began with a 1917 _Report of the Archbishop's Committee on Church and State_ that proposed, amongst other things, that Parochial Church Councils (PCCs) should agree a budget for the year and keep a Register of Members. The report also discussed how to define 'communicant' - was baptism, or baptism with some form of declaration, a sufficient qualification?

Three years later, at the February 1920 PCC meeting, the Vicar outlined the main elements of the Parochial Church Council Enabling Act then being drafted, including the requirement to update the Church Roll each year before the Annual Parochial Meeting, and guidelines on the number of members the Church Council should have. PCC agreed that it should consist of twenty elected members ("of whom five shall be ladies"), including the two Churchwardens and the two representatives on the Diocesan Conference and the Ruri-Decanal [Deanery] Conference.

The newly created PCC met for the first time on the 15th of April 1920, with the Vicar in the chair, with its twenty members including the Vicar's wife. This is the first mention of female representation in the church's governing body in the history of St Thomas'. At the Easter Vestry Meeting five days later Vicar told members that

" _there was nothing in the Enabling Act that in any way touched the legal functions of the Easter Vestry. What the Act clearly did was to remove entirely parochial matters and matters of church business which had hitherto been brought before the vestry for lack of other opportunity. The vestry was a parish gathering, and the parochial church meeting was a distinctly church meeting."_

The Vicar updated PCC in September 1920 on the legislation that was to be discussed at the National Assembly (forerunner of General Synod) on the 15th of November. He summarised "its most important provisions, especially those relating to the gradual abolition of the Vestry Meeting, financial affairs, allocation of the collections, consultation with the Patron or Patrons about vacancies in the Vicariate, and possible representations to the Bishop before a Vicar is instituted." So, despite the Vicar's assurances to the Easter Vestry Meeting, the Act would introduce fundamental changes in church governance.

The Parochial Church Council Powers Measure was passed early in 1921, and at a joint meeting of the Vestry and the Parochial Church in St Thomas', held on the 19th of April 1922, the Vicar emphasised that the new PCC "was now the most important gathering in connection with the church.... practically all the business of the old Vestry meeting was now transferred to the Parochial Church Meeting." The only item of business that evening was the election of Churchwardens for the following year, during which the Vicar thanked Mr W. Swainson who was standing down after 33 years service as Churchwarden.

At the August 1924 PCC meeting the Vicar reported on a series of measures which had recently been passed by the National Assembly and received Royal Assent, including the Bishop of Blackburn Measure, which required a contribution of £80 [£3,600] per church to fund the establishment of the new Diocese of Blackburn. There was also a Dilapidations Measure, which required that all Vicarages and buildings belonging to them should be properly repaired within seven years.

A measure that would turn out to have particular relevance to St Thomas' was the Union of Benefices Measure, under which two or more benefices could be united and parish boundaries altered "by annexation or severance".

Parish boundary

Shortly after Robert Finlay took up his post we see signs of a growing concern over population changes within Lancaster, particularly within St Thomas' parish. There was a net movement of people from the town centre towards the growing suburbs, triggered by a combination of industrial decline, better housing standards and rising standards of living.

The Vicar spoke about this at his first Easter Vestry Meeting, in 1915. He noted that

" _St Thomas' parish had its own difficulties, and one was the decreasing population. The Henry-street district [the former mill area north of the canal and west of Penny Street, where B &Q is situated today] was gradually closing down, and one side [the north side] of Common Garden-street would soon have to make way for street widening. He hoped that some day the Bishop of the diocese would set up a parochial boundaries commission in Lancaster, under which St Thomas' boundaries would be enlarged. If any neighbouring Vicars, however, thought their parishes were larger than they could conveniently manage, he would come to their aid by accepting a slice from one or each of them."_

This situation would get more challenging after the end of the war (World War I), particularly with rapid residential development in Grieves, Primrose and Bowerham.

The Vicar noted at the 1920 Easter Vestry Meeting that "they had had some serious removals and deaths, and like other places had felt the effects of the general exodus consequent upon the closing of the great works." At the 1924 meeting he "alluded to the gradual decrease of the population of the parish, and suggested the time was rife for the revision of the boundaries of the ecclesiastical parishes of the town."

A report on population change within the parish, in the _Lancaster Observer_ in April 1924, set the change in context:

" _From the recently published census returns, it would seem that the population of this parish continued to decrease. The figures for the last four decades were 1891, 3,153; 1901, 2,845; 1911, 2,383; and 1921, 2,169. The last return also showed that of the seven ecclesiastical parishes in the town, six have decreased in population, Scotforth being the exception. A revision of the ecclesiastical parishes of the town seemed to be therefore both urgent and advantageous."_

This theme would keep resurfacing, as we shall see in later chapters, casting a shadow over St Thomas' for many decades, testing the patience and resilience of more than a few Vicars.

Finances

The church finances were generally in sound shape through most of Finlay's time, judging from annual reports of the Easter Vestry Meetings. He was able to report at his first such meeting, in 1915, that the collections (£435 16s. [£27,200]) were up on last year (£268 12s. [£16,800]), total expenditure over the year had been £486 [£30,000], and there was balance of £1 [£62] in hand. The Easter offerings given to the Vicar to supplement his meagre stipend came to £43 11s. [£2,700] in 1915, up £11 [£690] on the previous year. A record Easter offering of £54 9s. [£1,900] was noted in 1921.

Over the following years the total annual income varied around the £450 to £500 mark. In 1916 it was £493 9s. [£26,000]; in 1918 it was £504 10s. [£19,200], of which £481 3s. [£18,300] came from collections in church; in 1920 it was £457 10s. [£14,300]); and in 1921 it was £471 13s. [£16,300]. Most financial years ended with a small balance in hand; in 1918 it was £3 6s. [£175]; in 1918 it was £2 15s. [£105]; in 1920 it was £7 8s. [£230]; in 1921 it was £2 12s. [£90]; and in 1922 it was £1 7s. [£58].

The church also faced sizeable expenditure. In the year ending at Easter 1920, for example, £400 [£12,500] had been spent on renovating the church, £146 [£4,600] had been given to outside organisations, and the Church Levy was £28 [£880]. The PCC meeting held in late June that year approved an increase in the church insurance from £7,000 [£219,300] to £10,000 [£313,300].

The Vicar's salary for the 1919-20 financial year had been £378 15s. [£11,900] including the Easter offering of £46 16s. [£1,500]. In 1921-2 his stipend was £396 6s. [£16,900].

As well as covering its own running costs, like all other Anglican churches St Thomas' was required to contribute towards the costs of running the diocese, through the Church Levy. On top of that, the Vicar told PCC in March 1922 that he had received a letter from the Bishop "announcing announcing that the National Assembly would require from each Church a sum equal to two-thirds of the Church Levy as a contribution to the Central Fund of the Church of England."

Each year the PCC agreed a programme of Special Church Collections for particular purposes. The programme agreed in November 1921, for example, covered parish purposes and outside groups (which the PCC Minutes refer to as "Outside Objects").

Collections for parish purposes covered the Day Schools, Sunday Schools, Choir Fund, Endowment Fund, General Purpose Fund, Easter Offering, and the Sick and Poor Fund. Collections for outside groups covered the Lancaster Infirmary, the District Nurses Association and Workhouse Chaplain Fund, the British and Foreign Bible Society (BFBS), the Church Missionary Society (CMS), the South American Mission Society (SAMS), the Church Pastoral Aid Society (CPAS), as well as Diocesan Societies, the Queen Victoria Clergy Fund, the Central Fund of the Church of England, the National Society, and the Church Levy.

Although these missionary groups and organisations are listed for the first time in the accounts for 1921, St Thomas' had long supported many of them both in prayer and financially. It remains one of the church's great strengths that it continues to support wider mission work beyond the parish.

Finlay's last two years at St Thomas' were amongst the best yet, from a financial point of view, in the life of the church. The PCC report for February 1923, for example, shows a total income the previous year of £509 16s. [£22,700] - the third highest in 77 years - and expenditure of £500 05s. [£22,275], leaving a balance in the bank of £9 11s. [£425], the highest since the church opened. The Easter Offering that year (£55 14s. [£2,500]) was also the largest to date. The finances were in even better shape the following year; total income in the year ending January 1924 came to £531 14s. [£23,600] and expenditure was £506 18s. [£22,500], producing a balance in the bank of £24 16s. [£1,100].

Through John Bone's and Stanley Hersee's years the income generated by the Bazaars or Sales of Work had been vitally important in balancing the books. During Robert Finlay's time income from collections had generally been adequate to cover expenditure, although little was spent on maintenance or improvement of the facilities.

Only one Bazaar is mentioned in the PCC minutes during Finlay's time - in November 1923 PCC agreed to hold a Bazaar the following year to raise money for "the Endowment Fund, the Day School Fund, the Fabric Fund, and if possible funds for a better Parish Hall" (although repairs to the church bells was also mentioned in the PCC Minutes for September 1923). But within three months they agreed to abandon it.

By the mid-1920s the evidence suggests that interest in the Bazaar as a funding mechanism was on the decline. This was probably because the very people who were already giving generously to the Church would also be the ones who would have to run it!

Church fabric

At his first Easter Vestry Meeting on the 6th of April 1915 Robert Finlay, recently arrived, said he "hoped the year would see the first part of the church restoration scheme begun.... The chancel improvement seemed to be urgently needed."

He was presumably referring to a backlog of work left undone from Stanley Hersee's time, when the church finances had been in a precarious state. Some of the work would be quite large-scale and require major funding, but other projects would be smaller and could in some cases be funded by individuals.

Organ

One potentially expensive project, which would exercise the minds of Vicars and Churchwardens for many years to come, was the organ. It was a central part of the church services, and in regular use, but by the early 1920s it was in need of repair and a thorough cleaning.

The need was discussed by PCC in November 1921, by February 1922 estimates for the work required were been waited for, and in June 1923 "the question of repairing or removing of the Church Organ was again considered and it was decided... 'That the matter be dropped.'" It was dropped more on financial grounds than lack of need, and to provide continuity of musical support in the services in January 1924 the PCC agreed to buy a harmonium for the church.

Other items

As ever, some families and individuals in the congregation were generous in the gifts they gave to their church. Thus, for example, the Vicar was pleased to report to PC in March 1915 the gift of "two sets of fine linen for the Communion Table. Some ladies had offered to give a new curtain for the East Door. Some other ladies - linoleum for Parish Room and staircase: cost £8. 3s [£510]. Another lady had wiped off the balance on the Parish Magazine Account."

The following month the Vicar told PCC that an unnamed member of the congregation had offered to pay for a Reredos (an ornamental screen behind the altar) and oak panelling for the East wall of the Chancel, in memory of a relative. The faculty for the reredos (archived in the Public Record Office in Preston) was submitted to the Diocese in June 1915.

Other minor changes to the inside of church were also made during Finlay's time. The Vicar's wife spoke at the September 1920 PCC meeting "about the dark chancel and the dark pews upstairs, and the consequent disturbances of the services. The Churchwardens were advised to improve the lighting, and Mr Hartley promised to make enquiries about the substitution by ½ watt lamps."

In February 1922 PCC discussed a slight modification of the reading desk, "with a view to safeguarding strange [visiting] clergy", and left the matter in the hands of the Vicar and Churchwardens. In December 1924 PCC discussed renovating the font to strengthen the stone around its top, at an estimated cost of £4 [£180].

The grounds around church were not neglected, and PCC was told in March 1923 that a member of the congregation had offered to relay the church paths free of charge.

Church bells

The need to repair the church bells in the steeple (the first time the bells are mentioned since they were installed seventy years earlier, in 1853) presented a larger and more expensive challenge. Churchwarden James Hatch estimated that the cost of repairing all six bells would be about £16 10s. [£735]; a letter from him on the matter, dated the 1st of August 1923, is archived in the Public Record Office in Preston.

In September the PCC agreed for the work for be done after the leader of the bell-ringers had told the Churchwardens "that the Bells were in a bad state of repair". Hatch's estimate was accepted and PCC agreed to hold a Bazaar to raise funds to cover the costs. The work was carried out on the 1st of October at a cost of £13 13s. [£600].

The bells were a cherished part of the church, as were the bell ringers. When Mr J Rowlinson completed fifty years as a bell ringer at St Thomas', on Christmas Eve 1924, the PCC presented him with an illuminated certificate and the proceeds of a special collection in church.

Pews

The Vicar also faced challenges in the seating department. He complained to PCC in October 1916 about the unruly behaviour - what he called "the inaffection" - of children in the South Gallery "which was not fully under the eye of the Preachers, and [he] thought that the matter should be attended to. The question of closing this Gallery was mooted, but, although none of the pews were let, various people were in the habit of sitting there, and it seemed undesirable to disturb them, if it could be avoided." He mentioned the South Gallery again at the April 1917 meeting, "and thought some arrangement should be made for better order there." There is no record of anything being done to tackle the problem.

It was not just a question of maintaining order in the dark recesses of the South Gallery, because PCC was told in February 1922 that "the Vicar would like members of the congregation to sit nearer the front. This brought up the possibility of closing the Gallery, but no action was taken."

There was also the matter of pew rents, which had long been a vexed issue at St Thomas'. On the one hand, the money raised from pew rents directly paid the Vicar's salary. On the other hand, there were concerns that some parishioners who did not or could not rent pews were put off attending church by the difficulty of getting access to seats from which they could see and hear the preacher. But the Vicar did concede, at the 1924 Easter Vestry Meeting, that

" _the parishioners were a wonderfully friendly lot. They knew that the church was open to them, and when they felt the need they would come. They were steadily working to set the church free of pew rents. He did not think himself that even when the church was free there would be a rush of parishioners to occupy seats. The parish would, however, be robbed of its excuse for absenteeism, but after all it was only a sense of need which would bring them to the House of God."_

Services

While the need to repair and clean the organ remained, the services carried on much as before. But complacency hadn't set in. The Vicar spoke at the Annual Parochial Church Meeting in April 1922 about "the desirability or otherwise of extending and brightening the musical portion of the church service.... it was only too obvious there was a strong feeling that if brighter services would retain the younger members and help to unify the church, then the end justified the means." After further discussions PCC agreed in April 1923 "that this Council has no desire to interfere in the matter of the Services of the Church, and that it be left with the Vicar."

Alongside the organ, the choir played a central part in the services. In September 1920 the PCC were told that a special collection had been taken up in church for a 'Choir Treat', and the following July they asked the Churchwardens to have a church collection for the Choir Fund.

The PCC was exercised by the location of the choir within the church, and it was suggested at their May 1922 meeting that "the accommodation of the choir be improved by bringing two seats forward, and placing them (forward) one on each side of the general choir seats." At the next meeting, in July, "it was resolved that the Vicar [should] ask the ladies to sit in the front seats one on each side of the middle aisle." The Vicar told the following meeting that "the Ladies of the Choir preferred to sit in their usual places rather than in the middle aisle as suggested at a former meeting." Girl power clearly came early to St Thomas'!

Church groups and organisations

Like all other Anglican churches at the time and since, St Thomas' ran a number of church-based groups and organisations for its members. The minutes of the April 1921 PCC meeting, for example, record the Vicar thanking "the promoters and workers in connection with the various Church organisations, viz the Women's Bible Class, the Young People's Union, the Band of Hope and the Mothers' Union."

The Young People's Union is an interesting group. It was a Temperance organisation for children, founded in 1847; their pledge was "Because I want to be my best in every way, I promise, by God's help, never to take Alcoholic Drinks." The 1924 Easter Vestry Meeting noted that the Mothers' Union had 69 members, and heard that a St Thomas's Lawn Tennis Club was about to be opened.

Church membership

Robert Finlay found a very buoyant church when he arrived at St Thomas', and he told the 1915 Easter Vestry Meeting that he

" _trusted that the signs of vigorous spiritual life would continue. The Easter-day communicants numbered 289, against 201 last year. The total communions during the year were 1,786, against 1,251 in the previous year, an increase of 535. The baptisms were 44, against 40... He was told that the congregations were larger than formerly, and though the increased amount of collections seemed to point in that direction, he was far from satisfied. The church had over 300 free sittings, so that there was plenty of room for those who objected to pay pew rents."_

From Robert Finlay's time onwards the minutes of church meetings include information on the scale of church membership (the Electoral Roll) and participation (the number of Easter communicants).

The "signs of vigorous spiritual life" did continue. The 1916 Easter Vestry Meeting was told that there were 254 Easter communicants, and a total of 2,041 communicants over the year, the highest ever at St Thomas'. Church membership had grown by 50 over the year, 30 by confirmation and 20 by transfer from other parishes. By 1918 the total number of communicants had risen further, to 2,134, and membership had risen over the year by 27 (34 added and 7 lost by death).

There were other encouraging signs of life, too. According to the minutes of the 1922 Annual Parochial Church Meeting, average attendance at the Women's Monday Meeting was 62, and the Sunday School had 346 children and 35 School Workers. The number of communicants (1,651) that year was down, though the following year the number of Easter communicants (293) was a record high.

Electoral roll

Recall that the 1917 Report on the Archbishop's Committee on Church and State had made Parochial Church Councils responsible for keeping the Register of Members (the Electoral Roll), so from this point on we have records of numbers formally registered with the church. Electoral roll numbers are available in sketchy form from 1916 and in detail after 1921. Between 1920 and 1924 the number of names on the roll rose progressively from 186 to 254, with women consistently out-numbering men by roughly 2 to 1.

The minutes of the April 1921 PCC meeting record that only 83 (35 percent) of the 234 people listed on the Electoral Roll that year lived within the parish, the other 151 (65 percent) lived beyond the parish boundary. Little wonder concerns were being voiced at that time about the viability and sustainability of the parish of St Thomas', and the need for a review of the Anglican parish boundaries in Lancaster.

Parish Room

Although there is no record in earlier minutes of when it was acquired - by 1907, according to financial reports - when Robert Finlay arrived the church was renting a Parish Room in Victoria Yard, behind the church and school buildings. PCC discussed it in September 1914 and agreed that it was not suitable for present purposes (without saying what they were), noting that the owner would like it back.

The minutes of that meeting record that a large room was available over "the Motor House" (detached garage) of a house on Queen Street, near the Vicarage, at a rent of £5 [£370] a year, though they don't record whether it was agreed to rent it. We hear nothing more about the matter until June 1920, when the minutes of the PCC meeting record "nothing definite to report" on the question of a site for the Parish Room.

As we shall see in the next chapter, six years later the church acquired a large detached Parish Hall in Aldcliffe Lane, which was in use for many years. In chapters 15 and 16 we'll see how, nearly five decades later in the 1970s, the need for a Church Hall closer to the church site gave rise to a major building project in the church itself.

Vicarage

As well as a backlog of work needed on the church building, Robert Finlay arrived to find the Queen Street Vicarage in need of repairs.

In 1916 the May Church Council approved the re-pointing of the external stonework and a new roof, at an estimated cost of £133 [£7,000], nearly a third of which - £42 [£2,200] - it hoped to secure in the form of a grant from Queen Anne's Bounty (a fund established in 1704 to augment the incomes of the poorer clergy in the Church of England).

The minutes of the June 1920 meeting record that the PCC "felt that the Vicarage was a source of financial embarrassment to the Church Council", to which the September meeting agreed to add "and also to the Vicar".

Mission and outreach

We have seen that most Vicars before Findlay were very supportive of missionary work, but that usually related to sponsoring mission work overseas rather than actually doing it on their own doorstep in Lancaster. In November 1921 PCC accepted the Vicar's proposal that they should set up a Committee for Missionary Work, which would report to the Church Council.

Mission work within these shores, and particularly within this town, was a different thing altogether. As church historian Roger Lloyd (1966 p.226) has pointed out "the Archbishops [of Canterbury and York] accepted, that in the autumn of 1916 there should be a Mission of Witness of the whole Church to the whole people 'to call the men and women of England to earnest and honest repentance of our sins and shortcomings as a nation and to claim that in the Living Christ, in the loyal acceptance of Him as the Lord of all life, individual and social - lies the one sure hope'." The Mission was to take place simultaneously in every village and city across England, and each Diocese was instructed to make its own plans.

At St Thomas' the Vicar told the 1916 Easter Vestry Meeting that the Mission would be "an earnest attempt to quicken the spiritual life of the church, and to arouse the careless." In May he explained to the Church Council what would be involved - prayer, personal witness, and meetings in houses in the parish, and perhaps special services in church. By late summer the plans had been firmed up and the Vicar reported what had been proposed for Lancaster:

" _Sunday morning service should conclude early, and visitation in the parish should follow from, say, 11.45 am. An open air service in the afternoon. Shortened evening service. Visitation of Parish, from 8 pm. On week days: house to house visitation and visiting of works in the parish. On week days: from 6 to 8 pm, visiting lodging houses, and perhaps Public Houses."_

There is no mention of the national Mission in the minutes of subsequent church meetings, but we must assume it went ahead and that St Thomas' played its part.

The topic of mission in Lancaster was resurfaced four years later when the Vicar told PCC in September 1920 that

" _the clergy of the town wished to hold a simultaneous mission in the autumn of 1921, each parish being responsible for its own special arrangements. As regards St Thomas' the Vicar desired the support of the Church Council both spiritually and financially. It was [agreed] that the Vicar take the preliminary steps towards securing a Missioner and proceeding with the arrangements."_

The timetable must have slipped because most of the planning was done in 1922. That July the Vicar updated PCC on what would need to be organised, which would include house to house visitation, printing of leaflets, open air processions, and an "augmented choir".

These were the days of formal missions, led by outside Missioners who did most of the talks, supported by local church people who did much of the visiting and other tasks. The mission must have been held that summer, because the Vicar reported to PCC in November that "the general results appeared to be successful both spiritually and financially. In order to carry on the good work it was suggested that services for men only be held on Sunday afternoon once a month."

Targeting men was an interesting development because, whilst men were over-represented in leadership roles at St Thomas' - the Vicar, Churchwardens and Sidesmen were all men, as were three-quarters of the members of PCC) - they were seriously under-represented in the church membership; there were twice as many women as men listed on the Electoral Roll.

The minutes of the 1923 Easter Vestry Meeting include a report from the Lancaster Guardian about a ten day mission which St Thomas' had apparently run in March that year. It noted that

" _the services were well attended, especially on week nights.... [the Vicar] could not claim that the Mission resulted in any noticeable addition to their membership, but many people acknowledged they received help and inspiration. The Mission was their witness to the fact they were alive to the needs of the parishioners."_

School and Sunday School

The St Thomas' Schools are not mentioned in the minutes of any church meetings during Robert Finlay's, and only two minutes refer to the Sunday School.

The 1922 Annual Parochial Church Meeting heard that the Sunday School had 346 children and 35 School Workers. Two years later the Vicar reported to the 1924 Easter Vestry Meeting that "the work in the Sunday schools was well maintained, some 300 of all ages being under instruction every Sunday afternoon. They owed a great debt of gratitude to the 38 Sunday school workers..."

Resignation and departure

After ten years service as Vicar of St Thomas', Robert Finlay announced at the PCC meeting held on the 24th of October 1924 that he wished to resign after the CPAS had offered him the benefice of Snettisham in Norfolk. When asked "whether anything could be done to prevail upon him to remain with us for some time yet, the Vicar intimated that after very earnest and serious consideration he had already decided to accept the invitation."

PCC agreed to send a letter to the CPAS Board of Patronage thanking them "for having sent us our present Vicar and for the happy time we have had together for the last ten years" and asking them "to send us a similar man, one still possessing the health and vigour necessary to carry on the work, and one who would be interested in the young life of the Parish."

A Special Meeting of the PCC on the 12th of November was attended by Bishop Stileman of CPAS who sought their views about the new appointment "and asked for their prayers for the Board of Patronage, who would meet on Wednesday, 19th November, for the purpose of choosing a new Vicar for the Parish." The minutes of that meeting record the Council's deep regret at the departure of the Vicar "for a new sphere of labour", their "gratitude for and appreciation of his unfailing and tireless devotion to duty during ten years faithful ministry", and their "prayerful wishes... for abundant happiness in their new home."

In early December PCC discussed the matter of a farewell gift for the Vicar and his wife. They agreed to invite contributions - £106 [£4,700] had already been received and more was expected - and to give them an inscribed rose bowl and a cheque. There is no entry for Robert Finlay in _Crockford's Clerical Directory_ for 1934, so we must assume he had died by then.

Six months before he resigned, at the 1924 Easter Vestry Meeting Finlay had looked back on his time at St Thomas' with a mixture of humility and pragmatism. He had noted how "the year 1923 was quite uneventful as far as their parochial life was concerned; they did not claim to have made history, but their organisations were in a distinctly healthy state, and financially the year was amongst the most prosperous in the history of the church."

Fulfilling the hopes and dreams he had shared with the church soon after his arrival, particularly his desire "to see St Thomas' Church... worthily filling its part in the church life of the town", had proved rather difficult, particularly in an era overshadowed to such a great degree by the war in Europe.

One hallmark of Finlay's spell as Vicar was the triumph of talk over action. A number of key matters (such as repairing the organ, abolishing pew rents, and reviewing the parish boundaries) were discussed in church meetings, but few of the discussions led to tangible change or lasting progress.

– o0o –

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12. Edwin Towndrow (1924-1929)

Edwin James Towndrow was born in February 1877 at Walton-on-the-Hill in Liverpool, and baptised the following month at St Saviour's in Everton. He was the fourth child and second son of James and Mary Jane Towndrow, both of whom came from Manchester but were then living in Everton.

It was a family of hard workers; his father was a book-keeper, his older brother Walter is listed in the 1881 census as a clerk, and the 1891 census lists his sisters Edith and Laura as a shop assistant and dressmaker and fourteen year old Edwin as an office boy in the port. By 1901 James had died and Laura and Edwin were still living with their widowed mother in Everton; now twenty-four, Edwin is listed in the census as an assistant in a music warehouse.

Like Robert Finlay before him, Edwin Towndrow appears to have responded to a call into the ordained ministry in his late twenties, after a different early career. His entry in _Crockford's Clerical Directory_ is rather curious - it lists him as having been ordained deacon in 1905 and priest in 1905, in the Wakefield Diocese, and holding two Curacies (at St Andrew's in Wakefield, 1904-07, and St Phillip's in Cambridge, 1907-10) before 1910 when he graduated from Fitzwilliam Hall at the University of Cambridge with a BA (1913 MA). Quite where, when and how he trained for the ministry is not recorded.

After Cambridge Finley moved north to Leeds, where he served as Curate at the inner-city church of St Matthias in Burley between 1910 and 1912. By then he had married Miriam Stevenson from Chelmsford (six years his elder), and their son Joseph Edwin Howard had been born in Cambridge in 1907. He kept on the move, with posts as Curate at St Peter's in Derby (1912-14) and Priest in Charge of St Saviour's in Plymouth (1914-15), before working as Organising Secretary for the Northern District of the South American Mission Society (SAMS) between 1915 and 1919.

As an aside, it is interesting how many of the St Thomas' Vicars over the years have worked for national or international missionary societies, including CPAS (Armytage, Ashton).

After working for SAMS Edwin Towndrow moved on to be licensed in the Diocese of Manchester (1916-19) and Vicar of St Aidan's in Liverpool (1919-24), before being selected by CPAS in 1924 to follow Robert Finlay as St Thomas' ninth Vicar.

Appointment and arrival

Towndrow's arrival at St Thomas' was overshadowed by controversy, the nature of which is spelled out in the minutes of the PCC meeting held on the 15th of December 1924. The minutes record that

" _A letter from Bishop Stileman to the Churchwardens was read with reference to the offer of the living of St Thomas' to the Rev E.J. Towndrow, MA, of Liverpool. The Bishop stated that he had received a letter from Mr Towndrow that if he accepted the living he would be placed in financial difficulties by the [large] size of the Vicarage. The [Church] Council were asked if they would be willing: 1. For the Vicarage to be let or sold. 2. If they would undertake to have the Endowment Fund augmented, the Bishops saying the Church Pastoral Aid Society would meet any sum raised for that purpose with a grant. 3. If they would make themselves responsible for the payment of the rates on the Vicarage. 4. If they would undertake the annual payment for the dilapidation of the Vicarage. After a full discussion it was resolved that the Churchwardens be authorised to send the following reply: That the Council do not see their way to guarantee the payments which seem to be necessary for Mr Towndrow to accept the living."_

Despite the hint of a possible standoff between the incoming Vicar and his Church Council, he did accept the living and moved into the Vicarage in Queen Street with his family early in 1925.

Edwin Towndrow was instituted as Vicar of St Thomas' on the 23rd of February 1925, and inducted ten days later. He chaired his first PCC meeting on the 3rd of April, and "expressed his pleasure at meeting the members of the Council and hoped we should get on well together, and that all would continue to work for the good of the Church as in the past." He chaired his first Easter Vestry Meeting two weeks later, on the 15th of April.

Lancaster during his time

Towndrow's time at St Thomas' might have been relatively short, but it still saw changes occurring in Lancaster. Clearance of the overcrowded slum housing in the town centre continued through the 1920s and 30s, and people were rehoused on the new estates that sprang up on the Ridge and at Beaumont. The religious importance of Lancaster changed too, with the raising of St Peter's Roman Catholic Church to cathedral status in 1925.

Curate

Edwin Towndrow had to fulfill all of the duties of Vicar of St Thomas' without the assistance of a Curate. In fact he arrived not long after the start of a 43 year period without a Curate, after Frank Mansfield left in 1918.

Church Governance

In 1926 the Diocese within which St Thomas' operates changed for the second time. The church started out in the Diocese of Chester and then six years later, in 1947, it became part of the new Diocese of Manchester.

When the new Diocese of Blackburn was founded from the Diocese of Manchester in 1926, it became part of that. The Blackburn Diocese was set up by the Bishop of Manchester, William Temple - who later became Archbishop of Canterbury (1942-44) - because (as the Diocesan website puts it) he "was concerned to emphasise Christian pastoral support for the expanding cotton towns." Blackburn Cathedral was created eight years later, in 1934, in the time of Towndrow's successor Samuel Latham.

One feature of church governance at St Thomas', doubtless also true of many other Anglican churches, was the long period of service that some dedicated Churchwardens had given the church. Recall that John Hatch Senior served for 50 years, and his son John served for 33 years.

There was some discussion of the pros and cons of limiting the term of Churchwardens at the 1926 Easter Vestry Meeting, at which one long-serving warden noted that "if the office was passed around amongst the men of the church they would create an administrative body keenly interested in everything appertaining to Church affairs, and in the long run it would be much better for the Church."

That would only work if there were men willing to take on the task, which was not always the case. At the 1928 Easter Vestry Meeting the Vicar highlighted the growing challenge of getting people to stand for Churchwarden, noting that "a large number of men fought shy of the wardenship for some reason. They were not ready to make the sacrifice entailed. In other cases there was a good deal of diffidence about holding the honourable office, but they hoped the day would come when they should have a queue waiting for the office of warden."

Edwin Towndrow also recognised that time were changing in terms of women occupying leadership positions in the church. He reminded the 1927 Easter Vestry Meeting "that ladies were eligible for all offices in the church except that of clergy", adding somewhat prophetically "and that would come".

Parish boundary

A possible revision of the St Thomas' parish boundary had been discussed briefly in 1915 in Robert Finlay's time, but the population changes that prompted the discussion then had continued over the following decade.

The migration of people from the town centre towards the suburbs affected other Lancaster churches and not just St Thomas'. St Anne's was also losing much of its resident population, and by 1926 it was threatened with closure. PCC discussed that proposed closure on the 6th of August 1926 and passed "a vote of sympathy with St Anne's Church with the hope that the suggested closure might be put off indefinitely." It was put off, for three decades, but it was eventually closed in 1957 and later converted to become the Duke's theatre.

The threat of closure of St Anne's provided a stark reminder to St Thomas', if it needed one, that Anglican churches can be closed as well as opened. The prospect of St Thomas' closing had by then not been openly discussed, but the matter of declining population within the parish could not be ignored. The Vicar told the Annual Church Meeting in April 1929 that "he felt that one of the things which would have to take place in the future would be the enlargement of the Parish owing to the gradual removal of the population to the outskirts of the town." This problem was not going to go away!

Finances

Unlike some of his predecessors, Edwin Towndrow was able to enjoy a spell of sound church finances.

Soon after his arrival, the Treasurer was able to report to PCC in February 1925 that "they were in a very healthy condition. The total income for the year exceeded that of the previous year and was again a record, all the funds having credit balances." The accounts for the year ending April 1925 showed a total income of £549 14s. [£24,450] - a record for the parish - and expenditure of £531 6s. [£23,600], leaving a balance of £18 7s. [£816]. The Parish Tea and Welcome to the Vicar had even made a profit of £5 19s. [£265], £3 [£133] of which was allocated to the Tennis Club Funds and the remaining £2 19s. [£132] to the Church Funds. Income was down the following year, at £528 10s. [£23,920], but expenditure was also reduced, to £518 16s. [£23,500], leaving a balance of £9 14s. [£440].

The next year's accounts "showed that all our funds were again in a very healthy condition, each fund having a credit balance", according to the PCC minutes for March 1827. Income was £525 17s. [£24,500] and expenditure was £519 3s. [£24,170], leaving a balance of £6 14s. [£310].

The story was much the same in 1928, allowing the Treasurer to tell PCC in March that "all the funds were in a very satisfactory condition, each fund again having a credit balance". Income was £486 4s. [£22,850], expenditure was £480 16s. [£22,600] and there was a balance in the bank of £5 8s. [£254]. But there was no room for complacency, because the amount raised through the collections had fallen, and at the July PCC meeting the Treasurer voiced concern over the cost of running the Parish Hall, about £34 [£1,600] a year, towards which an income of only £6 [£280] had by then been received.

The accounts were once again in a sound state during Towndrow's final year as Vicar. As reported to the Annual Church Meeting in April 1929, total income was £479 16s. [£22,750], expenditure was £463 14s. [£22,000], and the balance in the bank was £13 2s.[£620].

The minutes of church meetings suggest that only one Bazaar was held over this period, on the 5th of May 1926, in the Friends' Hall. It was held in aid of the Endowment Fund, and raised a total of £257 4s. [£11,640]. The proceeds were £262 10s. [£11,880] and expenses were £5 5s. [£240]. Two days later PCC was given a breakdown of how the money was raised - some came from donations (£8 14s. [£395]), amusements (£2 18s. [£130]), a concert (£1 [£45]), a cake competition (£1 5s. [£56]), and admission fees (£3 18s. [£176]). Most came from the sale of items on the different stalls - Congregational stall (£61 5s. [£2,770]), Young Women's Guild Stall (£60 13s.[£2,750]), Mothers Union Stall (£56 9s.[£2,550]), refreshments (£27 7s.[£1,240]), a pound stall (£33 4s.[£1,500]), ice cream (£1 10s.[£68]), and a sweet stall (£4 5s.[£190]).

Church fabric

Whilst the accounts might have been in sound shape during Edwin Towndrow's five years as Vicar, there were plenty of calls on the budget, including maintenance of and repairs to the church buildings.

At its July 1928 meeting the PCC discussed a long list of needs, including repointing the west wall of church, decorating the porch, and fixing the roof of the Parish Hall. The list was extended at the October meeting, to include repairs to the roof, sink and fireplace in Church House at 4 Marton Street, repairs to the church roof over the Chancel, and rebuilding the church chimney (for the heating system). Most of these were done over the next six months or so. The following February PCC agreed that "six fire buckets be obtained for use in the Church and that the question of [fire extinguishing] appliances for the Parish Hall be left in the hands of the Vicar and Churchwardens."

The organ and choir were still important elements in church services. The need for repairs to the organ had been discussed in 1921 and 1922, but left in abeyance in 1923. PCC had a further conversation about the condition of the organ in March 1927, but agreed to discuss it again at their next meeting. The choir's seating arrangements had also been discussed in 1922 and PCC returned to the matter in January 1926. After a brief discussion about extending the choir stalls, it was agreed to leave the matter in the hands of the Churchwardens.

Services

Edwin Towndrow was keen to improve the tone of the services, and at PCC in July 1927 he "raised the question of the behaviour of the boys in the Choir and suggested that a surplice choir would tend to more reverence in Church, and the Council was asked to consider the matter before the next meeting."

Such a proposal would have made Rev Armytage turn in his grave, given his strong opposition to any hint of 'Popery' in the services of the Church of England. In October PCC "recommended that the question should be very seriously considered", but there is no record of that having been done, certainly during Towndrow's time.

PCC also had discussions about the books used in the church services. In April 1927 it decided against adopting the revised _Book of Common Pra_ yer, an update of the 1662 _Prayer Book_ that included newer versions of services which churches could use if they wished to. Parliament also rejected the revised book, despite widespread approval of it across the Church of England, and the _Alternative Service Book_ was eventually introduced instead.

In October PCC agreed to replace the hymn book then being used in church ( _The Hymnal Companion to the Book of Common Prayer_ ) with a new one ( _Church Hymnal for the Christian Year_ ), but not without some reservations. The minutes of a meeting of the Standing Committee held on 12th December 1927 note that "the Vicar said he had a feeling that certain members of the Congregation were not in favour of it, and he expressed his anxiety that their feelings should not be disturbed. It was left to the Vicar to have an interview with them." It is not known whether the Vicar was simply expressing pastoral concern for the whole of his flock, or whether he was anxious that some wealthy individuals - perhaps traditionalists at heart - might move elsewhere (and take their money with them) if a new hymn book they didn't like was imposed upon them.

The only mention of a communion service at this time comes in the minutes of the March 1928 PCC meeting, which agreed to purchase 800 hymn sheets for the service to be held in church on the 20th of March, in preparation for which it also agreed "that the Church should be specially cleaned for that occasion." Quite what was so special about that particular communion service is not clear.

Electoral Roll

Numbers held up comfortably during Towndrow's time, with an overall average of 224 a year, slight increases in some years, and an overall increase of thirteen percent over the five year period. The gender balance also remained much the same, with men outnumbered by women roughly two to one.

Between 1925 and 1929 the total number of names on the roll increased slightly, from 254 to 288, with women still out-numbering men by about 2 to 1.

Parish Hall

Recall from Chapter 11 that the church had apparently been renting a Parish Room on Queen Street since about 1914. Demand continued to rise for such flexible space, which could be used by a variety of church groups, and by early 1926 PCC had agreed to buy larger premises.

The Vicar reported to a Special Meeting of PCC on the 5th of February 1926 that "the Mission Room in Aldcliffe Road was vacant and that he had made an offer of it for parochial purposes for the sum of £100 [£4,500]." Latham (1947) described it as "an invaluable acquisition." The Vicar told the next regular meeting of PCC, on the 26th of February, that the costs had very generously been covered by two parishioners, revealing that "the Misses Edmondson had entirely defrayed the cost of purchasing the building by sending him a cheque for £100 for that purpose."

PCC agreed to formally open the building "towards the end of September at the commencement of the Winter's Session", and to write a letter of thanks to the Directors of Storeys to convey "the thanks of this Council for the easy terms on which they have allowed us the use of the ground for the room" (it seems that access to the building was only possible by crossing a strip of land owned by the Storeys). In a display of smart thinking and clever branding PCC also agreed to call it the St Thomas' Parish Hall.

In August PCC agreed to revise the opening date to the 13th of October, close to the Harvest Thanksgiving Services. The plan was to serve tea and have some musical entertainments, to be selected by Dr Taylor.

The first formal church meeting to be held in the Parish Hall was the 1927 Easter Vestry Meeting, chaired as usual by the Vicar. He reminded those present that "they had to be thankful for the splendid gift of a Church Hall, which had been furnished in a comfortable manner. He was also thankful for the services which had been given in preparation for the hall, which had proved of great utility to the parish during the past winter in their parochial work."

Vicarage

Edwin Towndrow proved adept at upgrading the church estate, and after securing the Parish Hall he turned his attention to the Vicarage on Queen Street.

In March 1928 he arranged for it to be sold for £1,000 [£45,000], and later than month later completed the purchase of a new Vicarage (the present one), a large terrace house called Belvedere, at 33 Higher Greaves. The house - which Latham (1947) described as "commodious and convenient" - was bought for £1,100 [£52,000] from the estate of Elizabeth Worthington, who had died on the 22nd of April 1927. The Vicar had alerted the PCC in July 1927 that some of the money from the sale of the original Vicarage grounds would belong to the Queen Anne's Bounty, who had loaned the money at the time it was bought and would need to be consulted on how the money should be used.

The Vicar reminded the Annual Church Meeting in April 1928 that "when he first came to the Parish the Diocesan Surveyor said the Vicarage was too large for the Incumbent, and... he hoped to be able to enter into [the new one] about the beginning of May. It was expected there would be a substantial surplus from the transaction and the Queen Anne's Bounty would invest the balance for the benefit of the endowment of the living."

He told the Easter Vestry Meeting that month that "the new house is much more suitable in every way", the Queen Street one being "too large and expensive for the income".

Outreach and mission, Sunday School

There is no mention of outreach or mission activities, or the Sunday School, in any minutes of church meetings during Towndrow's time as Vicar.

St Thomas' Schools

The expansion of secondary education in England would through time force a change in the governance and use of the St Thomas' schools, which had by then been an integral part of the church estate and its service to the community for more than sixty years.

As more and more elementary school pupils wanted to stay at school beyond the age of fourteen, new Central Schools, some converted from elementary schools, became part of the secondary school system. They were set up to provide an improved general education of a practical character, primarily to prepare boys and girls for employment, sometimes with a slightly industrial or commercial emphasis, for pupils between the ages of eleven and fourteen or fifteen. They had a lower leaving age and less academic curriculum than the Secondary Schools, and a lower age of admission and less vocational curriculum than the Trade Schools or Junior Technical Schools which had been set up in many towns and cities.

The Vicar advised PCC in April 1926 that "changes were likely to take place in the Church Day Schools of the Town and in that case our schools would probably become a Senior Girls' Central School", as part of that national movement.

The following March he told PCC that in preparation for the switch in the use and status of the school

" _the Education Authority desired that an entrance should be made to the School from Marton Street, and it would be necessary to take a strip of land from the Churchyard [church grounds] to make an entrance to the School by the passage used by the Caretaker, the same to be railed off from the rest of the Churchyard."_

The Vicar was pleased to report to the 1927 Easter Vestry Meeting that, with help from the National Society, the Church of England had managed to hold on to control of all of the Church Schools in Lancaster except those connected with St Mary's, the Parish Church, which was now under the control of the local Education Authority. What's more,

" _they had received promises of £1,420 [£66,100] towards the alteration of the premises in Marton Street into a Central School for girls above 11 years of age. While they had had to close their old style parochial schools, they had taken a larger view and now admitted girls from other parishes who were 11 years old. The infant system had been transferred to Middle Street School. The schools had done splendid work, as the reports of the Diocesan Inspector and the Board of Education proved."_

Resignation and departure

With apparently little prior warning, Edwin Towndrow announced to PCC on the 15th of February 1929 that he had resigned, after five years as Vicar. He said that "this was probably the last meeting of the Council at which he would be present before his renewal to the living of St Ninian's, Douglas, Isle of Man..."

His final act at St Thomas' was to chair the Easter Vestry Meeting that April. After thanking the two Churchwardens he said that the church was in a very sound condition financially. He regretted that their new Vicar was not present, and "as he himself was leaving to take up his new appointment in the Isle of Man next week, he found himself in a very difficult position of having to appoint a Vicar's warden for another man."

He appears to have spent just two years in the Isle of Man, because _Crockford's Clerical Directory_ lists him as Vicar of St George's in Worthing, from 1931 to at least 1934. He is not listed in _Crockford's_ for 1947.

Towndrow's time at Lancaster might not have been particularly exciting or dramatic, but he did at least leave a tangible legacy in the form of the new Parish Hall in Aldcliffe Road and the new Vicarage in Higher Greaves. Numbers on the electoral roll had held up and the church finances had been sound during his watch. He had also overseen the transition of the school into a Girls' Central School.

– o0o –

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13. Samuel Latham (1929-1948)

Samuel Boyes Latham was born in Camberwell in Lambeth, London, in January 1881. He was the fourth child and second son of William Henry Latham (a commercial clerk in a Looking Glass Warehouse) and Lydia Elizabeth Boyes, who were both from Surrey.

Samuel studied at the London College of Divinity in 1907 and graduated from the University of Durham with a BA (1911) and an MA (1915). He was ordained deacon in 1911 and priest in 1912. His first clergy post was as Curate at St Paul's in Stratford, East London (1911-14), after which he spent six years working as a missionary in Africa for the Church Missionary Society (CMS), based in Uganda. There he was a Chaplain in Entebbe (1915-16) and then Acting Principal of Mbale High School (1916-18), before serving as a Missionary in Iganga (1918 to 1920). On returning to England he held Curacies at St Matthew's in Bayswater, London (1921-24) and St Saviour's in Nottingham (1924-26), before becoming Organising Secretary of the National Church League (1926-29). He was appointed Vicar of St Thomas' in 1929.

Appointment and arrival

Edwin Towndrow left for the Isle of Man in April 1929, by when CPAS had chosen his successor.

Samuel Latham was unable to be present at the Easter Vestry Meeting on the 3rd of April, but he was instituted as Vicar by the Bishop on the 8th of May and welcomed into the parish the following day. The minutes of the April 1929 PCC Meeting record the plan to hold the welcome "in the Parish Hall at 7.30 pm, to take the form of an entertainment and refreshments. The arrangements were left to the wives of the Councillors and the ladies of the Council... It was decided that a charge of 9d. [£1.80] should be made."

Latham chaired his first PCC Meeting in St Thomas' (when his wife was co-opted as a member) on the 29th of May 1929.

Lancaster during his time

Latham spent nearly twenty years in Lancaster, during the first ten of which the town saw some notable changes.

The tram services stopped in 1930 and were replaced by buses. In the same year the Ryelands council housing estate was built north of the river, near Skerton. In 1937 Lancaster was granted city status, on the coronation of King George VI. Two years later a new Bus Depot and Public (swimming) Baths were built in Kingsway, near the main bridge over the River Lune. The migration of people out from the town centre towards the new suburbs (particularly Bowerham, which was expanding rapidly) continued through the 1930s.

Events in Britain and Europe

The Royal Family

The Royal Family still held a special place in the heart of people in Britain, and the country took great pleasure in celebrating the Jubilee of King George V in May 1935. The PCC decided at its April meeting "to hold the form of Service appointed for the day" at 10 am on the 6th of May, and at the May meeting the Vicar "thanked all for their attendance at Church on Jubilee Day and commented on the splendid weather and the general feeling of goodwill and happiness on that day."

However, the feel good factor was short-lasting because the King died eight months later, on the 20th of January 1936. He was succeeded by his eldest son Edward, who stood down in December 1936 to marry Mrs Wallace Simpson. The abdication came before the Coronation Service which had been scheduled for the following May, but the plans for it were not wasted - Edward's younger brother George was crowned King George VI on the 12th of May 1937. In March 1937 PCC agreed "to use the special form of service provided by the Archbishop of York", and at the Annual Church Meeting in April the Vicar noted that "the Coronation of George VI and Queen Elizabeth was full of significance and was in itself a call to all to dedicate themselves as the King and Queen were doing to the cause of the Christian Church."

Church of England

In Britain the Church of England was facing a number of challenges. By the early 1930s the pull of the church was weakening and society was becoming more secular as more and more people were looking on Sunday as just another day in the week, a time for rest and recreation. How should the church respond?

Sunday opening was starting to become an issue, and at the Annual Church Meeting in 1931 the Vicar "spoke against legislation with the object of legalising the opening of cinemas and theatres on Sundays, and a resolution was passed to this effect to be forwarded to our local M.P."

But the church at large faced a bigger challenge, which was how to make sure its voice was heard on social and moral matters; the 'social gospel' mattered, but the challenge was how to raise awareness of it. Samuel Latham told the Annual Church Meeting in April 1943 that

" _the leaders of the Church of England were asking people to lay more stress on social welfare - both Archbishops were urging the Church's interest and care for the problems of the day. The Archbishop of Canterbury [William Temple, former Bishop of Manchester] wished it to be that it could no longer be said that the Church is not concerned with the present order of this world. Some Christians opposed this view. He personally thought we should try to obtain some clear view on the subject and that the Church should proceed carefully... its duty... was to carry out the great principles of direction in great moral truths."_

The Vicar clearly disagreed with the Archbishops. Two years later he told the PCC (April 1945) that "he was not very happy about the way the leaders of the Church - Free Church and Anglican - had gone out for the social gospel - political parties he thought did not need any reinforcement in this direction from the Churches - the church's business was to concern itself with spiritual values".

World War II

The church debates in Britain were to be heavily overshadowed by the Second World War, which began on the 1st of September 1939 when Germany invaded Poland. Britain and France declared war against Germany two days later. The war ended on the 2nd of September 1945 when Germany surrendered after the Russians reached Berlin and Hitler committed suicide, although Germany had surrendered to the allied forces on the 7th of May.

Unlike the World War I, this time the enemy brought the war into the skies over Britain and the towns and cities across it. Almost the entire country got involved in the war effort. Conscription was introduced as soon as the war started, and many of the men who were not directly involved in the fighting in Europe signed up for the Home Guard (Local Defence Volunteers, popularly known as Dad's Army). Many women joined the Women's Land Army to work in agriculture and replace the men called up for fighting, and others learned to drive ambulances and work heavy industrial machinery. Families were encouraged through the Dig for Victory campaign to transform their gardens into mini-allotments to increase self-sufficiency in food supplies.

There were serious shortages of petrol and rationing of foodstuffs and other essential items, and a lucrative black market. Windows on all buildings had to be blacked out at night to avoid assisting German navigation during air raids. There was heavy bombing, great loss of housing and factories, and heavy human casualties caused by air raids. Children went to school carrying gas masks in case chemical bombs were dropped. Many children were evacuated to the country from large cities and heavy industrial centres which were prize targets for German bombers.

People danced in the streets on the 8th of May 1945 - VE (Victory over Europe) Day - though many men were still engaged in fighting in the Far East or interred as prisoners of war in Japanese prison camps. The war finally ended on the 14th of August.

Impacts of the war on Lancaster and St Thomas'

Stephen Constantine and Alan Warde (2001) describe the impact of the war on Lancaster.

Reservists were called up, initially to Bowerham Barracks, air raid wardens and fire watchers were appointed and the Royal Observer Corps took over Lancaster Castle. Brick air raid shelters were built for self-defence, and trench shelters were dug in parks and playing fields. Ripley Orphanage became an Army training centre.

Local industry contributed directly to the war effort - Waring and Gillows was involved in making aircraft, tents and camouflage netting; Storeys made black-out fabric, gas capes and waterproofs; Williamsons made munitions; and Armstrong-Siddeley moved some of their operations for making aircraft components from heavily-bombed Coventry to Lancaster, taking over Queen's Mill on Queen Street. Scrap metal was collected for the war effort, including the railings and gates around Williamson Park. More allotments were created through the Dig for Victory campaign and school playing fields were given over the food production.

Many local women were involved in Red Cross work, including providing aid for troops in transit. Others were employed in the Royal Canadian Army Pay Corps that was based in Lancaster during the war.

By good fortune of location Lancaster was relatively safe from enemy air raids compared to most cities and industrial areas, and it became a centre for evacuees, which created a need to find housing and arrange schooling for working-class children. Most of the early arrivals came from Salford, but they were joined later by children from Barrow, South Shields and London. Both Grammar Schools had to share their classes and facilities with groups evacuated from elsewhere, including Salford Grammar School, in a two-shift system.

The impacts of war were soon felt in St Thomas'. The Vicar told the PCC meeting held on the 1st of December 1939 that "the Police had tested the Chancel lighting but could not agree to the holding of the early service on Christmas Day without some sort of effective screening, which they thought could be satisfactorily arranged [probably by attaching 'funnel screens' to the lights]." There is no record of whether or not the early service was held as hoped.

Within months the need for the church to be flexible in coping with uncertainty was becoming apparent. At the Annual Church Meeting in April 1940 the Vicar "referred to the very difficult time which all the churches had experienced during the past autumn and winter, owing to the war and the 'black-out,' and the disorganisation caused thereby. This was intensified by the abnormal severity of the weather and widespread sickness. The Lancaster Deanery Crusade had necessarily been postponed. He also referred to the great popularity of the United Services in the Odeon Cinema, and later on at the Town Hall. He said the greatest need of the Church was a real spiritual revival."

Inter-church co-operation increased, not just through the United Services but by the sharing of facilities. In July 1940 PCC agreed to allow the Baptist Church to hire the St Thomas' Parish Hall on certain nights during the winter for some events while their hall was being used as a Soldiers' Canteen.

The war also created workload problems for St Thomas', leading the Vicar to comment to PCC in April 1942 on "the increasing difficulties in the work of the Church - many men of the congregation away and many occupied as Homeguards etc."

Coping with the 'black-out' constraints proved a lasting challenge. In July 1940 the PCC agreed to hold evensong in the afternoon during the dark winter months, to make it easier for people to get to church.

With the ever-present danger of enemy air raids came the risk of fire spreading rapidly across the town, and the minutes of the February 1941 PCC meeting note that discussions were then under way about a fire watching scheme to cover the church and school buildings, the costs of which would be partly met by tradesmen with premises near St Thomas'. The Authorities subsequently approved the scheme, and the Vicar told PCC in early May that the church had been "properly watched" since the beginning of March. The fire watching scheme (which had always been voluntary rather than compulsory) was to be short-lasting, because in May 1942 PCC agreed to discontinue it, presumably after reviewing the nature of the risk.

Although Lancaster was not an obvious target for enemy bombers, nothing could be taken for granted. PCC gave careful thought to the question of insuring the church and school buildings. In May 1941 it discussed a pamphlet issued by the Government which described the 'War Damages Act 1941 Churches and Church Halls', and agreed to insure "movable furniture" in the church to the value of £300 [£11,600].

St Thomas' and its parish appear to have suffered no direct damage during the war, but many other churches elsewhere were not so fortunate. In December 1940 the Bishop of Blackburn set up a Fund for War Stricken Parishes and appealed for each parish in the Diocese to contribute not less than five percent of the total church expenses to it, the money to be invested in War Bonds for the duration of the War. PCC agreed to do that at its meeting in February 1941.

At the Annual Church Meeting in April 1941 the Vicar said that

" _although the war clouds were bigger they were not darker than at this time last year. He likened Germany to Napoleon and said he firmly believed that we should certainly triumph in the end. After expressing sympathy with all church people - ministers and congregations - who had lost their Churches through enemy action, he said how thankful we were to have been spared. Mention was made of the Bishop's Appeal for Bombed Churches to which we had agreed to contribute. Thanks to the Free Will Offering Scheme church collections have been well maintained, although congregations have been somewhat smaller and the Vicar thought a spiritual revival was needed."_

The boundary of the church site had long been marked by metal railings, certainly on the Penny Street (west) and Thurnham Street (north) sides. In December 1941 the Vicar asked PCC "whether the Council would like to offer the railings facing Penny Street as national salvage. He merely asked the question without suggesting that the railings should be offered. In view of the likeliness of the front of the Church being made untidy or damaged it was decided not to make such an offer."

Some months later the church received a typewritten letter from the Ministry of Works (archived in the Public Record Office in Preston) reporting that metal from railings, gates, and/or graves, had "been scheduled for removal, under the Defence (General) Regulations, 1939" and emphasising "the Country's need for metal is greater now than ever before". The government scheme involved requisitioning all railings, gates and grave railings unless

" _their removal would endanger life.... would allow cattle, etc. to start out from grazing lands.... they are of outstanding artistic merit or historic interest, and their retention has been approved by the Panel Architect appointed by this Ministry.... [for gates] If their removal would constitute the only break in the boundary.... [for grave railings] If the relatives of the deceased, or the Church authorities, specifically desire their retention."_

The church was given the right to appeal against the requisitioning, and if so to advise the Ministry of the grounds on which it based its appeal, within ten days of receiving the letter.

An emergency meeting of the PCC was held on the 22nd of September 1942 to consider "a Public Notice issued by the Corporation stating that they would commence the removal of all 'unnecessary' iron railings after September 28th." After the options were discussed it was agreed "to offer the inside railings only and ask for the retention of all those outside." One PCC member regretted that "the Council, in his judgement, had not acted rather more generously. The nation was fighting for its life, and the Church should not be backward in doing all it could to help."

The following month the Vicar told PCC that he had received a letter from the Ministry of Works stating that the reasons they had given for retaining the railings around the church did not apply. In January 1943 PCC was told that the Vicar and Churchwardens had visited the Borough Surveyor to appeal but, on learning that the government decision was final, decided not to appeal. The railings must have been removed early in 1943; they were replaced by the church in December 1953.

At the Annual Church Meeting in April 1944 Churchwarden Mr Latham drew attention to a Government publication ' _Spiritual Issues of the War'_ which was distributed weekly in Britain between 1942 and 1945 and gave an account of Christian work among the Army, Navy and Air Force. Latham talked about the 'Padre's Hour' sessions which were largely attended, and said he hoped the Church would be able to satisfy those men on their return.

The Vicar spoke of the need "to extend the sympathies of the Church to the families of those who were prisoners of war" and reported that four shillings [£7] had been sent at Christmas to each member of the Forces connected with St Thomas'.

The Vicar said "there was too much speculation... on what the world would be like after the war. He could not see a near end to the war. The Church must just 'carry on'." Looking back over the year, Mr Latham said "the Church for the past year had 'carried on', to say more than that would not be justified. To carry on was, in his opinion, a fine motto; he did not think, considering the times, that from a human standpoint the church could be expected to do more." This was another "keep calm and carry on" moment for St Thomas!

As the war dragged on thoughts started to turn to when hostilities might come to an end and how to cope with the aftermath of it. The church at large would face the challenge of deciding how best to serve and support the many people who had suffered during the war. The Vicar convened a special meeting of PCC on the 13th of June 1944, at the request of the Bishop of Blackburn, "to discuss ways and means of engaging the interest of young men and women in the Forces in the work of the Church and parish in which they lived, this being done with the hope that interest so fostered would bear fruit after the war - that the young people would become partakers in the church's affairs." PCC agreed to call a general meeting of the Congregation in order to enlist their help the visiting required by the proposed scheme. PCC agreed that "as it was a matter of some urgency, visiting ought to begin at once."

Britain's involvement in the war drew to a close on the 7th of May 1945 when Germany surrendered to the allied forces. On the 19th of June the Government began demobilising the many men who had been called up and the women who had voluntarily joined up.

The Vicar was pleased to report to the Annual Church Meeting on the 1stof May 1945 that "all members of the Church who had been held as prisoners of war in the Far East had returned except one, who had died as a result of an accident, we were very thankful for this, and only hoped that the health of one of them, Albert Hayle, would improve." He reminded those present that

" _this was the first Annual Church Meeting since the end of the war, and that we were intensely grateful to God for His mercies during that dreadful period. He emphasised the great importance of church attendance, adding that the constant gathering together of Christians for fellowship and worship was a powerful testimony to God and the Kingdom of God. Church Services were in the nature of an advertisement for the Christian life and, as such, should be the best possible advertisement."_

The minutes of the PCC meeting held on the 3rd of October 1945 note that a request from the Church of England for contributions towards a £100,000 [£3.35 million] fund for reconstruction work within the Anglican Church in China was discussed, but there is no record of how PCC responded.

The Vicar told the December PCC meeting that year that plans would be made to hold a Social Evening for returned soldiers in October 1946.

There is no mention in minutes of church meetings of any plans to erect a memorial in church to those who died in the war. This is perhaps surprising given the careful thought given to the most appropriate form of war memorial after World War I.

Post-war changes

As church historian Paul Welsby (1984 p.3) puts it, a new post-war optimism

" _tempered by the huge task of rebuilding infrastructure and the economy, to say nothing about broken lives, would pose a serious challenge for the Church of England. When Geoffrey Fisher was enthroned as Archbishop of Canterbury in April 1945, he pointed out that 'there is now a whole demon-ridden world to be reordered and everything of stability and high purpose which man can find will be needed for the task.' [As well as the spiritual challenge this involved, it put a heavy toll on church finances.] In February 1945 the Church Assembly had accepted on behalf of the Church of England the responsibility of contributing £250,000 [around £8.4 million today] towards the national appeal for £1 million [£33.5 million], the sum to be divided between the dioceses. Church people were urged to regard this not primarily as a financial contribution but as a gesture of brotherhood and solidarity between Christians in Great Britain and those on the Continent. The money was used for training ordinands and for ministering to prisoners of war."_

Post-war Britain witnessed a growth in central control by a government convinced of the need for social planning and social justice. Thus, for example, legislation was introduced to nationalise the Bank of England, and the gas, electricity, coal and transport industries.

Other far-reaching legislation included the Education Act (1944) and the National Insurance Act (1946), which created a comprehensive 'cradle to grave' scheme for all people which covered maternity, sickness, unemployment, retirement, and death. Even more important was the National Health Service Act (1946) which provided a free medical service for all and nationalised the hospital system.

Post-war recovery was slower than many had hoped for - austerity and rationing continued until 1954, dissatisfaction with the nationalisation programme fuelled industrial unrest and led to power cuts and coal rationing during the 1947-48 winter, and there was a disruptive and costly dock strike in 1948.

The church was not insulated from these social-economic pressures, and despite a slight increase in church attendance at the end of the war church membership continued to decline, along with church income and influence. The voice of the church in politics and society was dimming, as was the church's traditional role as a moral compass for the country. As Paul Welsby (1984 pp.44-45) has pointed out -

" _the effect of Darwin on popular thought, the misunderstanding of the results of biblical criticism and the comparative study of religion had caused a breakdown in traditional belief. The democratic fashion that everybody's opinion was of equal weight in religious questions prompted suspicion of authority. Reaction to the widespread suffering in two world wars, faith in the power of social engineering, science, and technology to improve life, a break-up of old communities and the displacement of masses of people into new urban settings, all contributed to a weakening of the hold of religion on the nation."_

Curate

There was no Curate in place when Samuel Latham took over as Vicar, and there hadn't been during the incumbency of his predecessor Edwin Towndrow. When Latham arrived in 1929 the church had been without a Curate for eleven years.

There was a long discussion at PCC in November 1933 about a bequest of £1,000 [£54,500] "made some years ago [by Miss Woods] to partially pay the income of a Curate", after which the Vicar said "it was most unlikely that a Curate would be appointed in the future, at least for some time." That "some time" would turn out to be nearly three decades, because the next Curate was not appointed until May 1961.

Blackburn Cathedral

The Diocese of Blackburn was founded in 1926, and at the same time the parish church of St Mary the Virgin in Blackburn was raised to cathedral status. Eight years later, in 1934, the Blackburn Cathedral Scheme was launched to raise the estimated £200,000 [£11 million] required to enlarge St Mary's into a fully-fledged cathedral. The former parish church now forms the nave of Blackburn Cathedral.

PCC discussed the Cathedral Scheme in May 1935 and agreed that "a Special Appeal Day be appointed for the reception of gifts for [it].... The date suggested was May 17th. The Secretary reported the receipt of 100 tickets to be sold at 6d. [£1.35] each for the meeting to be held in The Ashton Hall on February 14th..."

Over the next few years PCC returned to the Scheme and how to fund it on numerous occasions. In May 1935 it agreed to change the date of the Gift Day to the 21st of June; the Scheme was discussed again in December 1935; in March 1936 PCC delegated to the Churchwardens responsibility to respond to a letter from the Secretary of the Deanery Cathedral Building Fund asking every parish to give the collection on every 5th Sunday in any month.

In November 1937 PCC agreed to hold a Cathedral Sunday collection on the first Sunday in December, after the Bishop of Blackburn had appealed for £35,000 [£1.76 million] in the next twelve to eighteen months to enable building work to continue. In February 1938 PCC was told that St Thomas' had been asked to contribute £400 [£20,000] over the next three years.

The Cathedral Scheme must have raised enough money to at least begin the Cathedral building project, because the Vicar was able to tell PCC in May 1938 that the Duchess of Gloucester was to lay a foundation stone on the 13th of October "when she would also be prepared to receive gifts to the Fund of £5 [£250] upwards."

In October 1944, after being told about the Bishop of Blackburn's appeal to raise £270,000 [£9.2 million] over the next ten years, the PCC agreed to increase its annual £30 [£1,000] contribution to the Diocese.

Centenary celebrations (1947)

St Thomas' was opened on the 14th of April 1841 and consecrated on the 14th of June that year, so 1941 would mark the centenary of the church.

Looking ahead to that auspicious occasion, the Vicar told PCC in March 1939 that he "felt that some sort of ceremony should mark the occasion. The Vicar suggested a week's celebration that should include two Sundays, and thought it would be nice if we could persuade the Bishop to take one Sunday. The idea of opening a Centenary Fund was discussed." The outbreak of hostilities in September 1939 put paid to those plans and any thought of celebrating the centenary had to be put on hold until after the war.

PCC could eventually return to the matter in August 1946, when it was agreed that the delayed centenary should be observed between the 8thand the 15th of June 1947. Various ways of observing it were considered, including a Garden Party, a Sale of Work by the Women's Organisations, an evening Social Gathering, a Procession of Church Organisations, an Open Air Meeting, a Week-night Service ("preferably musical"), and a Children's Party. As the date drew closer, given the tired appearance of the church exterior, an Emergency Meeting of the PCC held on the 11th of May 1947 agreed that "the outside of the Church and the Notice Board [should] be painted for the Centenary" at an estimated cost of £24 10s. [£725].

A copy of the _Programme for the Centenary Celebrations 1841-1941_ , signed in blue ink by Samuel Latham the Vicar, is archived in the Lancaster Library Local Studies Collection, and it shows what the celebrations involved. They ran from Sunday the 8th to Sunday the 15th of June, as agreed by PCC the previous August.

There were four services in church on the first Sunday - Holy Communion at 8.00 am, followed at 10.30 am by Morning Prayer and Holy Communion, at which the Bishop of Lancaster preached; in the afternoon the Vicar preached at a Children's and Young People's Service at 2.30 pm, and there was Evening Prayer starting at 6.30 pm at which the Bishop of Blackburn preached.

A service for Day School Children was held in the church on the Tuesday morning, and between 6.00 pm and 9.00 pm on the Wednesday a Garden Party was held in Mr Loxam's Field on Aldcliffe Road, opposite the Parish Hall.

On the Thursday evening there was Choral Evensong in church. On the closing Sunday Holy Communion was celebrated at 8 am, followed by Morning Prayer at 10.30 am (at which a Rev W.G. Swainson preached), and Evening Prayer and Holy Communion (at which Rev T.G. Mohan, Secretary of the Church Pastoral Aid Society preached).

Looking back on the centenary celebrations nearly a year later, the Vicar told the Annual Church Meeting in April 1948 that he thought they "had been very happy and successful, and most helpful to the life of the Church." He reported that a total of £290 [about £8,000], including proceeds from a sale which were spent on robbing the choir.

In the Programme the Vicar described the need for further investment in the church buildings, even though some renovation work had recently been completed. He wrote (Latham 1947) that the church

" _is still in need of rather costly material improvements, and a Centenary Appeal for £500 [£14,800] is now made towards meeting part of the cost of these. The spire badly requires re-pointing; something should be done for the church bells; the seats should be carpeted and kneelers provided. Besides these, it is urgently necessary to provide far better equipment for youth work than we possess at present; the ground round the church should be asphalted, and our Parish Hall needs re-decorating. £500 will not, of course, cover the total cost of these, but it will enable some of the work to be undertaken.... Quite recently the Women's Guild made the splendid offer to meet the cost of robbing the lady choristers, which was most gratefully accepted by the Church Council. The order was given, and it is hoped that the ladies will be robed in time for the Centenary Services."_

The Vicar also wrote about changing attitudes towards church, and emphasised the key challenges the church was then facing, noting that

" _St. Thomas' was built in the days when it was considered 'the proper thing' to attend church on Sundays. Services were never shortened and children compulsorily received many hours of religious instruction every Sunday. The Church of England was not 'dead' in the early years of last century, as has sometimes been erroneously supposed. On the contrary, it was very much alive. New dioceses were formed and many new churches were built. The education of poor children was begun through the noble efforts of the National Society and the Society of Friends. The Church Pastoral Aid Society and a number of other Christian societies were formed during this period. Further, what is of supreme importance, missionary work abroad made great progress at the same time. For many years St. Thomas' was, and happily still is, to the fore, in this, the greatest work of the Christian Church. In its early years the income of the Benefice of St. Thomas' was largely derived from pew rents (these were abolished about 1935) and there was a 'waiting list' of those desirous of renting sittings. Today, as we all know, things are very different. Sunday has largely become a day of pleasure, and for a growing number, a day of work. Sunday is becoming like any other day. Vast numbers of people are without any definite religious or moral beliefs, and as an inevitable result our former standards of what is right and wrong are collapsing. Our nation is adrift." (Latham 1947)_

In terms of challenges, the Vicar wrote that

" _our greatest need is to recover the belief in the reality of God, and that we are responsible to Him, and to His laws. Only so can we recover and hold fast all that was best in our character and as individuals. The Christian Church must take its stand on the revelation of God and His will given in the Bible and in our Lord Jesus Christ. England must return to God or she will perish, which, may God forbid! Today the church in England, and that includes St. Thomas', is faced with the task of seeking to win our people back to faith in God and His Christ. St. Thomas' has always, thank God, stood for an Evangelical ministry, the proclamation of God's redeeming and saving love through Jesus Christ. All who do not attend any other church are earnestly invited to St. Thomas', where the services are truly 'popular' in character, as Church of England services should be, i.e., services in which all can join and take part. The times in which we live are dangerous and highly critical. Opportunity may be short. Every sincere worshipper in church helps not only their own soul, but helps to save the soul of England, and so enable the English people to be the people and do the work in the world God clearly wills them to be and do." (Latham 1947)_

Although his final sentence smacks of early post-war patriotism and jingoism, many would argue that the essence of his message remains just as relevant today as it was then.

Parish boundary

The matter of revising the boundary of St Thomas's parish to take into account population changes, which had been discussed by PCC briefly in 1915 and 1929, resurfaced again in 1930.

Apparently, according to the minutes of the Annual Church Meeting held in late April 1930, by then "a Commission had been held to consider the parochial boundaries in Lancaster but that the report had not yet been received." There is no record of who set up the Commission (presumably it was the Diocese), who was on it, what form it took, or what evidence it took into account; there is also no trace of the report it eventually produced.

The Vicar had already concluded and told the meeting that "it would be necessary eventually that our own boundaries should be extended owing to the migrating population, and he thought that it would be desirable that we should take in small portions of Christ Church, St Paul's and St Mary's parishes."

The Commission would take some time to produce its report and recommendations. The Vicar could only tell the Annual Church Meeting the following March that it "had not yet come to any decision but he hoped by the time our next annual meeting took place that the boundaries of our parish would have been considerably enlarged." Meanwhile the migration of people from the town centre parish out to the growing suburbs continued, and the Vicar advised the meeting that "our congregations had been much smaller recently as compared with the past few months before Christmas, and [he] said that the collections had also fallen off."

The next Annual Church Meeting, in April 1932, heard that "the question of the extension of the boundaries of our parish was still in abeyance, [although] the Bishop favoured the extension, principally towards Scotforth, and was now negotiating with Mr Birney [Vicar at St Paul's] with that end in view. The number of people in the Parish is at present 2,200." In 1851 there were 3,285 people living within the parish; within eighty years the population had fallen by a third.

By early 1933 the Commission had concluded its work and reached its conclusions. The Vicar told the Annual Church Meeting in April 1933 that

" _after being sealed by the Privy Council, the boundaries would extend as follows: Mr Johnson's Farm in South Road and a corresponding distance in Ashton Road on the East side only. Opposite Johnson's Farm in South Road, the boundary would take in the late Miss Wearing's house (Parkfield) taking in on its way Springfield Terrace, Springfield Street and Meadowside."_

The revised parish boundary came into effect in 1933.

Church relocation

The Vicar and his flock might have heaved a sigh of relief that eventually, after a long period of uncertainty, St Thomas' now looked like it had a viable parish that would give the church sufficient parishioners and income to ensure it would survive. But that would not be the end of the matter; hopes would be dashed when it became clear that a sustainable future in that location could not be guaranteed.

Matters came to a head on the 17th of June 1937, when the Vicar drew the attention of PCC to "the possibility of the removal of the Church to a site in the Bowerham district. A long discussion took place, and there was no fundamental objection raised at the meeting, but it was decided to leave the matter over until Tuesday 22nd June 1937 at 7.30 pm, when another meeting would be held to give further consideration to the matter."

The Vicar opened the discussion on the 22nd, "explaining fully his conversation with Bishop Pollard and the meeting of the Bishop, Churchwardens and himself. He also said that the Bishop of Blackburn, who said the legal aspect presented no difficulties, was in favour of removal. The Vicar went on to say that this was not a matter for a hasty decision, and he asked that careful consideration be given to it."

Various objections occurred to him, he said, including "the question - Would the Church of St Thomas' be forgotten if removed? Again, there would be considerable difficulty, on the part of at least 24 regular attenders, in attending at all if the Church were removed to Bowerham, and also would it damage the Evangelical cause?" He could see some benefits of moving to Bowerham, including "the fact that the resident population was gradually decreasing in the Parish and it was thought that in time - 25 years being mentioned by Bishop Pollard - St Thomas' would be in very real danger of becoming redundant."

Amongst the points raised in favour of moving were the fact that only about eleven percent of the congregation lived in the parish; a new parish in a growing suburb would probably attract new members to the congregation (although that hadn't happened at St George's Mission on the Marsh, which was surrounded by new houses); the number of children in the Sunday School was steadily declining and there should be more scope in another part of town.

The Vicar drew attention to the large number of churches in or around the town centre - St John's, St Anne's and the many Nonconformist chapels - which were all competing for the rapidly decreasing population. He pointed out that St Anne's was then in danger of being closed down, although it would in fact survive a further three decades. One PCC member argued that "to remove would help us to sow the seed amongst children. All we had to do was go where there were children and to train them to become church-minded." Another said that "he considered this to be a great opportunity, and hoped we would grasp it before someone else stepped in."

Many PCC members spoke against moving. According to the minutes of the meeting "Mr Wrathall was very satisfied with the present position of things and pointed out that St Thomas' today is in a favourable position in every way compared with other churches in the city, and he thought removal to a new site would be rather a dangerous experiment."

Several members spoke about churchmanship, one noting that "as the recognised Evangelical centre we were correctly placed at present in the centre of the city." Another said he "thought our present central position is better for drawing Evangelicals, who, in his opinion, and not likely to be found in the Bowerham district."

Opinions were clearly divided, and one member "suggested testing the feeling of the congregation, but the Vicar asked that the whole business be kept strictly confidential for the present. It was then decided to adjourn, the next meeting being fixed for July 15th."

The Vicar re-opened the discussion on the 15th of July and "once more made it quite clear that the idea [of relocating the church] did not emanate from the Bishop of Lancaster, but actually arose from a complaint by the Vicar [himself] concerning the Parish boundaries."

New arguments put forward against moving included the likely loss of regular attenders, the difficult period of the rebuild and move, the loss of a central location for the church, and uncertainty about the costs of moving and the possible impact on church finances. In favour of moving was the argument that the church's finances were steadily getting worse, and "it was fair to assume that the very nature of our services would attract" new members. Miss Hatch declared that "much as she loved St Thomas' and its associations, she could not bear the thought of it dying where it stood but were rather it were moved so that it might live." A suggestion that the congregation should be consulted about the possible move was rejected, the Vicar pointing out that "it was the duty of the Council to give the Congregation a lead."

Churchwarden Mr Trafford proposed the motion "That this meeting of St Thomas' Church Council gives its general approval to the suggestion of the removal of the Church Parish to Bowerham, and commends the same to the support of the Congregation, but the Council reserves full right to object to any particular details which may subsequently arise."

After further debate John Dart proposed that the motion be put to the vote, but not before the Vicar summed up by declaring that

" _there was no doubt that the Ecclesiastical Authorities were not, as a whole, in favour of Evangelicals, and if in the future - say 1 to 15 or 20 years - the population of our Parish had so far declined as to be practically non-existent, then he feared that our church might well be closed down. But if we removed to Bowerham, we would have a large resident population, and the future of St Thomas' would be safe for all time to uphold the Evangelical cause, in desirable surroundings."_

The Vicar was reframing the debate as a fight for a bigger cause - Evangelicalism - rather than just protecting St Thomas's own interests. The motion was then put to the meeting and carried unanimously.

Things moved slowly, and there is no further mention of relocation in any minutes of church meeting over the next two years. At PCC in December 1938, the Vicar re-introduced the topic by revealing the financial costs involved. He reported that "the value of our present site of 1,488 sq yards in the open market is, according to Messrs Procter and Birkbeck, approximately £1,984 [£98,800] whilst for removing and rebuilding the Church Messrs Thompson and Morris give an estimate of £11,000 [£548,000]." The Vicar concluded that, "in view of the difficulty of obtaining a suitable site it was felt that removal at the present time is impracticable." After further discussion it was agreed that he should write to the Bishop, setting out the case for extending the existing parish rather than relocating the church to Bowerham, and seeking his help in securing that.

The minutes of the February 1939 PCC contain the rather convoluted report from the Vicar that "he had received a reply from the Bishop and although the letter was somewhat indefinite in character it was nevertheless not unsympathetic." Two months later the Vicar told the Annual Church Meeting that "with regard to the depopulation of the Parish, the Bishop says he is not in favour of extending the present boundaries as it would mean that the population would be away from the church, but he is considering the situation very carefully."

The trail then goes cold as the war clouds gathered on the horizon and hearts and minds turned to more pressing matters. Whilst the topic disappeared from sight, it did not go away completely; soon after the war it would re-surface and continue to create uncertainty for the church and its people.

Finances

The church finances were in a sound state during the first few years of Samuel Latham's incumbency. In 1929 the Church Levy to the Diocese increased from £28 [£1,300] to £31 [£1,470] a year, but the Treasurer was able to report to the Annual Church Meeting in April 1930 that the accounts "were again in a satisfactory condition, though the Parish Hall Fund needed special attention." In May 1930 the PCC was told that the insured value of the church had been increased from £15,000 [£740,000] to £20,000 [£986,000].

But the "satisfactory condition" was to be short-lived, because the following November (1931) the Treasurer told the Finance Committee that

" _the Church Finances were not in a healthy condition, and that he anticipated we should be considerably behind at the end of the year. He estimated that we should need the sum of £76 14s. [£4,000] to clear us to the end of the year, and in that sum was included £14 [£735] for the Parish Hall. He thought the collections from now on would probably amount to about £23 [£1,200], which would leave a deficit of roughly £50 [£2,600]. After discussion it was decided to make a special appeal to all on the Electoral Roll for donations to a fund with a view to clearing off the probable deficit on the Churchwardens Account at the end of the year, and it was left to the Vicar and Wardens to draw up a suitable letter."_

This financial warning came at the time when plans were being made for changing the inside of the church, installing a new organ and building a Choir Vestry, which suggests that the leadership's ambitions were running ahead of their ability to pay for them. It also contained a salutary reminder that the Parish Hall had always been a financial drain on the church, never fully covering its own costs (maintenance, cleaning, decorating and repair).

Between 1930 and 1936 total annual income rose from £477 [£23,000] to £354 [£19,785], while expenditure rose from £471 [£23,200] to £354 [£19,785]. Between 1930 and 1948, the balance on the annual accounts rose from £6 [£300] to £95 [£2,600].

Income was lower in 1932 than in the previous two years, and the Treasurer's warning was taken seriously. At the October 1932 PCC meeting the Vicar "spoke of the poor state of the finances of the Church and suggested some ways of augmenting the funds, such as a Free Will offering scheme, a Gift Sunday or taking outside objects, but there was no definite support for any of these schemes." He said that the Organ Rebuilding Scheme would probably have a deficit of £300 [£16,200] and the Churchwardens Account a deficit of £30 [£1,600], and "the Parish Hall was in need of help."

A Sale of Work that December helped greatly, and in late February 1933 the Treasurer was able to tell PCC that the Churchwardens Account then had a balance of £40 2s. [£2,180] and the Parish Hall Account a balance of £41 19s. [£2,280]. As we shall see, a major conversion project was carried out inside the church between 1932 and 1933, which must have placed a particular burden on the accounts even though some members of the congregation were extremely generous in their giving at this time.

The biennial Sale of Work in December 1932 had saved the day, as previous ones had done over many years. Another sale in 1934 raised about £8 7s. [£450]. One at the end of January 1937 raised around £124 [£6,200] "in aid of Missionary funds and a percentage for Parish expenses", with £60 [£3,000] going to the Church Missionary Society and £25 [£1,260] to the Church Pastoral Aid Society. A sale in February 1939 raised £150 [£7,250], of which £15 (£725) went to the Blackburn Cathedral Fund, £80 [£3,800] to the Church Fund and £55 [£2,700] to the Missions Fund. The late 1945 sale raised £51 12s. [£1,700], of which £10 [£330] was donated to the 'Aid to China Fund' and £40 [£1,340] went on the Diocesan Quota.

The Vicar was able to tell the Annual Church Meeting in April 1934 that "we were free from debt, but that probably it was a good thing for the Church to be in debt. Money after all was not the most important phase of the Church."

The church might have been free from debt but the financial situation remained precarious. In October 1934 PCC discussed "how an increase in the funds not only of the Parish Hall but also of the Church organisations generally could be brought about", after which it was agreed to once again hold a 'Bring and Buy Sale' on the 10th of December in the School.

But disquiet continued, and the Treasurer insisted to PCC in January 1935 that

"the constant appeals for outside objects [collections for Christian organisations and activities] had a very serious effect on the giving by the congregation to the Church Expenses Account and [he] stated that unless the collections increased considerably a sum of between £30 [£1,600] and £40 [£2,170] would be needed to balance the 1935 accounts."

PCC agreed to hold a Special Appeal Day on the 17th of May in support of the Blackburn Cathedral Scheme.

The decision in 1934 by PCC to abolish pew rents was a bold one, given that they were then raising around £44 [£2,400] a year towards the running costs of the church. PCC approved the change in the hope that "seat holders would pay all or part of the amount of their previous rent to the Churchwardens to augment the collections." This turned out to be a rather optimistic view, because the annual income fell by around £90 [£5,000] in 1935 and 1936 compared with 1934, although expenditure was trimmed back accordingly in order to balance the books.

The information given about the accounts in minutes of church meetings becomes patchy after 1936. No figures are available for the period 1937-40, and only balances are available for 1940-48.

The question of increasing income continued to challenge the church leadership. The Treasurer reported to PCC in February 1938 that, once again, "the church finances were in a rather unsatisfactory state." PCC did not support the Vicar's suggestion of a Gift Day for the benefit of the Churchwardens Fund but it agreed "that envelopes should be provided for irregular or non-attenders who would like to give their 'collection' each week." In February 1939 PCC discussed ways of raising money other than by Sales of Work, and agreed to set up a committee to consider the possibility of "trying to get a certain number of worshippers to promise a regular weekly subscription".

In March 1939 PCC approved an 'Envelope System' for regular giving, and one member asked "if it was possible to discontinue the practice of taking Retiring Collections, but the Vicar said he did not think they were altogether unpopular and pointed out that very few were taken in a year."

World War II inevitably had an impact on church finances, because family incomes were down, costs were up, budgets were stretched, and minds were on more pressing things. The Treasurer told the Annual Church Meeting in April 1940 that

" _the usual income had almost ceased, owing to war-time conditions, whilst the expenses had been not much less than hitherto; in addition, a number of repairs had been executed. He further reported that the fabric of the Church was in good condition, with the exception of the bells and heating apparatus."_

Income and expenditure figures for the war years are not given in the minutes of church meetings, but with careful financial planning it was possible to build up healthy balances in 1943 and 1945 (no figures are available for 1944).

Despite the distraction of the war, the congregation at St Thomas' continued to give generously both to the church and for 'outside objects'. We see this, for example, in the budget that PCC agreed in January 1943, which approved a large number of special collections to be taken over the year ahead. Collections for internal use covered the Easter Offering (a gift to the Vicar), Parish Hall, Day School, Sunday School, Choir Fund, Sick and Poor Fund, General Purposes Fund, and the Fabric Fund. Collections for 'outside objects' covered the National Society, Queen Victoria Clergy Fund, the Church Pastoral Aid Society (CPAS), National Assembly, Diocesan Fund, British and Foreign Bible Society (BFBS), Church Missionary Society (CMS), Church Missions to Jews (CMJ) and the Commonwealth and Continental Church Society (now the Intercontinental Church Society).

By then St Thomas' had a long history of generous giving to "outside objects", which continues today. For example, in December 1938 PCC agreed to donate the retiring collections on Christmas Day to The Church of England Refugee Fund, for which the Archbishops of Canterbury and York were appealing for £50,000 [£2.5 million] "for relief work amongst the Non Aryan Christians in Europe, including 105,000 children."

PCC minutes record Missionary Gift Days in 1942 and 1943 in support of the Church Missionary Society (CMS), which received 80 percent of the revenue, and the Church Pastoral Aid Society (CPAS) which received the rest. Proceeds of a Missionary Gift Day in 1945 were split between CMS (50 percent), CPAS (25 percent) and the church (25 percent).

Some church activities made their own arrangements to generate income. For example, a Day School Festival was held on the 17th of November 1946 and raised about £18 [£580] for the Day School.

The Vicar's personal financial situation was not forgotten about. His stipend in 1946 was £456 [£14,750], and in May the PCC was told about the so-called 'K' scheme, which was "the wish of the Bishops of the Church of England to bring all incumbents' salaries up to £500 [£16,200] per year. The parish raised half the necessary increase and the Diocese, out of the increased Diocesan quotas, provided the other half."

The church finances had been challenging through most of Samuel Latham's time, and they were still like that in his last few years. The Treasurer told PCC in April 1947 that "the balance in hand [£25; £750] was rather low, that we were in fact in a parlous condition, and he hoped that the Centenary celebrations would help matters."

Church fabric

Church renovation project

A major project for converting the church interior to make it better fit for purpose was launched early in 1931. This involved removing part of one Gallery to install the new organ, and building a Choir Vestry.

Minutes of a meeting of the Finance Committee held on the 29th of May 1931 show the estimated costs, which were £180 [£9,500] to remove the portion of the Gallery for the organ and Vestry, and £140 [£7,400] for the entire removal of the side galleries, "which had been suggested". It was also recommended "that the Church be cleaned and decorated after the alterations, but not necessarily the Chancel." There was also an initial discussion about what sort of organ to buy - a two manual or three manual one - but no decision was reached. In June the PCC agreed to appoint an architect for the work, and "that plans be obtained for the whole scheme, the removal of the Galleries, the construction of a Choir Vestry, with the necessary panelling on the opposite side."

The question of how to significantly increase the Organ Fund was discussed. PCC considered holding a fund-raising Garden Party but decided upon another Sale of Work; the minutes record that PCC agreed that the Ladies' Working Party be asked to consider the matter."

Mr C.B. Pearson was appointed architect for the scheme and he presented his initial plans to the PCC on the 17th of July 1931. He offered three schemes for them to consider, each involving erecting a new organ chamber off the chancel to the south side at a cost of £500 [£26,250]. PCC asked him to prepare another plan "providing for the organ to be built inside the church on the south side and on the present site of the Font." The architect reported back to PCC in September with the additional plan. This involved completely removing the Galleries and locating the organ on the wall on the south side, as requested, with a two-storey Vestry opposite. The estimated cost was £1,615[£84,800], including £150 [£7,900] for redecoration.

Two key matters were discussed at the September meeting - whether to remove all or just part of the Gallery, and on which side of the church it would be best to install the organ. PCC agreed that "the Galleries should not be removed except that part necessary for the erection of the organ and possibly the Vestry." At this stage the preferred location of the Choir Vestry was beneath the Gallery, rather than a new-build extension, and PCC gave provisional approval to this, "subject to amendment in the future if thought necessary."

In terms of the best location for the organ, the south side of church was not favoured "owing to the Sun's rays pouring upon it" and "eventually the meeting decided that the organ be built on the North side, East end of the Church." The organ was installed there, and only the portion of the Gallery needed to create space for it was removed.

Planning for the scheme continued, and in July 1932 PCC accepted estimates for work on the organ, removal of that section of the gallery, and cleaning and decorating the church afterwards. It also received estimates for installing a new lighting system in church but agreed "to get the Corporation Electrician's Department to send a representative to advise us as to the best method of lighting the Church." The Council agreed "to apply for a faculty for the removal and rebuilding of the Organ, cutting away of the Gallery, the removal and refixing of the Font, removal of memorial tablets, and the new scheme of electric lighting" but also agreed "that we do not start the work until we have some definite idea of how the balance of the money is to be raised."

The faculty for the conversion work, dated the 21st of November 1932, seeks permission

" _To remove the Organ from the West End Gallery and to re-build same at the North East Aisle in the body of the Church, to cut away the Gallery and to remove certain seats in connection with this scheme, to form a new Platform in the Gallery with seating where the Organ has been removed, the old seating being transferred. To remove the Font from the South East corner of the Church and two seats in order to provide space for a Choir Vestry, to remove two seats from the South West Aisle to provide space for the Font. Also to re-decorate the Walls and Ceilings of the Church. This proposed work will cause the removal and reduction of the Seating accommodation of the Church by about 60 sittings. And it will also be necessary to remove three Memorial Tablets from the Walls which will be either placed in the Chancel or in the Body of the Church."_

The location of the Choir Vestry continued to exercise minds until the PCC agreed on the 9th of December 1932 "that it should be placed in the space in the West End Gallery [now the upstairs lounge in church] caused by the removal of the Organ, and further that the Font be not moved."

When PCC met again two weeks later, on the 21st of December, the Vicar announced that "since the passing of the resolution at our last meeting about the position of the Choir Vestry, he had received an anonymous offer of £200 [£10,800] if the Vestry should be built in the Churchyard at the South East corner of the Church adjoining the present building [where it is today, creating the backdoor entrance into church]. This offer was conditional on its being acceptable to Church and Council Members and uniting all concerned." The offer was accepted with gratitude. This is an interesting example of the old adage that "money talks", because the donor dictated where the Vestry should be built and made the donation conditional on their choice being accepted.

The church was closed during the first three months of 1933 for cleaning, redecorating, and alterations related to the installation of the new organ. Services were held in the Girls' School behind church while the church was out of use.

Securing the funding required to build the Choir Vestry was a great relief to the Vicar and Churchwardens. But 1933 got off to a shaky start when the Vicar reported to PCC in February "that dry rot has been discovered beneath the Reading Desk and the Choir Stalls." The cost of fixing that was estimated at just under £20 [£1,000].

With some relief that the project was by then completed, the Vicar reported to the Annual Church Meeting on the 20th of April 1933 that

" _the chief event of the Church year was the Organ rebuilding, redecorating the Church, New Choir Vestry, new Communion Table, Prayer desk and other items all now completed. All are pleased with the result and especially with the surplicing of the Choir, which lent added dignity to the Services. The Church was now more beautiful and he hoped more worshippers would attend the Services."_

He expressed his thanks to members of the congregation who had generously donated items for the refurbishment, particularly

" _to the very generous donor of the new Choir Vestry, to Miss Hatch for the beautiful Communion Table given as a memorial to her father and mother, to Mrs Hartley for the gift of the Prayer Desk and hassock given in memory of her father, mother and brother, to Mrs Morris for work on the new covers for the Chancel Chairs, to Mr Morris for the furnishings of the Choir Vestry, the generous donors of the new carpet who, although not worshippers at the church, had contributed the amount through Mrs Latham [the Vicar's wife], the Scholars of the Day School for the gift of two book markers for the Lectern Bible."_

Samuel Latham was later to describe (Latham 1947) how, in 1933

" _the church was entirely renovated, the largest item being the complete re-building of the organ - a large and very fine instrument, but then in a deplorable condition - and the placing of it in the east end of the church. This work alone cost nearly £1,000 [£54,500]. The present choir vestry was added by the late Miss Mary Simpson [the previously anonymous donor] at a cost of some £230 [£12,500].... the male members of the choir were surpliced at the same time. In addition, the church was completely re-decorated, and altogether a sum of £1,800 [£98,000] was raised to meet the cost of the various improvements. The church was re-opened for Divine Service, the organ and Choir Vestry dedicated, and the holy table consecrated at a crowded service on March 30 th, 1933, by the Lord Bishop of Blackburn."_

This project was a major achievement and no doubt greatly improved the interior of the church in the eyes of the congregation and church leaders. It had cost a lot, at a time when the church's finances were not at their best, but it also prompted great generosity by some members of the congregation.

The fact that the project coincided with the revision of the parish boundary in 1933 must not be overlooked. Here was a church confident about its past, present and future, and willing to step out in faith and "put their money where their mouth is" by investing heavily and visibly in the church as it was and where it was.

Other building matters

Things would go quiet on the buildings front over the rest of the 1930s, until PCC started wrestling with the matter of church heating in 1940. Heating must have been a problem ten years earlier, because the minutes of the July 1929 PCC Meeting note that "the possibility of holding services in the Parish Hall during the winter months was under consideration, but no decision was arrived at."'

PCC had a long discussion about the coal-fired heating system in April 1940 but, concluding that the problems of a cold church were partly caused by "faulty stoking", agreed to interview Mr Hargreaves the Verger. That did not solve the problem and PCC returned to the matter the following February, discussing the benefits of different types of heating system (gas, electric and oil) and agreeing they needed to find an answer before the next winter.

In May 1941 the PCC agreed for "electric heating units to be used as auxiliary to the existing scheme", but the Vicar announced that "he was very disappointed in the attitude of the Council towards the heating question, and he registered his strong disapproval of the Council which he considers ineffective. Thereupon the meeting came to an abrupt close." A frosty ending to a discussion about church heating!

After the war had ended and efforts were made to restore normality as much as possible, in July 1946 the PCC agreed to install a new coal-fired boiler for the heating system in church. The church had apparently got so cold during the winter months that services had to be held in the Parish Hall. When the Vicar announced the arrival of the new church boiler and the resumption of services in the church, at the April 1947 PCC meeting, he reported that "the enforced holding of services in the Parish Hall during the winter had been disappointing in some ways, notably in a reduce attendance and a diminished collection."

PCC also had other building matters to deal with during the 1940s. In October 1942 it was informed about problems with the church roof (water was coming in near the organ) and floor (which was sinking under the heavy framework of the new organ). In January 1943 PCC was told that repairs to the organ and organ chamber had been completed.

In July 1946 they discussed the need for linoleum floor covering for the church, but agreed to wait until better quality lino became available after the war. In May 1948 the Council thanked Miss Lund "for her gift of linoleum to the Vestry and the Parish Hall."

Steeple and bells

The organ and steeple had three things in common \- each was funded by Colin Campbell; each had become an integral part of the church; and neither had been kept in a good condition.

Repairs to the steeple were often cheap and piecemeal. In April 1930, for example, PCC was advised that "rain was getting into the spire of the Church and was falling on the bell ringers when oiling the bells, and it was suggested that a supply of peat moss should be obtained [to plug the holes]."

The bells, rung to draw worshippers into the services and to mark important civic occasions, had also caused problems in the past. Recall that in 1908 serious thought was given to replacing the bell ringers with "a chiming apparatus" to save money, and in 1923 the bells had been repaired at a cost of £13 13s. [£600].

In December 1935 the Vicar told PCC of his concerns about the state of the timber frame within which the six bells were mounted, advising that "the carriages of the bells were, in his opinion, rather shaky. Mr Churchouse [one of the Churchwardens] had taken him into the Belfry and he thought the frames were not at all firm. The Vicar asked for expert advice to be taken".

The chosen expert was Mr John Taylor of Loughborough, whose report, dated the 16th of March 1936, is archived in the Public Record Office in Preston. It clearly spells out the nature and scale of the problem, pointing out that the bells had never been turned since they were installed in 1853

" _and consequently the places where the clappers have been striking on the soundbows are now becoming badly worn; it is advisable that the bells should be turned so that unworn parts of the soundbows will be brought into use.... The timbers of the frame appear to be sound but the fault lies in the dimensions of the various members and in the general construction of the frame.... we are satisfied that it would be very unwise from all points of view to attempt to rehang the peal in the existing frame..."_

The timber frame was badly designed and poorly built, and the bells should have been turned to spread the wear evenly.

The report was read to the PCC in March 1936 and "after much discussion it was decided to ring only one bell for the present."

John Taylor sent a follow-up letter on the 10th of June 1936 (archived in Public Record Office in Preston), in which he emphasised that the design and construction of the frame were so seriously flawed that it would be very difficult to "put into absolutely perfect ringing order" so they "could not bring ourselves to submit an estimate for such a scheme." He added that "naturally we could not quote for a job which would not be eminently satisfactory in its results as this would be bad for our reputation. It would be a tragedy if you were to spend say £100 [£5,300] and find that the peal was still in an unsatisfactory order from the ringers' point of view."

Apparently the bells were then silenced completely for some time, on safety grounds. In November 1937 the Vicar told PCC that "he thought it a great loss having no bells. Two firms had, however, reported unfavourably on their condition." After some debate about how safe it might be to ring them, "the Vicar thought we might try one bell only at first" and it was agreed to put one of the bell ringers in charge.

Church grounds

We hear little about the church grounds through most of its history, but they do get mentioned a few times during Samuel Latham's time. In June 1937, for example, PCC discussed "the unsatisfactory condition of the Churchyard" and left the matter to the Vicar and Churchwardens to deal with, not before suggesting that "Mr Stephenson [the Verger] be requested to put the Churchyard in order by a certain date, failing which the Wardens would get the work done and the amount expended would be deducted from the next payment made to the Verger."

The PCC was advised in March 1939 "that the houses in Victoria Place are to be demolished" as a result of which they decided "to hold over the Spring Cleaning of the Church for the present."

The removal of the church railings as scrap metal to support the war effort in 1943 created the problem of how to make sure the area around church was safe, particularly against children and adults falling over high drops. The matter was discussed at PCC meetings between December 1945 and August 1946, where various solutions were considered including putting a rockery around the church frontage, planting a privet or thorn hedge at an estimated cost of £25-28 [£840-940], replacing the railings at an estimated cost of at least £100 [£3,200], building up the wall on the Marton Street side, planting yew trees along Marton Street and putting railings in front of the Church. A maximum budget for the scheme of £20 [£650] was set at the July 1946 meeting, and in August PCC agreed to lay a hedge on the Marton Street side and a netting fence fronting Penny Street.

Organ

The huge organ in the West Gallery had played an important role in church services since it was installed in 1852 by Colin Campbell.

It had served the church well, but had been costly to maintain in a good condition, and had often been neglected for long periods. It had been restored in 1883, threatened with closure on cost grounds in 1898, in need of repair in 1905, threatened with replacement in 1908, cleaned and repaired in 1909, considered for being moved downstairs in 1918, in need of repair and cleaning (or possibly removal) in 1923, and still in need of repair in 1927.

Samuel Latham found the organ in a poor state when he started at St Thomas' in 1929. The July PCC that year discussed what to do about it and agreed to seek expert advice and the opinion of local organists "and to obtain estimates for whatever was thought to be necessary and report to the next meeting of the Council." In November 1929 PCC agreed to accept "the recommendations of the Finance Committee that the organ be rebuilt and removed to the east end of the Church and that a fund be opened for that purpose."

Relocating the organ soon became part of a much bigger church renovation project, which is described below. In July 1932 PCC discussed whether to have a separate console (keyboard) but favoured one built into the rebuilt organ, and agreed "that we should have a medium diapason stop added to the Organ at a cost of about £50 [£2,700], as it was stated it would be a great improvement to the instrument." In December 1932 PCC agreed to give the contract for moving and rebuilding the organ to Jardine's.

By the mid-1930s the harmonium, which had been bought in 1924 to provide musical support in services when the organ was badly in need of repairs, had reached the end of its life. In November 1937 PCC were told that "Mr Lord had offered to give us an American Organ and the gift was gratefully accepted... The old Harmonium being of no use it was decided to give it away."

Services

Although sorting out the buildings, organ and bells was a challenge, the Vicar did not neglect the services. Three matters were discussed while Latham was Vicar - Prayer Books, Communion Services, and music.

In May 1929, soon after he arrived, PCC revisited the matter of the _Revised Prayer Book_ which they had discussed and rejected two years earlier with Edwin Towndrow in the chair. This time they agreed that "a resolution against the revision of the _Prayer Book_ be sent to the new Member of Parliament for the division, and that, if necessary, we should co-operate with St Paul's Church in the matter." Fourteen years later, in July 1943, PCC agreed to buy replacement copies of the _Book of Common Prayer_ for the Church, "the present complete ones being badly damaged".

In March 1945 the Vicar asked PCC to consider "a suggestion emanating from the Evangelical section of the Church of England - about occasionally holding a service of Holy Communion which would bring forward and emphasise the Evangelical and Protestant view of the Holy Communion. The suggestions included the singing of hymns, the bringing of the Communion Table into the body of the Chancel, a special loaf on the Table, and a sermon on some aspect of the Holy Communion." Two months later, displaying a new sensibility about personal hygiene, the PCC agreed with Miss Swainson who "suggested the wiping of the Cup [between uses] in the Communion Service."

In terms of music, PCC agreed in December 1932 "that a processional hymn should be sung as the clergy and choir walk up the aisle to their stalls." Sixteen years later, at the Annual Church Meeting in April 1948, "Mr Dart brought up for discussion the advisability or otherwise of introducing new settings to canticles. It was decided to leave this over to the next meeting." The next meeting was in May and the suggestion was "discussed but left over to be taken up again with the new Vicar."

Choir

The choir had long played an important role in the church services, and during Samuel Latham's time there were various matters to deal with.

One pressing matter was exactly where in church the choir should sit. They had long been seated near the organ in the West Gallery, but by 1929 they were seated downstairs below one of the Galleries. The suitability of this location was discussed by PCC in May 1929, "the general opinion being that the seats under the Gallery occupied by the Ladies were quite unsuitable." It was agreed "that a temporary seat be erected on either side behind the present ones for the men to occupy, the ladies to take the men's usual position and the boys in front."

Two years later the debate shifted to the robbing of the choir and the provision of a Choir Vestry where the robes could be kept and the choir could get dressed. PCC agreed in April 1931 that the choir should be provided with robes and a Vestry, as part of the building project for moving and rebuilding the organ (described elsewhere in this chapter). In May 1934 PCC authorised the Churchwardens "to provide a surplice or surplices and cassocks for the choir as they deemed necessary." Many years later, in December 1946, the PCC were told that "it was the wish of the Women's Guild to robe the ladies in the Church Choir as their contribution to the Centenary - they were willing, it was said, to bear the bigger part of the cost." The offer was gratefully accepted.

The question of the gender balance in the choir, traditionally dominated by females, was raised at the June 1937 PCC meeting. There "the Vicar drew attention to the lack of boys in the choir, and after discussion it was suggested that the ladies sit in the stall now occupied by the boys, and the boys take the place of the ladies in the front pews. Ladies not to be robed."

Pew rents

The issue of pew rents had been raised at the 1924 Easter Vestry Meeting, where the Vicar announced that "they were steadily working to set the church free of pew rents".

Nine years later, in November 1933, PCC agreed with the Vicar's hope that "if the pew rents were abolished that seat holders would pay all or part of the amount of their previous rent to the Churchwardens to augment the collections. He felt that all seats being free would be a great help to the Church." Pew rents varied from year to year, but in 1933 they raised about £44 [£2,400].

The Vicar's wish soon came true. Although the matter of pew rents was discussed at the PCC meeting in March 1934, with no decisions being taken, the following month the Council voted to support "the decision of the Vicar and Churchwardens of the Parish (the sanction of the Bishop of the Diocese having been given) that all Pew rents in [St Thomas'] shall be abolished and that in future all sitting shall be free and open."

PCC also agreed to delegate to the Churchwardens the responsibility for collecting outstanding Pew Rents, the money from which would be added to the Church Expenses Fund. The Vicar agreed to "interview seatholders other than those present, with a view to the continuation of the sums previously paid as pew rents as a free will offering to the wardens for the Church Expenses Fund." To promote the change, PCC agreed that 'All Seats Free' should be painted on the Notice Board outside Church, and a notice fixed over the inner door of Porch announcing 'All seats in this Church are free.'

Whilst the Vicar felt certain that abolishing Pew Rents was the right way to go, he admitted at the Annual Church Meeting in April 1934 that

" _in some ways he regretted this step, because it marked the passing of a custom and tradition which had always been very dear to him, namely, family worship. He felt, however, that there would probably be more worshippers at the church now all seats were free."_

As well as widening access to church services for those who could not afford to rent a family pew, the decision would also do away with the traditional hierarchical and socially-stratified nature of seating in the church, in which families' status and standing were displayed for all to see by where they could afford to sit.

Church socials

Two main types of social event for church members and supporters were organised during Samuel Latham's time. During the summer months it was possible to hold garden parties outdoors, "with games and stalls etc.... to defray miscellaneous parochial expenses." Minutes of PCC meetings indicate that these were held in early July 1932, when "the event proved successful and resulted in the sum of £14 [£750] being raised for the Churchwardens' Funds", and in late June 1937. Both were held in the gardens and grounds of a Miss Dawson's house near the canal.

During the winter Congregational Tea Parties were organised inside, usually in the school building. Minutes of PCC meetings record these having been held in early December 1929, with "tickets at 9d. [£1.80] each", and on Shrove Tuesday in 1931, which produced a profit of £8 11s. [£460], £1 [£54] of which went into the Parish Hall Fund but most (£7 11. [£406]) was handed over to the Organ Fund.

Electoral Roll

Electoral Roll numbers were reported each year at the Annual Church Meeting, and are given for many years in the minutes of those meetings.

Between 1929 and 1947 the total number of names on the roll decreased intermittently from 288 to 257, peaking at 298 in 1933. Women continued to out-number men roughly 2 to 1.

The figures become a bit patchy after about 1940, but there is no evidence of a systematic drop in numbers through the war years. Variations in total numbers from year to year reflect the net effect of deaths, movements into and out of the area, and changing demographics (only those aged eighteen and over could be included).

The number of names on the Electoral Roll gives an idea of the likely size of the congregations, but not all Pew Holders (who probably had to be listed on the Roll) attended church regularly, and it is highly likely that not all regular attenders were on the roll. Strictly speaking, a person could only be listed if they were over eighteen years of age and lived within the parish, and we saw earlier that more than half of the congregation lived outside the parish.

The church was built to seat a thousand people, but by the early 1930s it looks as though there was more than enough capacity for most of not all occasions. This is apparent from the PCC's willingness to remove the Galleries, or part of the North Gallery and the seating beneath it (for the organ), and seating beneath part of a Gallery, in order to create a Choir Vestry there as part of the 1933 renovation scheme.

Youth work

In Samuel Latham's time we start to see the growth of youth work at St Thomas', and it is interesting to see the prominent role that John Dart played in raising the profile of this.

John Dart is first mentioned in the minutes of the Annual Church Meeting held on the 5th of April 1937, which record that the Vicar "welcomed Mr Dart in coming forward and taking up the work of Mr W. Pennington who had gone to live in London. [he added that] Mr Dart would be a great help and his enthusiasm for his work amongst the young people was noted." As an aside - this is the first mention in church minutes of anyone who was still alive and attending St Thomas' at the time of writing (2014); John was then 101 years old, and very much the revered elder statesman.

Eight years later, at the end of the war, the Vicar told the PCC in April 1945 that he

" _agreed with Mr Dart as to our responsibility for the young people - the young people who would become the acting and deciding generation of tomorrow - and that we should try to show them the beauty and the glory and the strength of the Gospel of Jesus Christ, and to make them very welcome in the Church."_

In his review of the past year, the Vicar told the Annual Church Meeting in 1948 that "one of the most encouraging features of the Church life was the Youth Fellowship", which John Dart led.

Parish Hall

The Parish Hall in Aldcliffe Road continued to be a useful asset to the church, but at the same time it required regular maintenance and redecoration and was a drain on the finances.

In July 1930 PCC approved the painting of the outside of the timber-framed and corrugated iron clad structure; in December 1941 it agreed to install new gas heaters and repaint the interior; in March 1944 it granted the Churchwardens permission to spend up to £80 [£2,700] on the purchase of a piano rather than having to pay £2 [£68] each time one was hired for a function; and in May 1945 it approved expenditure on painting, installing ventilators in the roof, and replacing a lot of broken crockery.

Most years the income received from renting it out to non-church groups barely covered the running costs, so in November 1930 PCC agreed that "in future, if any organisation uses the Hall for any purpose such as a concert, jumble sale etc at which a profit is made, they should make a contribution towards the expenses of the Hall."

The minutes of the May 1939 PCC meeting include an enigmatic entry about the Parish Hall. It says "acting on a report from the Parish Hall Committee, it was decided to invite members of the Tennis and Badminton Clubs to a meeting of the Parochial Church Council in order that the affairs of the clubs should be thoroughly discussed." PCC was told at its next meeting, in late July, that "the property of the Tennis Club belongs to the members, as they claimed.... Mr Wrathall [Churchwarden] said he thought it was a pity to lose the young people, but the Vicar pointed out that the members of the club were not our people at all, excepting in one or two instances."

Quite why "the affairs of the club" were "thoroughly discussed", and what caused the loss of "the young people", remain mysteries, but the Vicar's apparent disinterest in people who "were not our people at all" is quite telling.

Outreach and mission

The scale and significance of the 1933 renovation project raises a question about the extent to which the church at this time was focussing more on plant than on people, and driven more by a concern for maintenance than for mission.

To his credit, the Vicar did emphasise to the Annual Church Meeting in April 1933 that

" _now that the material side of the work had been executed, the great need of more spiritual effort was essential to all. The Mission recently concluded [presumably the CMS mission in October 1932, described later] had been very helpful, and the numbers quite encouraging."_

We find two other pointers to the Vicar's concern about the spiritual state of the church almost buried in minutes of earlier PCC meetings.

In July 1929 PCC agreed to set up a Spiritual Committee, of elected members, "to help the Vicar in spiritual matters connected with the Church", although it is never mentioned again. That November PCC agreed "to make the Prayer Meeting on Friday November 29th of a special character for the purpose of asking divine guidance as to the decisions to be come to by the Congregation on December 4th." The minute is rather enigmatic and exactly what "the decisions" related to remains unclear; there is no record of any meeting being held on the 4th of December that year.

Samuel Latham was something of a new broom when he arrived, bringing new ideas and priorities into St Thomas'. One of these was the importance of ministering to men and youths. We have already seen evidence of the growth of youth work. When the Vicar asked PCC in July 1929 for suggestions on work among men and youths "it was felt to be unwise to launch out in too many directions at once, but eventually it was decided... that a Men's Class should be held once a fortnight in the Parish Hall on Sunday afternoons from 3 to 4 pm, to commence in the Autumn."

The Vicar was also keen to grow his congregation. He emphasised to the Annual Church Meeting in April 1932 that

" _we needed to make the Church attractive both inside and outside. Visitors to the Church should be welcomed, and also into the life of the Parish, he asked that all should help and especially with the newly confirmed; he said we could only prosper as we all worked together."_

Two years later, at the annual meeting, he stressed "the need of increased regular attendance for divine worship."

One way of increasing numbers is through holding missions in the parish. In July 1932 PCC proposed to hold a Church Missionary Society (CMS) mission during the last week of October 1932, but it is not mentioned again after that. The Vicar read a letter from the Bishop to PCC in July 1934 on "how best the members of St Thomas' can help to increase the number of attendances", and mentioned that "a special missioner was coming to conduct services during the last week in September, and hoped that all present would attend some of the meetings." The Vicar emphasised that "the Schools belonging to St Thomas' were a great influence and we should always try to get parents to send their girls to these schools which at present had vacant places."

He suggested that ladies could probably do a great deal of good by regular visits to their acquaintances and by trying to interest their friends in St Thomas' Church." This approach was typical of the time - mission was about bringing in an outside missioner rather than a core task for the Vicar, and it was mainly women's work.

The services that the missioner conducted in September were described in the minutes of the October 1934 PCC meeting as "the Missionary School". A total of 32 people attended all or part of it, although it is not known how many of them were existing church members. The Vicar felt that "it has helped to enlarge their view of the church and their outlook on Christianity as a whole."

By the mid-1930s the continued migration of families from the parish to the suburbs was taking its toll on St Thomas'. Although numbers on the Electoral Roll were holding up, income raised through collections and the number of children attending the Sunday School and the Day Schools were falling. The Vicar told the Annual Church Meeting in April 1935 that

" _the work of all was necessary to strengthen the Church and for the Kingdom of God. The Church Army had visited the parish and done much good, and he was sure that a spiritual blessing attended their labours. The primary duty of the Church was to get the people together for worship and to help one another."_

He pursued the same theme the following year, reporting that

" _St Thomas' was holding its own as a town parish but the collections were down but they could always rely on balancing their affairs through sales of work and special efforts.... In this non-church-going era it is a call to all to rectify or remedy this defect. We ought to progress and not be satisfied that the church is holding its own."_

Talk of mission returned in December 1938, when the Vicar announced to PCC that "the Deanery have decided to hold a Crusade or Mission from October 20th to October 31st 1939. There will be one Leading Missioner but each Parish will make its own arrangements and appoint its own Missioner. Our Missioner will be Rev A.G. Lea, Vicar of Rawtenstall, who has conducted missions in China. In reply to Mr Dart the Vicar said the Mission will be Evangelistic in character, although it might be possible to hold teaching classes." In February 1939 PCC set up a small committee, chaired by the Vicar and including both Churchwardens and four others, to oversee the arrangements for St Thomas'.

The outbreak of the war in September 1939 made it necessary to postpone the Lancaster Deanery Crusade until the beginning of May 1941, and each parish was asked to arrange its own programme to run between the 3rd and the 10th of that month. The PCC was told in December 1940 of the plan to open and close the Crusade with large public meetings in the Ashton Hall, which it was hoped would "give the Campaign something of the nature of a 'Religion and Life' week." There is no further mention of the Crusade in the minutes of other church meetings in St Thomas'.

A further opportunity to reach out beyond the walls of the church was presented in 1943. The Vicar told the Annual Church Meeting in April about a United Church's Campaign being planned in Lancaster to start "the first week in June, to last a fortnight, one week of open air meetings and one week of mass meetings in the Ashton Hall. On June 6th an interchange of pulpits was planned. It was hoped to see from this effort an increased interest in spiritual affairs."

A similar Campaign was run before April 1944, but it is not known exactly when. Looking back on both, the Vicar advised the Annual Church Meeting in 1944 that "the first campaign... he felt had been helpful, and, outwardly, at least, had been successful. He was not so happy about the second campaign, he felt the results had been disappointing. He had been asked to take part in a third campaign this year, 'Faith for the Times' - it was a purely evangelistic effort and he wished it success but he did not feel led to take any active part in it. The campaign, he said, opened on the 1st May."

By the mid-1940s, with the war still under way, church attendance declining across the country, secularism and materialism on the increase, the Church of England was facing challenges on many fronts.

In 1945 its Commission on Evangelism published a report entitled _Towards the Conversion of England_ that, as Paul Welsby (1984 p.45) puts it, was "as much concerned with the need to strength the spiritual life of the Church itself as with reaching the unconverted". The report deplored the influence of humanism, secular education and the scientific approach to life. It called for a renewed emphasis on evangelism in order to "present Jesus Christ in the power of the Holy Spirit, that men shall come to put their trust in God through Him, to accept Him as their Saviour and serve Him as their King in the fellowship of His Church."

The last we hear from Samuel Latham about mission is his statement to PCC in April 1947 that "the Christian church today was in a minority - virtually a missionary church in a pagan world. It was important that Christian witness should be strong and clear."... although he made no suggestions about how that should happen.

School

There is little to report on St Thomas' School during Samuel Latham's time other than his report to PCC in July 1937 that "a re-organisation of Schools was to take place and that St Thomas' would be involved."

In 1947 he wrote in the _Programme for the Centenary Celebrations 1841-1941_ that "to-day the school, under the headship of Miss Fearing and a very capable staff, is a girls' modern secondary school, and on a number of occasions has received warm praise from the Local Education Authority.... A definitely Christian and church 'atmosphere' is a marked feature of the school."

Looking ahead he reported that "under the new Education Act [1944] the school will eventually be united with the Boys' National School in a new building, to accommodate also possible borders, to be erected in the Ashton Road between Ripley buildings and the Royal Infirmary." That prediction eventually came true in 1966, as we shall see in Chapter 15.

By this time St Thomas' School was still technically a Church School but overseen by the Local Education Authority. The Diocese was growing concerned about the future of the Church Schools and the provision of religious education. In May 1947 PCC was told about the Bishop's Appeal for £100,000 [£2.9 million] towards the costs of the Church Schools in the diocese, and agreed to ask the Bishop to send someone to speak to them about the matter.

In response, the Bishop of Lancaster addressed a Special Meeting of PCC held on the 23rd of September and told them "the Church Schools of Lancaster, under an almost unique and certainly a very comprehensive scheme, were safe - the money for them was secured. The appeal was for the church schools of the diocese." He shared his view that

" _it was the right of every child to be provided by the state with the religious education required for it by its parents. Religious education was not based on a syllabus only, but on a creed, and dependent for its success on belief in that creed by the teacher. All true religious education is not only based on a syllabus, but must be connected with a living, worshiping (church) community. True education must have infinite variety of treatment and method and complete freedom."_

The following month PCC discussed how best to raise money for the Bishop's Appeal and agreed "to raise at least £100 [£3,000] in three years and as much more as possible."

In January 1949, when Samuel Latham's successor was in post as Vicar, PCC were told that £110 [£2,900] had been raised in eighteen months. It agreed to do nothing more in support of the Bishop's Appeal.

Resignation and departure

Samuel Latham resigned at Vicar of St Thomas' in April 1948, having served the church through nineteen difficult years.

It is perhaps fitting that the last words we hear from him are recorded in the minutes of the Annual Church Meeting held on the 14th of April, where he reminded his listeners that "the church is the Society of believers and not a company of ministers or clergymen."

In his absence one of the Churchwardens took the chair for the next PCC meeting, on the 5th of May, where it was agreed to open a subscription list and seek contributions from "all church members and friends" towards a farewell gift to him, "the presentation to take the form of a cheque and an illuminated scroll." PCC also agreed that Mr Dart should write a letter on their behalf to the CPAS Board of Patronage "about certain qualifications they would like the new Vicar to possess." Unfortunately no copy of that letter has survived so we are unable to learn what these "certain qualifications" were.

The Vicar must have left Lancaster after early June, because he was back in the chair at the PCC meeting held on the 8th of that month.

Samuel Latham moved south to become the Rector of Maresfield in Uckfield, Sussex, between 1948 and 1954. He is listed in _Crockford's Clerical Directory_ for 1967 at Ellesborough Manor in Aylesbury, Buckinghamshire, presumably retired because by then he would have been 86 years old. He died in Aylesbury, Buckinghamshire, in June 1979, aged 98.

He had a longer and more eventful incumbency of St Thomas' than most other Vicars before or since. Amongst the highlights of his time were the renovation of the church interior, relocation and rebuilding of the organ, and building of the new Choir Vestry in 1932-33, the revision of the parish boundary in 1933, the abolition of pew rents in 1935, and the delayed celebration of the Church Centenary in 1947.

Whether he would have described the Second World War as a highlight is debatable, but he certainly kept the church going through tough times. He also did his best to deal with the first wave of an emerging post-war culture marked by growing disinterest in church, organised religion and all matters spiritual.

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14. Harold Wallwork (1948-1957)

Harold Wallwork graduated from Oak Hill Theological College in London in 1937 then studied at St John's College in Durham, graduating with a B.A. 1941 and an M.A. in 1944. He was ordained deacon in 1941 and priest in 1942, and served his first Curacy at St Thomas', Blackpool (as did Cyril Ashton twenty-two years later) between 1941 and 1944. He moved south to serve as Curate in Charge of Great Houghton in Northamptonshire (1944-46), before becoming Chaplain and Tutor at Bible Churchman's College in Bristol (1946-48).

In 1948, after the resignation of Samuel Latham, Harold Wallwork was appointed Curate in Charge (1948-51) and then Vicar (1951-58) of St Thomas'. He was the church's tenth Vicar (but ninth person, allowing for Joseph Armytage being appointed twice). The reason why he arrived as Curate in Charge will become clear below.

Appointment and arrival

The interregnum must have lasted about four or five months, because Latham chaired PCC on the 8th of May and Wallwork chaired his first PCC at St Thomas' on the 11th of October 1948. There was no Curate in post at that time and we have no information about who looked after the church during the interregnum.

But things did not stand still; the minutes of an Emergency Meeting of PCC on the 27th of August 1948 record a discussion about the repairs and redecoration needed at the Vicarage and note that PCC agreed to get estimates for the work. A welcome evening for the new Vicar and his wife was held in church on the 18th of October 1948.

Wallwork's first Annual Church Meeting was held on the 26th of April 1949, where as Curate in Charge he had the uncomfortable task of chairing a discussion about a proposed re-organisation of the church and parish boundaries.

By late August 1948 CPAS - the church's patrons - had selected Harold Wallwork to succeed Samuel Latham as incumbent, but his status (as Curate in Charge rather than Vicar) and the terms of the appointment were dictated by uncertainty over the future of the church. At an Emergency Meeting of PCC on the 27th of August 1948 "Mr Dart spoke about the present position of the Church and a lengthy discussion followed. It was thought that the Council should meet Mr Wallwork before he took up his appointment as Vicar and Mr Dart offered to write suggesting an interview."

Wallwork took up his appointment as Curate in Charge, the living (incumbency) having been suspended. He told his first PCC meeting on the 11th of October that "as the situation stood, absolute freedom of the Church was denied to the Vicar at the moment - that because of future proposed re-organisation in the parish, the dictatorship of the Vicar and the Freehold was reserved at present."

He was inducted as Vicar on the 22nd of May 1951, more than two and a half years after his arrival, after the matter of the parish boundary (detailed below) had been resolved. At a PCC meeting that day John Dart proposed "the best wishes of the PCC to the Vicar on the position of the Church being regularised, [and] he pointed out how much was owed to the Vicar for his clerical work and for wakening the authorities to the real facts of the case. It was a pleasure to the Council that we were now a parish fully recognised as such.... In reply the Vicar said he was grateful to the Council for its loyal support; the matter he reported was to go before a re-organisation committee to consider the enlargement of the parish, to include Ripley Hospital and the Infirmary." This new extension would come from part of the parish of St Mary's, the Parish Church.

Lancaster during his time

St Anne's Church on Moor Lane (1798), which had gradually lost most of the population from its parish and had been threatened with closure in 1926, was eventually closed in 1957 and was converted to become the Duke's Theatre. The timing, coinciding with the threat to close St Thomas', was no accident; both discussions were part of a wider review of the sustainability of Anglican churches within Lancaster. St Thomas' emerged a winner but unfortunately for St Anne's it emerged a loser. St John's survived for a time but would eventually be closed in 1981.

These were not the only changes in the religious landscape of Lancaster over this period. In Bowerham St Bernadette's, a Roman Catholic chapel-of-ease based in a barn, which opened in 1948, was replaced in 1958 by a large stone church with the same name. The following year the Primitive Methodist Chapel in Main Street, Skerton, closed and was later demolished, the congregation having joined the Wesleyan Methodists.

Further changes occurred in the mid-sixties. In 1964 the Primitive Methodist Chapel on Moor Lane (1895) closed, and after being used as a furniture store it was converted in the 1990s into a Youth Arts Centre as part of the Duke's theatre. That year a striking new Anglican church with a distinctive spire - St Chad's - was opened north of the river to serve the nearby Rylands estate and other local housing.

In 1965 the St Nicholas' Unitarian Chapel (1687) was closed and demolished to make way for the development of the St Nicholas Shopping Arcade. The following year the Unitarians built a small chapel on Scotforth Road opposite the Boot and Shoe Inn, which closed in 2006 and the building was enlarged to create a Freemasons' Lodge. The Church of the Holy Spirit, a mission church from Christ Church, was closed in 1966 and the building has been demolished.

In the late sixties Christ Church gave up its large Gregson Institute in Moor Lane, which had been founded in 1899. After serving as the school hall of Christ Church Primary School, the building stood empty for several years until it was bought in 1984 by a community group based in the Freehold area and is now The Gregson. The Centenary Congregational Church in St Leonardsgate (1817) was closed in 1967, and after being used by the University of Lancaster in its early days it was converted in the 1990s into a pub, now called The Friary.

Events in Britain

Thankfully Lancaster did not face the serious problems encountered by some other towns and cities across the country in the immediate aftermath of the war.

As Paul Welsby (1984 p.28) points out "while the nation was meeting the challenge caused by war damage and the need for a vast increase in the housing supply, the Church of England was faced with the restoration of bombed churches, parsonages, and church halls and with the provision of buildings for the new housing areas." The Church of England wrestled with a number of serious challenges in the early post-war period. Its own financial resources were stretched so it could only pay relatively small stipends to incumbents.

Things were improved by the creation of the Church Commissioners by combining the Ecclesiastical Commissioners (established as a permanent body in 1836 to augment the endowment income of poor benefices) and the Queen Anne's Bounty (established in 1704 for the purpose of augmenting the maintenance of the poor clergy); it began to invest in industrial and commercial shares which yielded much higher returns than bank savings accounts, which allowed stipends to rise.

The Bishops were also concerned about the shortage of parish clergy and the small number of people - men only in those days - being trained for ordination, which in turn threatened the sustainability of many parishes. This in turn constrained the ability of the Church to reach out to those beyond its existing congregations.

In 1948 the Anglican bishops called on the whole Church to increase its evangelistic effort in order to "win the nations of Christendom back to the knowledge of God, and to take the good news to those who have not yet heard it". Roger Lloyd (1966 p.517) pointed out that

" _the parishes in 1948 were not well placed to respond to evangelistic appeals.... they did respond as best they could, even heroically... Every year which passed made more plain the... fact that in every industrial centre, whatever the parish church did, whatever experiment it tried, however the sacrifices of its people, the mass of the 'working class' would quite certainly and depressingly fail to respond in any significant way."_

The cause of evangelism was helped by the arrival on the scene of American Baptist evangelist Billy Graham, whose first nationwide crusade in Britain in 1954 became headline news, drew huge crowds and captured the popular imagination. As Paul Welsby (1984 p.48) reports

" _Dr Graham caused many people to face the challenge of Christ and made parishes more aware of their responsibility to preach the Gospel. Moreover, he insisted that his evangelism musty be linked with the Church and every enquirer without a Church allegiance was commended to a local church. As a result of the campaign some were brought to a new faith, many had their faith renewed, and a number found a vocation to the ordained ministry."_

Probably the most high-profile event during Harold Wallwork's time as Vicar of St Thomas' was the death of King George VI on the 6th of February 1952 and the coronation of Queen Elizabeth II on the 2nd of June 1953 - the day that the first successful ascent of Mount Everest by Edmund Hillary and Tenzing Norgay (on the 29th of May) was announced to the world in The Times.

Queen Mary, George VI's mother, had died on the 24th of March 1953, but the minutes of the PCC meeting held two days later record that the Vicar "reported that the flag was not flown on the death of Queen Mary; this was due to the fact that the flag was damaged", and the Council agreed to buy a replacement flag. PCC had earlier agreed (on the 2nd of February) to hold a "Coronation Field Day in St Thomas' Parish... on Saturday 30thMay at Aldcliffe [Hall] with the kind permission of Mr M. Airey", and to engage the Storey's Band for the occasion.

Parish boundary

Harold Wallwork arrived at St Thomas' facing the very real threat of it being closed or at least losing its status as a church with its own parish and instead becoming part of St Mary's - the Parish Church from which it had emerged just over a century earlier - at least until a sustainable long-term solution was agreed.

This cloud would hang over his head and the risk of closure would dominate the whole of his time at St Thomas'. Indeed, it would continue to hang over the heads of the next two incumbents, as we shall see.

The precarious state of St Thomas' as a separate parish church was not new. Recall that there had been discussions about revising the parish boundary in 1915, 1929, 1930 and 1933, and about the possibility of relocating the church on a new site in Bowerham in 1937. What was new was the urgency of the situation, which first became apparent in the final days of Samuel Latham's time as Vicar.

Latham had received a letter from the Church Pastoral Aid Society shortly before he left and his replacement was chosen. His resignation provided the church's patron with an opportunity to review the status and prospects of St Thomas'. The letter, which apparently arrived unexpected, dropped like a bombshell on the church and its leadership.

Samuel Latham announced to PCC on the 8th of June 1948 that he had received the letter from Mr Mohan, the Secretary of the CPAS,

" _to the effect that a Commission had been sitting and considering the re-organisation of Lancaster Parishes, and that under the Suspension of Presentation Measure, the Bishop was advised to put St Thomas' Church under the patronage of the Priory Church for five years, it eventually to be transferred with its endowments to another site."_

The minutes of that PCC meeting record that

" _Council expressed great surprise and indignation at this proposal, and after much lively discussion Mr Dart, seconded by Mr Buckley, proposed this resolution: 'That this meeting of the PCC of St Thomas' Lancaster, has heard with deep consternation and pain of the proposal to apply the Benefices Suspension of Presentation Measure to this Parish and to place it under the jurisdiction of the Priory Church, thereby depriving it of an Incumbent. We regret that a Commission has reported on the future of this Church without consulting either the Incumbent or the PCC and without their being aware of this Commission's existence. The PCC express their willingness to give evidence before this Commission and to discuss with them any alterations in the boundaries of the parish. The PCC express their complete confidence in the CPAS Board of Patronage Trust and feel that any change in trusteeship might endanger the evangelical doctrines and worship of the Church and the contribution it has made and still makes to the life of the Church in this city. They feel that St Thomas' is an active church, raising considerable sums of money for overseas missions every year, and possessing active church organisations touching all sections of the community. Accordingly, they hope that the appointment and institution of an Incumbent will be proceeded with without delay, and without prejudice to any future plans for the Church. This resolution was carried unanimously, seventeen members of the PCC being present. It was suggested that a copy of this Resolution be sent to the CPA Board of Patronage Trust but to no one else at the moment, or unless developments called for action, and that with this Resolution be sent a note giving the result of the voting."_

The church and its new incumbent were caught up in a serious planning blight, and the future looked far from bright. Harold Wallwork pointed out to PCC in October 1948 that the Commission "had in mind the parish as it was before it was extended in 1933. [because] The Diocesan Authorities had failed to register the extension. The Vicar suggested that a circular be sent to all the houses included in the Parish after the 1933 extension to ascertain the number of people in each house, and so the real extent of the parish."

The minutes of the PCC meeting held on the 10th of January 1949 record that the Council agreed with John Dart's proposal that the Secretary should write a letter to the Bishop "expressing the dissatisfaction of the PCC with regard to this matter, and suggest[ing] that in view of the changed circumstances i.e. reversion of boundaries 1933, a re-consideration of the case be asked for."

The letter challenged the information on which the decision to suspend the living had been based, reminding the Bishop that

" _recently the Priest in Charge of this Church, the Rev Harold Wallwork, called your attention to the fact that the extension of the boundaries of this Parish, authorised by Orders in Council in 1933, was almost certainly not known to the Committee considering the question. Further, a survey of the Parish recently undertaken by members of the Church has shown that the population of this Parish is 4,500+, which is slightly more than double the figure quoted in the last issue of Crockford['s Clerical Directory]. In these circumstances, therefore, we would like you to reconsider your previous decision, and suggest that Mr Wallwork be instituted as Vicar as soon as you find conveniently possible. The matter has caused considerable regret to many in the Congregation, and we feel that if you had been in possession of these facts in the first place, the Commission would not have made the recommendation and you would not have applied the Measure. We await your reply."_

Discussions about the parish boundary and status of the church and incumbent continued over the next two years. The outcome was a positive and very welcome one for St Thomas' - the church and its parish would survive, and the Curate in Charge would be inducted as Vicar.

The induction would benefit not just the Vicar (who would have his authority and security restored) but also the church because, as the minutes of the PCC meeting on the 30th of April 1951 note, it "would establish the position of the Church for some time, so the fabric of the church and other like matters which had been temporarily shelved, could now be faced. It was decided that the outside of the church needed first attention."

The church leaders were under no illusion that this outcome was conditional and would not be permanent; they might have won the battle but the war was clearly far from resolved. The Vicar named 'the elephant in the room' at the Annual Church Meeting on the 26th of April 1949, where after outlining recent developments concerning revising the parish boundaries he spoke about

" _a problem which has to come up within the next five years - the question of whether the church be closed and moved to Bowerham, or whether it be retained and a small mission church erected in the new area, gradually bringing a new church congregation into being."_

Discussion of any re-organisation of the church and parish boundaries then appears to cease, in public at least, for some time, and the trail seems to go cold. It opens up again seven years later, when PCC agreed in January 1957 that "the [Diocesan] Pastoral Re-Organisation Committee should be reminded of the need to extend the boundaries of the parish."

It turns out that the Vicar negotiated a solution locally rather than having one imposed by the Diocese. He explained to PCC the following month "his plan which was agreeable to the Vicar of [St Paul's] Scotforth.... [Council agreed] that the Vicar should write to the Archdeacon approving the proposed scheme." In March the Vicar reported to PCC that "the Archdeacon has expressed his approval of the proposed new extension of Parish Boundaries, [and] official confirmation is now awaited." Hopes, having been raised, were soon dashed because in May the Vicar had to tell PCC that "the Scotforth PCC have rescinded the Minute approving revision of the Parish Boundaries. The Vicar advised that there should be a period of waiting of from six to twelve months."

Uncertainty about the parish boundary and the future sustainability of St Thomas - indeed potentially its very survival - was to persist for many years and cast a long shadow over the church's ability to plan its own future.

Curate

Like his predecessor, Harold Wallwork had no Curate to support him in his ministry at St Thomas'. The church's finances were certainly not in a strong position, so funding a Curate would have been a challenge. With a national shortage of trained Curates there would have been strong competition to attract one even if funding had not been a challenge. As a Curate in Charge he might also have been ineligible to supervise a Training Curacy during the first three years of his time at St Thomas'.

Church Governance

Harold Wallwork had few issues relating to church governance to deal with at St Thomas'. At its May 1949 meeting PCC agreed to his suggestion that "various sides of church needs and activities [should be put] into the hands of small sub-committees, responsible to PCC for finance and general policy", as a result of which a Church Fabric Committee, Parish Hall Committee, Entertainments Committee, and Seasonal Sale Committee were set up.

It did not accept his suggestion in April 1950 that St Thomas' "might do as some other churches did and adopt a three year plan for PCC - one third of the Council resigning each year for one year."

In May 1950 PCC agreed to mark Mr Fallowfield's eleven years as Warden and Treasurer, "years which included all the difficulties of war time", by presenting him with gifts that were typical of the time but would be frowned upon today \- "a pipe, a pouch and some tobacco" - "as a token of the Council's personal appreciation ..."

PCC also considered the question of lay ministry. At its May 1957 meeting, in the context of discussion about the Representation of Laity Measure and Parochial Church Powers Measure 1956, the Council agreed to purchase a copy of the report _The Layman in Church Government_. But its deliberations were shaped by a view of lay people as helpers rather than potential leaders; "after discussion it was emphasised that all who were to be nominated as Sidesmen should understand and be willing to fulfil all the duties of a sidesman."

Finances

The minutes of church meetings during Harold Wallwork's incumbency contain little hard information on financial matters, so few conclusions can be drawn about this aspect of the health of the church.

The figures that are available suggest that at least in some years the accounts closed with comfortable balances; in April 1949 the balance stood at £98 18s. [£2,600] and in March 1951 it was £315 14s. [£8,000]. The Easter Offering appears to have held up, too; in 1949 it came to £31 [£820] and in 1952 it was nearly £38 [£850].

In terms of income, regular giving through "the envelope scheme" appears to have remained buoyant. In May 1950 PCC heard that "steady giving through the envelope scheme ought to cover the ordinary repairs and needs of Church", and the Annual Church Meeting in April 1952 was told that "collections were now averaging £15-£16 [£340-£360] per week." Sales of work continued to be a popular way of raising money; the customary bi-ennial sale evolved into an annual Christmas Market, which was held in November 1948, 1949, 1950, 1952, 1953, 1954, 1956.

In 1948 and 1950 it was agreed in advance that twenty percent of the proceeds would go towards the Mission Support Fund and the rest towards church activities. The target in 1950 was to raise £300 [£7,900], from which the Church Pastoral Aid Society (CPAS), Bible Churchman's Missionary Society (BCMS) and Church Missionary Society (CMS) each received £26 [£680] and £238 [£6,300] was kept "in hand for the decorations of the Church".

The 1952 sale included a wide variety of stalls, including Fruit and flowers, Hardware, Handkerchiefs, Fancy Goods, White Elephant, Books, Jumble, Cakes, Face cloths, Embroidery, Scent cards, Bran tub, Groceries, Haberdashery, and Refreshments. The 1956 sale of work, which raised £360 [£7,000], was a very welcome addition to the budget but fell far short of the sums the Bazaars had raised in the earlier decades of the century. A Gift Day was held in church on Saturday the 22nd of October 1955, ten percent of the proceeds from which were divided equally between CPAS, BCMS and CMS, with the remainder forming "the nucleus of a Parish Hall Extension Fund", according to the minutes of the May 1955 PCC meeting.

In terms of expenditure, several new items were added to the budget during the Wallwork years. One of these was travelling expenses for the Vicar; in March 1956 PCC agreed "an allowance [later fixed at £26 [£500] a year] to cover the cost of petrol used by the Vicar for Church business." The Council had agreed three years earlier to contribute to the cost of the Vicar's new bicycle (paying the difference between what it cost him and what he sold his old bike for), as a thank-you for the "tremendous amount of work and time put in by the Vicar during the renovation of the Church."

The church had long held money in trust for St Thomas's School, but after responsibility for maintaining the school was transferred to the Local Education Authority in 1947 that money could be released for other purposes. In December 1955 PCC agreed to the Vicar's proposal that "any money held in trust for St Thomas's School should be released for the Barchester Scheme [run by the Diocese of Manchester to help fund the building of new Church of England primary schools]." Five months later, in May 1956, PCC agreed to augment that donation by devoting the collections from church services on one Sunday to the Barchester Scheme.

Church

Once the status of St Thomas' had been resolved early in 1951, PCC could make progress in dealing with repairs to the fabric of the church which has been put on hold during the period of uncertainty.

The Annual Church Meeting on the 19th of March 1951 was told that "the fabric generally was in a fairly good state - that which needed to be done was damage caused by leakages in stone gutters...". At an Emergency Meeting in mid-October the PCC discussed the need to repair and re-slate some sections of the roof and sort out some of the stone gutters; we can only assume that the work was done. Other external works, including repointing of the outside walls and replacement of some roof tiles, were discussed (and presumably agreed) by PCC in late December 1953.

There was also a backlog of internal work to clear. An Emergency Meeting of PCC was called on the 1st of December 1952 to discuss "the question of decorating the Church". It was agreed to accept a quotation of £320 [£7,200] for two coats of paint on the inside of the church, repairs to the plasterwork around some windows after some had been repaired and some replaced, and some other small jobs to be done at the same time. The original faculty for this programme of work is dated the 9th of March 1953. As well as decorating the interior of the church, altering the heating system, and removing the back pew, it covers installing "an amplifier and speaker equipment with a transformer attached" and making safe "the platform on which the seats in the body of the church are fixed".

PCC also approved other internal improvements including installing two fire extinguishers (June 1954), building wooden cupboards with sliding doors in the Choir Vestry (September 1955), and installing a 15 amp electric supply with sockets (November 1955). In May 1955 it discussed the need for carpet for the aisle and better lighting in the Vicar's Vestry, but there is no record of those having been done.

As well as keeping the church in good repair, the Vicar was keen to have the church open for people to enter and in June 1955 the PCC agreed to pay the Verger 5 shillings [£5] a week "for keeping the Church open daily." Twelve months later the Vicar told PCC that "as damage has been done on three occasions the Church is at present closed."

Steeple and bells

The Vicar was also blessed with an easy passage in terms of the steeple and bells. In October 1954 PCC was told that "the loud speaker in the belfry was not satisfactory and it was proposed [and accepted] that a weather-proof loud speaker be purchased." Recall that many years earlier the bell had been declared unsafe to ring, so the church had resorted to playing a recording of bells from inside the steeple instead. In November 1955 the PCC agreed to buy "two new records of bells".

Church grounds

The 'kerb appeal' of St Thomas' - its attractiveness to people passing-by, including potential members of the congregation - has long posed a challenge.

Efforts were made to improve the general state of the grounds. In July 1949 one of the Churchwardens (Mr Armitstead) told PCC that "it would cost £10 [£270] to dig up the church frontage and plant it with polyanthus roses"; PCC agreed to do that. In September 1956 PCC agreed to obtain estimates "for gravelling and four-foot flags or concrete for the North and East sides of the Church"; it is assumed that work was done.

The need to improve external lighting was also accepted. In October 1952 PCC agreed "that a light should be fixed outside the clergy vestry to illuminate the Marton Street entrance, and also that the outside lights at the coal tip and over the church porch should be restored and improved." The following December it agreed to install lights on the front steps of church.

In Wallwork's time the loss of the iron railings around the front of church for the war effort was still being mourned. In December 1953 PCC discussed the matter (the minutes record it as "Church Railways"), having received estimates for erecting replacement railings, and agreed to go ahead with the work "subject to a Sub-Committee being satisfied with the manner and quality of railings being erected at Preston by Mr Whitham of Morecambe." In the absence of evidence to the contrary, the railings approved at that meeting must be the ones we see in front of church today.

Church heating

Samuel Latham had struggled with the church heating system (recall that he had overseen the installation of a new coal-fired boiler in 1946-47), and Harold Wallwork fared little better.

In January 1949, having received complaints about the heating and cleaning of the church, PCC agreed to ask the School Managers to "deal with the caretaker", who had already been warned twice about the quality of his work. It looks as though he was relieved from duty in the Parish Hall, presumably to focus his efforts more on the church itself. Things seem to have improved for a number of years, but when complaints about the church being cold during services began again in September 1955, PCC decided to change its approach from stick to carrot. It agreed that "if, from the beginning of December to the end of March the temperature of the Church reached 60o at 10 am on Sunday, the Caretaker [who had to run the coal-fired boiler in the basement] should receive a bonus of £5 [£100], to be reduced by 10 shillings [£10] for each occasion on which this temperature was not reached."

PCC subsequently turned its thoughts towards the possibility of replacing the church heating system with a more efficient and effective one. In October 1955 the Vicar told PCC that the Churchwardens, having studied the booklet _The Heating of Churches_ , concluded that "the present heating is the most satisfactory type apart from the use of a gas boiler which may need to be considered at a future date."

The following summer, in July 1956, the Vicar explained to PCC that oil heating is the cheapest method of heating the church, but that December the PCC minutes note that "because of the Suez Emergency the Vicar had postponed the installation of oil heating."

The church and school shared the same heating system, so any decisions about changing it would have to be approved in advance by the Local Education Authority. In October 1956 the Vicar read a letter to PCC from the Chief Education Officer stating that "the cost of such [oil] heating would have to be borne by the Church and Governors of the school. He announced that the Ripley Trust are prepared to share the cost of installing oil heating. It was proposed... that the new heating be installed at a cost of £142 [£2,750] to the Church. This was carried."

The Vicar was able to report to PCC in September 1957 that "50 percent towards the installation of oil heating is now forthcoming from Governors of the School, and the work is proceeding."

Organ

Harold Wallwork had an easy time compared with many other Vicars at St Thomas' when it came to the church organ. The organ was in good condition throughout his time, and in May 1955 PCC agreed to accept a new maintenance contract with Jardines at a cost of £15 [£300] a year.

It looks as though the Vicar was more troubled by the organist than the organ, because in June 1952 PCC agreed that "this Council recognises the loyal and faithful service of our organist but feels the time has come when a younger person would be better able to discharge the duties of organist and choirmaster." In October that year PCC were told that "Mrs Kyle tended her resignation to take effect three months from September 15th." Her replacement was Miss Nora Elizabeth Taylor, who had been the organist and choirmaster at St Luke's in Skerton.

Services

Services progressed much as usual during Wallwork's time. In April 1949 PCC agreed that "in the Te Deum there be a break at 'everlasting'... and instead of a Vesper on Sunday evenings there be a final recessional hymn, and a prayer of dismissal...". In May 1952 PCC agreed "to ask the organist to appoint someone to be responsible for the decent appearance of surplices", and to buy a second-hand one for the Vicar who needed another one. In December 1955 the Vicar wrote on behalf of the PCC to the Bishop of Lancaster, who was due to conduct a Confirmation Service in church, asking him "to respect the strong evangelical tradition of St Thomas's."

Audibility of the services must at times have been a problem, because PCC agreed in June 1952 to equip the church with a microphone at a cost of £55 [£1,200] and in January 1957 to buy an amplifier - presumably a replacement one - at a cost of £20 [£370]. Some form of hearing aid system had also been installed in church during 1952, causing Mr Kirkbride to express his appreciation of it to PCC in October, adding that "he wished to make a donation towards its cost."

Choir

The life of the church choir at this time was dominated by matters of resources, judging from the few minutes of PCC meetings that contain any mention of the choir.

Proper attire was important and in April 1949 Council heard that "at the moment, black bows and studs were unavailable for choir boys [for their formal shirts]. Miss Richardson proposed that until these things became available, ruffles (of which the church had a supply) be worn.... It was also announced that many cassocks [black ankle-length garments] and surplices [loose white gown worn over the cassock] were worn out. [and agreed] that the costs of these things be brought to the next meeting."

In May 1949 PCC agreed to buy two linen surplices for clergy and two cotton ones for choir men. In June 1954 it agreed to replace the choir boys' robes, purchase six boys' and three men's surplices, and three boys' and three men's cassocks.

Hymn Books were also important. In December 1950 PCC agreed to buy 24 new _Cathedral Psalters_ and 24 _Keswick Hymn Bo_ oks because "the old Cathedral Psalters were now out of print and the choristers needed to learn the new pointing."

At its December meeting three years later (1953) the Council agreed to a request from the Church Organist for £2 [£44] "from Church Funds to be a member of a Music Library which would enable the Choir to have a loan of music copies when required." For some reason that is not recorded, PCC decided in February 1956 "to discontinue the library subscription."

Church equipment

The early post-war period saw the church investing in two useful pieces of equipment.

One was a "lantern and film-strip machine" for showing slides and films, which PCC decided in July 1949 to put on hold given that it would cost £30 [£800]. Six years later the Vicar suggested to PCC (March 1956) that it "should consider the advisability of purchasing a strip projector", and in September PCC agreed to purchase a filmstrip projector. In January 1957 he was pleased to announce to PCC "the purchase of a sound projector from the Salvage Fund for £50 [£940].... Each church organisation will be charged 5 shillings [£4.70] for each showing of a film to cover the cost of repairs. Outside organisations will pay £1 [£18.70]."

There was also a need for office equipment. In December 1949 PCC had agreed purchase a duplicator (probably for printing the church newsletter which was distributed around the parish, as well as for internal church uses) at a cost of £5 10s. [£150], but we hear nothing more about that until January 1957 when PCC agreed "that a rotary duplicator should be purchased at a cost of £5." It's not known whether or not a duplicator was bought then; the next mention of a duplicator in minutes of PCC meetings comes seventeen years later in 1974.

Electoral Roll

Overall the number of names on the Electoral Roll were significantly lower between 1951 and 1957 than during Samuel Latham's time, which were generally over 280 each year, before, during and straight after World War II. The sudden drop to the low 200s in the early 1950s seems to be clear evidence of the continuing drift of people away from church with the spread of secularisation and changing attitudes to organised religion.

The sudden large drops from one year to the next, for example between 1952 and 1953, and again between 1955 and 1956, with sharp increases straight after, are a little difficult to explain. It is not recorded in which years new Electoral Rolls were made, but it seems unlikely that these two changes are simply the result of a revision and updating of names.

Some of the apparent changes are likely to be genuine and mark a dramatic fall in numbers over short time periods. Neither death rates nor rates of out-migration would usually vary so sharply from year to year, so the changes could well be people leaving the church rather than the area.

The numbers rose sharply between 1956 and 1957; the total of 292 for 1957 is "three short of the highest previous total which was in 1921" as was pointed out to the Annual Church Meeting in April 1957. As we shall see, there was a local outreach initiative in 1957 - Operation Firm Faith - but that is unlikely to be the cause of the sudden jump.

A more likely explanation is the change in age qualification for inclusion on the Electoral Roll. As the Vicar pointed out to PCC in December 1956, from the 1st of January 1957 anyone over the age of 17 was eligible, so the reported increase will doubtless include some older teenagers who would previously have not been eligible (when the age qualification was probably 21).

Church House - 4 Marton Street

The church leadership had to deal with some issues concerning Church House at 4 Marton Street, located behind the school building and fronting onto Marton Street.

Recall that Colin Campbell Senior had bought and paid for two houses behind the church in 1846, one for the School Master and the other for the Organist. Both - numbers 2 (nearest church) and 4 Marton Street - were still standing in the early 1950s, but there is no record of which one belonged to which person. Recall that Number 4 had needed repairs in 1928.

By the early 1950s Number 4 was rented out, but it soon started to create problems. The Vicar told PCC in September 1953 that "the tenants of No 4 Marton Street were sub-letting part of the dwelling house and this naturally would have to stop as no permission had been given by the PCC." That was easier said than done and the next PCC meeting was advised that "this was a difficult matter to deal with and it was felt at the moment nothing further could be done."

In October 1955 agreed that, "in view of a report from the Sanitary Inspector of No 4 Marton Street pointing out necessary repairs, it was decided to ask Mr Pardner to undertake these repairs. The future of the property will be discussed at the next PCC meeting."

Two months later, in early December, PCC agreed "to approach the Corporation with a view to selling this property." In February 1956, after a letter had been received from the Town Clerk stating that "the Council were not at present interested in acquiring property on the South Side of Marton Street", PCC agreed to offer the property to the Ripley Trust. The following month PCC was told that "Ripley Trust are to consider the purchase of this property at their April meeting."

We don't know the outcome of the Ripley Trust discussions, but it is clear that the church still owned 4 Marton Street in late 1956. That September the PCC were told by one of the Churchwardens that, "as the tenant now owes £20 [£390] for rent and a sum of £38 [£740] has been spent on repairs, he had put the matter in the hands of a solicitor."

Vicarage

Recall that the Vicarage at 33 Higher Greaves had been bought in 1928 to replace the original much larger one at 12 Queen Street that was costly to run. As was customary, the Vicarage had been repaired and redecorated in 1948 in advance of the new Vicar's arrival.

Six years later, at the PCC meeting on the 1st of November 1954, the Vicar raised the question of a new Vicarage. As the minutes of that meeting record "he pointed out that the present Vicarage required some immediate attention and in addition the Diocesan Surveyor had reported that the property had been placed in 'C' class." He invited open discussion of the matter, as a result of which the Council agreed that "a committee... be formed for the purpose of examining any sites or suitable property for a Vicarage."

The committee explored various options for a new Vicarage. One was to build on the Ripley School site, but the Vicar told PCC in October 1955 that "a Sub-Committee of the Ripley Trust recommended that a Vicarage not be erected". Their attention then moved to another possible site, but in May 1956 PCC was advised that "the site offered for a Vicarage was considered unsuitable. It was decided the leave the matter in abeyance for twelve months in the hope that a house in Meadowside would soon be made available." No further progress was made in finding a suitable site for a new Vicarage while Harold Wallwork was Vicar.

Parish Hall

The Parish Hall in Aldcliffe Road continued to serve a variety of needs during Harold Wallwork's time, but the need to keep it available for church-based activities was recognised. In July 1949 PCC agreed that, "because of the church's own needs, we [should] cease regular sub-letting to outside organisations - that the Secretary serve three months notice to the Madrigal Society and Youth Hostellers at present using the hall." The same meeting was told that the metalwork needed painting, alterations to the stage area were needed, and the building needed a new sink and improved ventilation. In April 1952 PCC agreed to buy fifty tubular chairs and collect "chair donations from the congregation".

Outreach and mission

Despite its evangelical origin and emphasis St Thomas' had no tradition of engaging in local mission and outreach. Harold Wallwork was to see more direct action in this area than most of his predecessors, even though he was Vicar for only nine years.

His engagement began in December 1950 when he asked members of PCC "to prepare themselves for the proposed Evangelistic Campaign of Lent 1952" which would be overseen by the Deanery and involve each parish. Further details were given to PCC in May 1951 who were told that the Campaign would begin with a Service for Missioners at the Priory, after which each missioner would work within their own designated parish. The Vicar added that "The Rev Herbert W. Cragg, Vicar of St James's in Carlisle, was the appointed missioner for St Thomas's Church. It was urged that the congregation must be active in the campaign - as background and support."

The plan was to deliver a series of leaflets to houses throughout the parish, from the 6th of October onwards. Six leaflets, common to all parishes, were issued - 1. Which is the hypocrite? 2. Invitation from Bertrand Russell. 3. Letter from the Diocesan Bishop. 4. Letter from the Vicar to our own people. 5. Letter from the Missioner himself. 6. List of Services.

No minutes of meetings in St Thomas' record how the 1952 Campaign went or what impact it had, but it seems to have started the ball rolling on local outreach in Lancaster. In September 1953 PCC agreed to give £100 [£2,200] towards the cost of another evangelistic campaign that involved a number of churches in Lancaster, and in May 1955 there was discussion about a possible Children's Mission. It might also have been the catalyst for discussions in PCC about holding Guest Services in church, because the matter was raised at the Annual Church Meeting in March 1956, where "after some discussion it was [agreed] that the question be placed before the Parochial Church Council for consideration."

In July PCC agreed to hold the first Guest Service on the first Sunday in September, and to order five hundred CPAS Service Cards for it. Again we have no record of whether it took place, how it went, or what impact it had.

The mid-50s was clearly a time in the life of St Thomas' when local outreach was gaining traction. This is well illustrated in a new initiative called _Operation Firm Faith_ , although it is not clear whether this was a national, Diocesan or St Thomas' initiative. The Vicar explained to PCC in December 1956 that it had "as its aim the reviving of family worship". He commented that "with the Children's Church we have travelled some way on family worship, but there are still many families in the parish to be approached" and PCC agreed with his suggestion that "during Lent one night each week should be used by each organisation in turn to draw in the family." PCC also agreed to have invitation cards printed in order to "draw in outsiders to the Guest Services".

Plans for _Operation Firm Faith_ were outlined to PCC in January 1957, where the Vicar announced that "the special evenings in connection with _Operation Firm Faith_ will be 11th, 19th and 27th March, and 4th and 12thApril. The aim throughout will be to stress the obligation of the family as a whole to come to Church, but the emphasis will be on one particular section of the family each week." At PCC on the 4th of March the Vicar expressed the hope that "although _Operation Firm Faith_ is aimed at encouraging worship on a family basis, all members of PCC would give it their support."

Unfortunately, as with the other outreach activities, we have no record of how things worked out on the ground, or whether _Operation Firm Faith_ led to any lasting numerical or spiritual growth at St Thomas'.

Sunday School

In October 1957 PCC agreed to give the Sunday School a grant of up to £10 [£190] for the purchase of new Hymn Books.

Resignation and departure

Harold Wallwork resigned as Vicar in July 1957 on being appointed Vicar of Christ Church, Addington, in Durban.

He told the PCC meeting that month that he was "going to South Africa in the Autumn", and the Council gave him a vote of thanks, saying "We recognise with gratitude to God the blessing that has come to this Church through the ministry of the Vicar and Mrs Wallwork, through their example of whole-hearted service and deep personal devotion. We assure them of our love and gratitude and best wishes in the new sphere of service." PCC also agreed to send a letter to the Church Pastoral Aid Society "pointing out the needs of the Parish."

The Vicar was still in Lancaster in early September 1957. He chaired the PCC meeting on the 2nd of that month where it was decided "after a long discussion that the Vicar's Farewell should take place at the Harvest Supper, to be held this year in the school. There should be light refreshment and a silver collection. The actual programme should be planned by the Wardens." The October meeting of PCC agreed to his request that the presentation to him be made on Sunday night in the school after the evening service, with the Harvest Tea held the following day. It also expressed its gratitude to the Vicar and his wife for "their generous gift of a carpet in the Church."

Harold Wallwork served as Vicar of Christ Church in Durban between 1959 and 1962, and then returned to England to serve as Rector of Grendon Underwood with Edgcott, Warwickshire from 1962 to 1965. He then went back to South Africa, as Rector of Richmond in Natal (1965-70), before returning to England once again, this time as Vicar of Bispham in the Blackburn Diocese (1971-82. He died some time before 1995.

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15. Stanley Duthie (1958-1973)

Stanley Duthie was born in May 1908 at Wavertree, Liverpool. He was the third child and second son of James Taylor Duthie, a joiner and builder born in Liverpool, and his wife Elizabeth, who was born in Scotland. Stanley married Gladys Watterson (also from Liverpool) in 1940, when he was 32 years old.

He graduated from Bible Churchmen's College (later renamed Tyndale Hall), an evangelical Anglican theological college in Bristol (now part of Trinity College, Bristol), in 1934, so his path overlapped with that of Harold Wallwork, who was Chaplain and Tutor there between 1946 and 1948. He was ordained deacon in 1934 and priest in 1938.

Stanley Duthie served in a number of churches before arriving at St Thomas in 1958. His first Curacy was at St Mark's in Preston (1937-38), followed by Curacies at St Clement's in Higher Openshaw, Manchester (1938-41) and Bucknall with Bagnall in Staffordshire (1941-43). He then became Rector of St Bartholomew in Salford (1943-46) and Vicar of Burlingham St Edmund with Lingwood, Norwich (1946-50), before returning to his birthplace in Liverpool as Vicar of St Philemon in Toxteth Park (1950-52) then Curate in Charge of St Silas, also in Toxteth (1952-58).

Appointment and arrival

The new Vicar and his wife arrived in Lancaster early in 1958. He was then fifty years old and had served in seven churches, mostly in the North West of England. The Vicarage had been decorated in preparation for their arrival, half the cost of which was met by the Church Commissioners according to the minutes of the October 1957 PCC meeting.

Harold Wallwork had left Lancaster for South Africa in September 1957. In the absence of a Curate it looks likely that the Churchwardens looked after the church during the four month interregnum. PCC meetings over that period were chaired by John Dart.

Stanley Duthie was instituted as the eleventh Vicar of St Thomas' on Thursday the 2nd of January 1958 at 7.30 pm. He and his wife were welcomed to the church straight afterwards at a reception held in the school, with refreshments "arranged by the ladies of the Committee" as PCC had agreed on the 2nd of December at a meeting which Stanley Duthie and his wife attended by invitation. He chaired his first PCC meeting on the 3rd of February, announcing that "he wished the Council to be democratic and he hoped for the co-operation of the Council in the whole of the work of the parish, not merely the financial side."

Lancaster during his time

Lancaster saw some notable changes during Duthie's time at St Thomas'. Furniture production in the city ended in 1962, the same year that the Carlisle Bridge which carried the railway over the Lune was rebuilt in steel. Green Ayre railway station, on the Leeds-Morecambe line, was closed in 1966, and in 1972 the adjacent railway bridge over the Lune was converted to road use as Greyhound Bridge.

The local economy would benefit from large-scale investment in higher education, which would also provide outreach opportunities for churches in Lancaster. In 1964 Lancaster University was founded on a green-field site, formerly the Bailrigg estate, two miles south of the town centre; in the same year St Martin's College (initially a teacher-training college, later to become the University of Cumbria) was opened on the Bowerham Barracks site. The Barracks had closed in 1959 when the King's Own merged with another regiment and National Service (conscription) was ending, reducing the need for training camps, and the Church of England bought the site in 1962.

A salutary reminder of the precarious nature of some parishes in Lancaster in the face of declining population in the city centre came in 1971 with the closure of St Anne's Church in Moor Lane.

The wider picture - the 1960s

Like all other churches across the land, St Thomas' was not immune to the sweeping social and economic changes that radically changed life experiences and expectations for many people during the 1960, or to a series of major changes within the Anglican Church of which it was a part.

Changes in society

The sixties was a time of rising prosperity for most people. Income per head almost doubled between 1952 and 1960, which led to a big rise in the sale of consumer goods (such as cars, television sets, refrigerators and washing machines) and widespread adoption of materialistic life-styles. Many people, particularly the young, felt liberated from family and societal expectations and enjoyed the freedom to "do their own thing", reflected in the emergence of new music, fashion, sexual ethics and behaviour, recreational drugs, and the quest for exotic spiritual experiences.

It was also the decade of "big causes" - including Race, Ban the Bomb, Vietnam, Oxfam, War on Want, Save the Children, Christian Aid, Voluntary Services Overseas - and more permissive legislation dealing with abortion, divorce, sexual offences, obscene publications and stage and theatre. Capital punishment was abolished in 1965, homosexuality was decriminalised in 1967, abortion was legalised in 1967, theatre censorship was abolished in 1968, and the divorce laws were reformed in 1969.

During that decade many people questioned and some abandoned traditional values, including the Christian understanding of morality, meaning and purpose, making church even less popular than it had been in the preceding decades. Like government and parents, the church was widely seen as conservative, traditionalist, overly controlling and a needless constraint on the freedom of the individual.

As Paul Welsby (1984, pp.103-4) put it, "with such a vision for the future, the Gospel message of discipline, sacrifice, and sin cut little ice." Organised religion was on the decline and the Church was losing its confidence. It was also facing calls to re-organise its structures and forms of worship, reappraise its theology and ethical teaching, engage more openly with the world around it, develop new forms of ministry appropriate to the times, and search for greater church unity.

Alongside this, there was a 'crisis in belief' and a high profile debate about God, triggered in part by the publication in 1963 of the book Honest to God by Dr John Robinson, Bishop of Woolwich, which proposed a controversial new way of thinking about God as 'the ground of our being' and sold over a million copies. The sixties also saw the re-emergence of spirituality, partly through the search for transcendence that took many different forms, some of them (such as Eastern mysticism, the psychedelic and the occult) intentionally exploring opportunities far beyond the established church.

Secular, materialistic and naturalistic worldviews had already been widely adopted and by the sixties they were becoming the default for most people. Science and technology were developing apace, giving humans increasing mastery over the world around them and new ways of understanding and explaining 'the human situation'. What need for God, and an absentee God 'up there' at that, when things are viewed from this perspective? What need for church when satisfying forms of spirituality can be explored and experienced comfortably beyond it?

Changes in the Anglican Church

Within the Church other forces were at work. One, informed by the insights emerging from the 'new theology' and the 'new morality', was a debate on 'the ministry of the laity' from the early sixties onwards.

Welsby (1984, pp.140-41) offers four reasons why this debate was, as he puts it, "inevitable" -

" _First, the laity had begun to share in making decisions which had formerly been restricted to the bishops and clergy.... Secondly, there was greater involvement of the laity at parochial level as laymen and women began to take a share in liturgical and pastoral activities which had formerly been regarded as the preserves of the clergy. Thirdly, one of the consequences of the liturgical movement was the recovery of the theological truth that the celebrant at the Eucharist was the whole People of God in a particular place and that the priest was the president. This was given practical expression by increased participation by the laity in the conduct of the rite. Fourthly, there was a proliferation of accredited lay ministries - readers, licensed lay workers, the Church Army, Church social workers, parish elders, etc.... Many clergymen and laymen welcomed and encouraged this lay involvement, but there were still too many parishes where lay initiative was discouraged or where the laity themselves were content to remain passengers in an ark whose captain was the authoritative incumbent."_

A second process at work was an updating of church services to make them more accessible and relevant to people. This included the revision of the Anglican liturgies and the _Book of Common Prayer_ (1662) on which they were based, and the publication of new versions of the Bible in more contemporary language such as the _Revised Version_ , the _Revised Standard Version_ , the _New English Bible_ , and the _Jerusalem Bible_ , which were all authorised for use in Anglican services.

It also included the adoption of new forms of church music and worship. During the sixties the traditional format of organ and choir was still the norm, but more modern forms of music - typically using vocal and instrumental (usually guitar) groups to lead worship, using choruses like 'The Lord of the Dance' and 'When I needed a neighbour' - were starting to become popular.

A third process was a new commitment to search for ways of bringing about church unity. It led to the Anglican-Methodist Unity Scheme which was launched in 1964 under the auspices of the British Council of Churches and challenged the Churches in Britain 'to covenant together to work and pray for the inauguration of a union' by Easter Day 1980. One visible sign of this movement was the spread of 'areas of ecumenical experiment', where local congregations could try out ways of working together in a spirit of ecumenical co-operation.

Despite all these changes and adaptations within the Anglican Church all the signs were of numerical decline, particularly in the number of people attending church and children attending Sunday School. Rapid expansion of the number of churches in the second half of the 19th century, to meet the needs of growing populations in the towns and cities, had created too many to fund and support in a time of declining attendance and giving, as a result of which church closure became more common.

Curate

When Stanley Duthie arrived in St Thomas' the church had been without a Curate for 40 years. Frank Mansfield (1913-18) had been the last one, and the four Vicars after him - Finlay, Towndrow, Latham, and Wallwork - had had to cope on their own, often through difficult times.

Duthie's hopes must have been raised in April 1961 when he received a letter from the Bishop of Blackburn suggesting the possibility of providing a Curate for the parish. This was discussed by PCC that month, which decided to make no decision until the next meeting on the 1st of May. At the May meeting the Vicar read out the Bishop's letter, stating that "he thought the appointment of a Curate would be helpful. Grants available from the Diocese would leave the Parish £165 [£2,800] to find."

The Vicar pointed out that "with the help of a Curate it would be possible to carry out more visiting, to give more attention to the School, and to take some responsibility from the Lay Readers." The Vicar then retired from the meeting, and a long discussion followed, after which PCC agreed to appoint a Curate. They must have moved forward quickly because within five months a Curate had been appointed; the minutes of the October PCC meeting note that it agreed "to pay the expenses of the Vicar and the Curate for the forthcoming Clergy Conference."

The new Curate was Colin Arthur Powell, who had graduated from the University of Durham with a BA in 1953 and from Oak Hill Theological College in London in 1956. He was ordained deacon in 1958 and priest in 1959, and served his first Curacy at St Andrew's, Leyland (1958-61). St Thomas' was his second Curacy, which he held between 1961 and 1964. He must have arrived in St Thomas' late in 1961, and in March the following year the Vicar told PCC that "Mr Powell was now giving most valuable service in the Parish." His contribution to the work and ministry of the Church was greatly appreciated, and in October 1962 PCC agreed to increase his stipend from £465 [£7,630], the minimum point on the Diocesan scale, to £625 [£10,260], which is where he should have been.

It was normal in those days for a Curacy to last two years. In April 1963, after a lengthy discussion "on the question of appointing a successor to Mr Powell", PCC agreed that "for the duration of the present Council no successor be appointed." The question became more urgent the following year, and in May 1964 PCC agreed that, "as Mr Powell has now completed his two years as Curate... he be invited to stay here until he gets the opening he wishes." In September the Curate reported to PCC that "he had been on the short list for a living in Kent, but not being married had gone against him. He was however to attend an interview on Thursday of this week with regard to a position as Prison Chaplain." Nothing came of the Prison Chaplain opportunity, but the Vicar told PCC on the 2nd of November that Colin Powell had been appointed a Curate in Birkenhead and that the 29th of November would probably be his last Sunday at St Thomas'." After Lancaster he moved south to serve as Curate of St Catherine's in Tranmere, Merseyside (1964-65), then became Rector of St Luke's in Cheetham, Manchester (1965-81) and Team Vicar in Oldham (1981-86) and Rochdale (1986-97). He retired in 1997.

The question of a successor resurfaced at that PCC meeting, where one member proposed the appointment of another Curate, but it was agreed to discuss the matter more fully at the next meeting later that month. On the 30th of November 1964 PCC agreed that "there should be no Curate at present. The situation could be reviewed at the first meeting of the new Council." That review must have decided against the idea, and Stanley Duthie had to manage for the rest of his time at St Thomas' - another nine years - without the assistance of a Curate.

Church Governance

The life of St Thomas' during the sixties was heavily influenced by the big changes running through the Church of England that we looked at above.

The need for the church to be more proactive in reaching out to those beyond its walls was recognised. The minutes of the January 1962 PCC meeting record that the main theme of the Diocesan Clergy Conference was 'Our Vocation', and "it was emphasised that the main concern of the Clergy is to take the Gospel to the people." The previous January PCC had agreed that "Mr Lowden should be the Church's Publicity Officer and supply reports to the press."

But most of the key changes were inward looking rather than outward facing. One was "the need for a great increase in the lay ministry of the Church", which the June 1965 PCC was told was a key theme at that year's Diocesan Conference. In June 1972 PCC agreed to pay for two representatives from St Thomas' to attend a two-day Lay Conference to be held at St Martin's College that September, on a non-residential basis.

A second challenge was posed by a 1967 report _Partners in Ministry_ which among other things recommended the abolition of benefice and patronage and centralisation of authority in the hands of the Diocese, for example to make appointments and assume ownership of Vicarages. This was discussed by PCC in July 1969.

A third key change was the Synodical Government Measure 1969, which among other things established a framework for Group and Team Ministry (discussed by PCC in June 1969) and increased the importance of the Electoral Roll because the number of people on it would determine the number of representatives to the Deanery Synod (discussed by PCC in January 1970).

A fourth matter was a _Church and State Report_ (1972) which recommended that General Synod should be given permanent powers to order forms of worship in the Church of England, whilst at the same time protecting the status of the 1662 _Book of Common Prayer_ (discussed by PCC in February 1972).

One slightly enigmatic minute of the September 1963 PCC meeting records that "there was some discussion about the secrecy of PCC meetings" but no decisions were made. Unfortunately no information is given about what led to the discussion or why the issue was regarded as important enough to discuss.

Parish boundary

The matter of the parish boundary and the sustainability of St Thomas' parish, which had hung over Harold Wallwork's incumbency, spilled over into Stanley Duthie's time. Recall from the last chapter that in May 1957 the PCC of St Paul's, Scotforth, had pulled out of an agreement to allow St Thomas' to take over part of their parish, and Harold Wallwork had advised his PCC to let the matter sit for up to twelve months. Wallwork left Lancaster five months later, and Duthie arrived four months after that, during which PCC did not return to the matter.

The theme was re-visited in February 1959 when PCC agreed that, "subject to the Bishop's approval having been obtained, efforts should be made to settle this matter." That October PCC considered a letter from the Archdeacon about the parish boundaries, and agreed that "the Vicar should confer with the Vicar of St Paul's, Scotforth, on the matter."

The next month (November 1959) the Vicar told PCC that "the time is not yet opportune to discuss parish boundaries", but the PCC minutes say nothing about why that was the case. Progress was very slow and sporadic. The Vicar told PCC in March 1960 that "the subject of the extension of the Parish boundaries has been re-opened, but because of the death of the Bishop and the change of Archdeacon was temporarily in abeyance."

Two years passed before PCC was reminded in January 1962 of the need for the question of the parish boundary to be resolved, and was told that "this was now under discussion." Again, progress was slow. The Vicar reported to PCC that May "on the visit to the Archdeacon of the Standing Committee about the question of parish boundaries. Any revision is dependent on the agreement of the incumbent and PCC of parishes concerned. The Archdeacon had agreed to write to the Vicar of Scotforth with a view to arranging a meeting to prepare a scheme."

A breakthrough came in July 1962, when the Vicar told PCC that he had received a letter from St Paul's PCC "offering to transfer to St Thomas' Parish some 800 houses. It was decided to thank St Paul's PCC for the offer, which would make a useful basis for discussion."

Serious negotiations between St Thomas' and St Paul's could now begin, and in September PCC agreed to "ask for a development area, Bowerham Road, to be extended to the boundary to include Newlands and Chequers Avenue. The area north of Bridge Road and Newsham and Wellington Roads would be a logical addition to the Parish." The suggestion was turned down; in October the Vicar updated PCC, reporting that "the Scotforth PCC was not prepared to go further than the original offer."

After discussion it was agreed that the correspondence from Scotforth PCC should be sent to the Archdeacon. The Vicar sent it and received a reply from the Archdeacon who, as the November PCC minutes record, "suggested that St Paul's offer should be accepted and the Pastoral Committee would then decide whether the proposal should be sent to the Church Commissioners for approval."

St Thomas' PCC must have accepted the Archdeacon's suggestion, because in April 1963 the Vicar told PCC that "he thought it was time to make plans for the forthcoming extension of the parish."

The Diocese continued planning for the boundary changes, and in October PCC discussed "the map and new proposals for the extension of the Parish Boundaries submitted by the Church Commissioners"; it agreed unanimously to accept the proposed changes. Stanley Duthie appears to have adopted a rather passive approach to embracing the new extension to the parish, advising PCC in November 1963 that, "in view of the expected extension of the Parish Boundaries, there will be extra magazine distributors and the cost of increasing the size of the magazine is to be explored." He also suggested that "new members of the Parish should be visited."

But at last the revised parish boundary was agreed and formalised, being approved by Her Majesty the Queen on the 27th of November 1963.

Full details of the revised boundaries of the parish were published in _The London Gazette_ on the 29th of November 1963. In legal jargon, it defines "the territory to be annexed to the parish of St Thomas, Lancaster" as -

" _1. All that part of the parish of Saint Paul, Lancaster, which is bounded on the west by the parish of Saint Mary, Lancaster, on the north by the parish of Saint Thomas, Lancaster (detached portion), and on the remaining sides by an imaginary line commencing on the boundary of the parish of Saint Thomas, Lancaster (detached portion), and the parish of Saint Paul, Scotforth, at a point in the middle of the branch railway line which leads northwards from the main Preston to Lancaster railway line of British Railways (London Midland Region) to Lancaster Old Station Goods Yard and extending thence southwards along the middle of the first mentioned railway line to a point in the middle of the bridge which carries the said railway over Brunton Road, thence southwards along the middle of Brunton Road to its end and in a straight line continuation thereof to a point in the middle of Ashton Road, thence northeastwards along the middle of Ashton Road to the boundary between the parish of Saint Paul, Scotforth, and the parish of Saint Mary, Lancaster._

2. All that further part of the parish of Saint Paul, Scotforth, which is bounded on the west by the parish of Saint Thomas, Lancaster (detached portion), on the north by the parish of Christ Church, Lancaster, and on the remaining sides by an imaginary line commencing on the boundary between the parish of Christ Church, Lancaster, and the parish of Saint Paul, Scotforth, at the point on the western boundary... where it crosses the middle of Burrow Beck and extending thence southwestwards along the middle of Burrow Beck to a point in the middle of the culvert which carries the said Beck under Bowerham Road, thence northwards along the middle of Bowerham Road to a point opposite the northeastern end of the boundary between the house and premises numbered 56 Bowerham Road and the garage and premises situate at the corner of Bowerham Road and Avondale Road, thence southwestwards to and along the last mentioned boundary to its end, thence southwestwards in a straight line to a point opposite the northwestern end of the northeastern boundary of the house and premises numbered 4 Avondale Road in the middle of the roadway or lane situate between the houses and premises on the northwestern side of Avondale Road and the houses and premises on the southeastern side of Somerset Avenue, thence southwestwards along the middle of the said roadway or lane to its end at the junction of Lonsdale Place and Parkfield Drive, thence southwestwards in a straight line to the northeastern end of the northwestern boundary of the house and premised numbered 30 Lonsdale Place, thence southwestwards along the last mentioned boundary to the boundary between the parish of Saint Paul, Scotforth, and the parish of Saint Thomas, Lancaster (detached portion)."

With the new parish boundary now operational, by late 1963 St Thomas' was responsible for serving the new territory and incorporating it into its thinking and planning. In December 1963 PCC agreed to print an extra 800 copies of the Parish newsletter, and "to ask for volunteers to visit the new area, and to hold a meeting to brief the volunteers."

The next month the Council agreed to design "a four-page leaflet, similar in size to the Parish Newsletter, on a good quality paper", for visitation on the Parish Extension, and to print up to 1,000 copies of it. The Vicar agreed to hold the briefing meeting for 'Visitors' to visit the new area on Monday the 27th of January 1964. PCC also agreed to pay the fees of £15 15s [£246] owed to the Diocesan Registrar for his work on the boundary changes.

Stanley Duthie and his Churchwardens must have heaved a sigh of relief that the long-running saga of parish boundaries was at last completed and they could devote their time and energies to other matters. But their relief was short-lasting because the border zone between St Thomas' and St Paul's would remain contested, and the question of parish boundaries would resurface seven years later.

In July 1971 PCC was told that "acting on the advice of the Deanery Synod's Standing Committee Representative for the working party on needs and resources in the deanery, the Vicar of St Paul's Scotforth had requested a meeting with reps of St Thomas' about parish boundaries." It was agreed that the St Thomas' Standing Committee should ask for a meeting with the St Paul's Standing Committee in September. On the 20thof September John Dart report back to PCC on the joint meeting of the two Standing Committees, noting that "there was discussion of the suggestion of a new church and parish of St Thomas'."

This is the first time in twenty-three years that the idea of relocating St Thomas' had been mooted, certainly in public, and it opened up a new front in the parish boundary discussions.

PCC had a lengthy discussion on the future of the parish at its November 1971 meeting. St Paul's Standing Committee had made a suggestion about parish boundaries - we have no record what exactly it was, but it seems likely (given what was discussed in the following months) to have been about St Thomas' relocating further south and including within its new parish the Hala Estate and the new housing then being built to the south of it. PCC agreed to report back to St Paul's advising that their suggestion "was received with keen interest... and we are actively engaged in collecting further information."

As a way forward, PCC suggested that "a joint working group, consisting of a few members of each Council [the Churchwardens and Vice-Chairman], should be set up to investigate all relevant issues and to report from time to time to their respective Councils." The following month PCC was advised that St Paul's had agreed to set up the joint working party and arrange for it to meet in the near future. In February 1972 PCC was told that "at the joint working party meeting with St Paul's Scotforth, it had been suggested that there should be a general revision of boundaries. It had also been agreed that the [Diocesan] Synod be asked to consider buying of the old Congregational Church on Hala Estate."

Scotforth Congregational Church on Lentworth Drive had been associated with the United Reformed Church in Bowerham, but by the early 1970s its congregation had dwindled to the point of being unsustainable. In March 1972 PCC was advised that "the City Council were showing some interest in the Hala Congregational Church".

The City Council must have bought the site because soon afterwards the church was pulled down and council flats built there, adjacent to the arcade of shops. Many years later, in 1985, St Paul's built the Hala Worship and Community Centre adjacent to a block of new sheltered housing in Hala Square, Beck View.

Relocating St Thomas' to Bowerham was ruled out, but the prospect returned of it losing its status as a separate parish church as a result of a Lancaster Deanery Survey that recommended that it should become part of a Group Ministry with the Priory, St John's and Christ Church. In April 1973 PCC "was unanimous in wishing to protest strongly about the suggestion."

Church unity

Discussions about Anglican-Methodist unity

One hallmark of the 1960s was a greater openness in the Church of England to seriously explore ways of re-uniting with the Methodist Church, which had separated from it back in 1795.

Local evidence of this can be traced back to a Diocesan Conference held in Blackburn in June 1964 that dealt with a report on the discussions between the Anglican and Methodist Churches about joining together. According to the minutes of the PCC meeting the following month, a key proposal was proposed and seconded; it said "This Diocesan Conference welcomes both the majority and minority Reports in 'Conversations between the Church of England and the Methodist Church.' It is prepared to accept it as the basis for unity between the Church of England and the Methodist Church."

Although full unity proved a step too far and was ultimately rejected by the General Synod, those reports provided impetus to strengthen and deepen ecumenical relationships at the local level. As Paul Welsby (1984 p.174) points out -

" _the growth of ecumenical relationships throughout the country led to the emergence of three demands. The first was that intercommunion should be officially authorised, the second was that the sharing of church buildings should be made legally possible, and the third was that machinery for establishing areas of ecumenical co-operation on an official basis should be established."_

One vehicle for promoting ecumenical co-operation was a programme of study called _The People Next Door_ that was launched by the British Council in 1967, one purpose of which was 'to test the relevance of the ecumenical insights in the local church situation'.

The minutes of the July 1966 PCC meeting record that "the Vicar had had some correspondence about this scheme but did not think a [study] kit [for it] should be purchased at present." The Vicar's reluctance to commit unreservedly to ecumenical initiatives in Lancaster becomes clear over the following three years, in matters of finance and joint services.

In May 1967 the Vicar told PCC that an Ecumenical Centre had been proposed at the Wesley Methodist Church in Sulyard Street. It had been suggested that St Thomas' contribute £30 [£412] towards the costs, but after a lengthy discussion it was agreed that "a token payment of three guineas be made in view of our very heavy present and future commitments." PCC revisited the cost of the Centre the following April, after being asked to contribute £25 [£330] that year towards the running costs. Once again the Council agreed that "as we still have very heavy commitments... we again send a token payment of three guineas in addition to the Annual Subscription of two guineas."

The Ecumenical Centre was keen to offer joint Anglican-Methodist services, and when PCC were advised in July 1967 that one was being planned for the 22nd of October their response was lukewarm and cautious; they agreed "to send representatives to the service but [insisted that] St Thomas's Church should remain open as usual." There was no doubt a collective sigh of relief when the Vicar told PCC in September that the proposed Joint Service had been postponed.

The Joint Service might have been postponed but no further mention of it can be found in the minutes of church meetings. There is a minute of a joint meeting of the PCC and Sulyard Street Leaders, held at Sulyard Street on the 2nd of December 1968, at which "the organisation of the two churches was explained by the Minister of Sulyard Street Church and the Vicar of St Thomas's. The effects of the proposed union of the respective churches were then discussed."

The last we hear of Anglican-Methodist proposals during Stanley Duthie's time is a minute from the January 1969 PCC meeting which notes that "a ballot vote will be made on these proposals, by members, at the Diocesan Conference to be held on the 18th January 1969." Unfortunately we have no record of how that Diocesan vote went, but proposals for union were rejected by the General Synod of the Church of England in 1972.

Evangelical groups and organisations

Whilst the Anglican-Methodist 'conversations' continued during Stanley Duthie's time, and ultimately led to little change on the ground in Lancaster, the leadership of St Thomas' took a much more lively interest in engaging with evangelical groups and organisations, reaffirming the church's evangelical roots and consolidating its evangelical style of churchmanship.

We see this particularly in the decision by PCC in October 1958 to join the Evangelical Alliance, noting that it "is for the promotion of Christian unity." The following year it agreed to continue the subscription, at one guinea (£1 1s [£26]) per year, and in July 1965 it agreed to subsidise three members attending the Alliance's National Assembly in London in late September to the tune of £5 [£74] each. In the event two people went, and they reported back to PCC in October that "it was the first time that evangelicals of all denominations had met in such a conference, and that the sense of unity and fellowship was very marked."

The 1965 London Assembly was followed by another one in 1966, and it gave rise to the National Evangelical Alliance Congress (NEAC) which was held at Keele University in Staffordshire in April 1967. In June 1966 PCC agreed to order a Christ Over All study kit for a Study Group to work through in preparation for the Keele Congress. PCC was told in October that the studies would be held monthly in the Parish Hall, beginning on the 19th of October at 7.30 pm, and would be led by John Dart. The Vicar told PCC in January 1967 that he would attend Keele "unless Mr Dart wishes to attend".

The Keele Congress is, as Andrew Atherstone (2011) points out, "widely acknowledged as a major watershed for the evangelical movement in the Church of England." As a result of detailed archival research, he has concluded that "there was a decisive attitudinal shift at the congress, driven especially by the younger generation – from piety to policy, conservatism to radicalism, homogeneity to diversity, and exclusivism to ecumenism." He believes that "the Keele Congress established a new agenda for Anglican evangelicalism, a legacy which still continues today."

A further National Assembly was held at Church House in Westminster in October 1968. PCC had agreed in April that "Mr [Jim] Newsham and his wife should attend this Conference, if it is convenient for them to do so" but later agreed that the Vicar and Miss Richardson should go instead "because of Mr Newsham's work".

A different indicator of the leadership's uncompromising commitment to the evangelical cause comes in the PCC's agreement in July 1969 that "the Secretary should write to Latimer House, the Church Society, the Fellowship of Evangelical Churchmen, and to the Bishop of Blackburn, stipulating that only ministers who subscribe to the 39 Articles and who hold to their doctrinal teaching as embodying the essence of the gospel, should be appointed."

Finances

There is only patchy information about the annual accounts and budgets in the minutes of PCC meetings during Stanley Duthie's time, so it is not possible to build a very detailed picture.

The financial situation in St Thomas' appears to have varied through time over this period. PCC was pleased to hear in February 1960 that the accounts showed an overall balance of £1,593 [£28,000] "the largest to date", yet in April 1970 the Treasurer reported to the Annual Church Meeting that "the church was running at a loss of about £150 [£1,750] per year at the moment."

Income

In terms of income the church relied heavily upon the weekly collections of cash and gift envelopes to cover basic running costs, but these varied from year to year. PCC was told in July 1965 that average weekly giving in cash during 1964 was £6 17s. [£101] and by envelopes it was £9 17s. [£145], and the annual total had risen by £34 [£500] and fallen by £60 [£885] respectively. In November 1969 PCC expressed some concern "about the disappearance of the half crown which is very popular in the collection." In May 1973 the Council noted that "collections at present do not meet expenses."

In 1962, as a result of their discussions about Christian Stewardship (see below), PCC agreed to introduce a covenant scheme in which donors commit to donate an agreed amount of money on which the church can then gain tax relief; this was the forerunner of the Gift Aid system we have today. As well as increasing the income through tax relief, a covenant scheme makes financial planning easier because that income stream is more predictable and secure than cash giving with or without envelopes.

In February the Council proposed that "further information regarding a covenant scheme be obtained", in March "the adoption of a scheme for the use of Deeds of Covenant by members of the Church was mentioned as a possibility to be discussed at the next PCC meeting", and in May it was agreed that "arrangements be made for Deeds of Covenant to be made available to those members of the congregation who are willing and eligible." The covenant scheme was introduced, and in June 1964 the Treasurer told PCC that he intended to claim back the Income Tax paid on money donated through the Covenant Agreement on all claims once each year.

PCC continued the policy of looking to sales of work as a means of raising money during Stanley Duthie's time, holding them most years, usually in November. Most were held in the Parish Hall, but somethimes (such as 1968, 1972 and 1973) the sale was held in the Lower Town Hall. This continued to be an effective way of generating income. The sale in November 1961, for example, which was held in the Parish Hall, raised a total of £420 15s [£7,150]; the following month PCC agreed that £100 [£1,700] should be allocated to the Curacy Fund, £42 [£714] should be divided amongst the seven missionary societies the church supported regularly, and the rest should go to the Church Fabric Fund. The 1965 sale raised £548 11s. [£8,100], from which £23 [£340] was deducted for expenses.

This form of fund-raising benefited both the church and the missionary societies it supported. Five missionary societies (CMS, SAMS, BCMS, CPAS, and CMJ) were each allocated £25 [£370]. Quite why only five societies are listed as having received money from the sale in 1965 remains a mystery, but in 1967 money was given to the usual seven (CMS, SAMS, BCMS, CPAS, CMJ, C&CCS, and B&FBS). In July 1971 PCC agreed that ten percent of the proceeds from the sale of work that year should go to six missionary societies (CMS, SAMS, BCMS, CPAS, B&FBS, and Wycliffe Bible Translators), and the balance used to cover church expenses.

Special collections were used mainly to raise money for missionary groups, but sometimes part of the money received was used for the church's own activities. For example in May 1970 some money from a special collection helped to fund the Sunday School Anniversary and a choir outing, and the choir was allocated £25 [£200] from the special collection in May 1974.

PCC also recognised the value of holding occasional Gift Days in church to raise money for particular causes. The Gift Day held in November 1958 raised £175 [£3,150], but there is no record of what that was used for. The November 1962 Gift Day raised £229 [£3,760] that went towards the Parish Hall Fund. In July 1968 PCC agreed to hold a Harvest Thanksgiving Gift Day, "the proceeds [to] be used to open a fund for the new building needed to replace St Thomas's School." In October 1972 PCC agreed "to have the month of November for gifts towards the heating system: envelopes to be labelled 'My thanksgiving to the church'."

The gift collections were not confined to church. In November 1966 PCC agreed to hold a Gift Month, inviting contributions from people living in the parish. This was done by delivering to each house, along with the Parish Magazine, an envelope with the words "My Christmas Gift to the Church. Please bring or send to the Church during December" printed on it. There is no record of how much money was raised in this way.

The church also relied on occasional gifts and donations for particular projects. The Vicar told PCC in October 1968 that an anonymous donor had given £234 [£3,000] towards the cost of building and repair work associated with the Church. He told PCC in May 1972 that a donation of £400 [£4,000] towards the cost of a new church heating system had been promised, and the diocese had given a grant of £100 [£1,000] and had offered an interest-free loan of £300 [£3,000] repayable in three equal annual instalments.

Expenditure

One major item of expenditure was the annual Diocesan Quota, which in 1962 was £135 [£2,200]. In October that year PCC agreed, given "the discrepancies in quotas required from parishes", to "withhold payment until the basis of assessment had been ascertained."

The following month the Council was told that "the Diocesan Quota was based chiefly on the number of Easter communicants." A new Quota system was introduced in June 1964, under which "each Parish will be expected to contribute fifteen percent of its annual income. Allowances would be made for Capital Commitments and donations to Missionary Societies."

Insuring the church buildings and content was another annual outlay. PCC discussed the matter in July 1962; the last re-assessment for insurance purposes had been made three decades earlier, in 1933, when cover for £22,000 [£360,000] was arranged. It agreed that "the insurance should be increased to £63,000 [£1 million]", and this was done within two months. The minutes of the November 1963 PCC meeting give details of the breakdown of the insurance cover - the organ was insured for £12,500 [£202,000], the pews for £7,500 [£121,000] and the building for £50,000 [£808,000]. Ten years later, in November 1972, the church and contents were insured for £136,250 [£1.36 million], with an annual premium of £164.74 [£1,650].

Clergy stipends and expenses also had to be paid. The Vicar's actual stipend is not known, but it was some way below the sum recommended by the Diocese, which in July 1961 PCC heard was "a minimum basic figure of £750 [£12,750] per annum with family allowances." The stipend remained relatively low for many years.

In September 1971 PCC discussed the _Clergy Stipend Report_ and agreed to inform the Deanery Synod that "St Thomas' PCC would endeavour to raise as much as possible of the required amount to bring the clergy stipend to £1,500 [£16,000], but we cannot guarantee the full amount." The following October PCC had to notify the Deanery Synod that it had not been possible to increase the Vicar's stipend to the recommended minimum or pay in full his office expenses "and that they would not be able to implement the Report in full this year." In November 1970 PCC had agreed to increase the Vicar's expenses allowances for telephone by £10 [£116], for car by £20 [£230] and for postage by £10 [£116]. Funds were also required for the Curate, and in December 1962 the Vicar told PCC that "£116 10s. [£1,900] was still needed for the Curacy Fund" and he agreed to "contact individuals who wish to contribute a small weekly sum to the Curacy Fund."

Stewardship

Stewardship can be defined as "the intentional act of taking responsibility for and protecting something considered worth looking after". As Paul Welsby (1984 p.101) points out "it was in the sixties that Christian stewardship of time, money and talents became the official policy of the Church of England and the Central Board of Finance began its campaign for the teaching and acceptance of its principles."

To his credit, Stanley Duthie quickly came onboard the Anglican Church's push to introduce Christian Stewardship into all of its parishes, at least in terms of 'talking the talk'. In June 1959 he explained the principles of Christian Stewardship to PCC, defining it as "the utilising of our time, talents and money as a gift from God to be used in His service." He outlined four principles that underlie it -

" _1. A Church should never beg for money; the Church should give._

_2. Every family has a responsibility to the Parish Church._

_3. Giving generously is essential to the individual's spiritual welfare._

_4. Giving should be on a basis of equality of sacrifice and not equality of contribution."_

The trail then goes cold for two years, but PCC then discussed it again at some length in June 1961.

The discussion was informed by a presentation by a Mr Lund who emphasised "that what the Wells Organisation [a church fund-raising company originally based in the USA which by then had expanded to cover Canada, Australia, South Africa, and New Zealand, and was gaining ground in England] does at great expense Church members should be able to do for themselves." The following month PCC agreed to introduce an 'envelope scheme' (for collecting donations to be used for church expenses) by the end of September, and to discuss a "letter asking for increased giving from parishioners" at their next meeting.

The Vicar told PCC in June 1964 that he and his wife, Curate Colin Powell, and the Churchwardens had been invited "to a Parish Supper in the Ashton Hall on Friday 12th June, in connection with the St Paul's Stewardship Campaign." PCC agreed that "they should go as observers", but the minutes give no clues as to why they felt the need to have PCC backing to accept the invitation.

It seems that other Anglican churches in Lancaster were also challenged by the Stewardship movement. At the same meeting the Treasurer told PCC that "St Chad's had been drawn in against their conscience by the decision of St Luke's. Two campaigns had been held, one run by the Wells Organisation, and the other by the Parish. While the first cost £800 [£12,500], the second cost only £70 [£1,000], and the income from this was slightly up. The Diocese now had men who were able to lead campaigns, and he urged the Council to use them."

Questions were asked about the advisability of holding a Stewardship Campaign in the parish, and PCC was advised that the experience from other churches in Lancaster suggested that annual income could increase by at least a third. As the minutes of that PCC meeting record, "misgivings were expressed as to the effect of such a campaign on Social Activities and Missionary Giving. Mr Jackson felt that people outside the church should be asked to contribute, as this would create an interest, and be a first contact with them." Summing up the discussion, the Vicar -

" _stressed his acceptance of the principles of the Stewardship of Time, Talents and Money, but felt that two evils had to be avoided: 1. That people should give everything directly to the Church. This would impoverish many Missionary and Charitable Societies. 2. Such gifts could be a sop to people's consciences. Particularly in the new area of the Parish, it was essential to evangelise first."_

The record is then silent for a further seven years, until a Mr Walker explained to PCC in June 1971 that "stewardship of all we have is part of the teaching of Jesus as for example in the giving of the loaves and fishes. He explained how a stewardship campaign could be started and run in a parish."

This implies that, despite the PCC's good intentions back in 1961 and 1964, and although an 'envelope scheme' in church services had been introduced in about 1962, a broader parish-wide campaign had not in fact been launched by St Thomas'.

Mission Support

St Thomas' had a long tradition of generous giving to organisations involved in mission work, both at home and overseas, and this continued during Stanley Duthie's incumbency.

Rather than being an in-built part of the annual church budget, as it is today, missionary giving (now mission support) was funded mainly from special collections taken in church services. This, of course, meant that the amount any particular organisation would receive varied from year to year, including nothing some years, making long-term planning difficult for them.

For example, in May 1958 PCC agreed to hold collections for the following organisations - Bible Churchman's Missionary Society (BCMS), British and Foreign Bible Society (BFBS), Church Mission to Jews (CMJ), Church Missionary Society (CMS), Church Pastoral Aid Society (CPAS, the church's patrons), and Commonwealth and Continental Church Society (C&CCS). In May 1961 PCC agreed to hold special collections for BCMS, BFBS, CMJ, CMS, CPAS, C&CCS, and a new one the South American Mission Society (SAMS). Wycliffe Bible Translators were added to the mix in 1974.

In April 1973 PCC agreed to hold a retiring collection for TEAR Fund (The Evangelical Alliance Relief Fund) after both the morning and evening services on the 29th of April. This is the first mention of TEAR Fund, to which St Thomas's has a long-standing commitment, in any minutes of church meetings. The 1973 collection raised over £11 [£100].

Other means of raising money for mission organisations included the regular sales of work - the November 1958 PCC agreed "that 10 percent of the Sale of Work proceeds [will] be allocated to CMS, BCMS and CPAS" - and collection boxes - in May 1971 PCC agreed "that a general missionary box should be used during Lent and the proceeds divided among CMS, BCMS, CPAS and SAMS."

As well as being generous in its giving to mission organisations, St Thomas also directly supported an individual, Martin Leigh, who was working as a Wycliffe Bible Translator. In October 1966 PCC agreed "to have our own Martin Leigh Sunday on the 13th of November, Remembrance Day"; in November 1967 it agreed to hold a Martin Leigh Sunday on the 14th of January 1968; and in May 1970 it agreed that Martin Leigh should receive £50 (£580) of the proceeds of a special collection. In April 1971 he described to the Annual Church Meeting "his work and difficulties during his second missionary trip in Nigeria with Wycliffe Bible Translators."

Church fabric

One small visible change inside the church was the addition in 1962 of an oak prayer desk on the north side of the sanctuary, near the altar, bearing the inscription 'In memory of Frederick William Hartley, 62 years a Choir member. Thanks be to God.'

A number of maintenance projects were carried out in the church. Some involved small-scale repair work; for example in July 1958 PCC agreed to repair the main church doors at a cost of £65 [£1,170]. Other projects took longer and were more costly; for example in December 1958 PCC discussed an Architect's Report on the need for repairs to the church roof.

Steeple and bells

One of the more expensive projects was to repair and make safe the steeple. Recall that after the bell frame had been declared unsafe in 1935 it was agreed "to ring only one bell for the present", and by 1954 a record player and loud-speaker system had been installed in the steeple. That solution was continued in Stanley Duthie's time, and in November 1962 PCC agreed to "purchase a long-playing record of Church Bells to replace to one at present in use" and the following July to buy new styluses for the record player. That solution did not deal with the bigger problem of the fabric of the steeple.

In September 1960 PCC agreed to seek advice from a firm of steeple-jacks about the condition of the steeple, but after that we hear nothing until 1967 when momentum built over a number of PCC meetings. In June PCC was told that "the belfry badly wants cleaning out and one window covered so that the rain and pigeons will be unable to get in.... the Steeple needs pointing outside." Mr Airey, one of the Churchwardens, asked if the bells were safe and he was told that if left alone and not rung they would hang for a long time. PCC agreed to arrange for a team of cleaners to clean the inside of the belfry on the 20th of June 1967, and the Vicar agreed "to get in touch with the Health Department to send a man to clean [out] the pigeons [and their droppings]."

In July PCC was told that the belfry had been cleaned out, and the estimated cost of repointing the steeple was £384 [£5,270]. In September it agreed that "1. The bells be sold in accordance with the best estimate. 2. Instructions be given... for work on the steeple to proceed according to the revised estimate of £685 [£9,400]."

PCC then applied for a faculty to allow it to repair the steeple and remove and sell all but one of the church bells (the smallest bell was to be kept 'for tolling'). A copy of the faculty, dated the 29th of December 1967, is archived in the County Record Office in Preston. In early January 1968 PCC was told that the faculty had been received so the work could go ahead, and it agreed to accept quotes for the removal (£175) [£2,300] and transport (£20) [£260] of the bells, and accept offers of £150 [£2,000] "for the bells if delivered at their foundry" and £685 [£9,000] for work on the steeple.

The Vicar was able to tell PCC in September that "the outside pointing to the steeple had been completed", but extra pointing work was required which would cost an estimated £107 [£1,400]. PCC agreed that the extra work should be done. The following March (1969) PCC heard that all of the steeple repairs had been completed, at a total cost of £792 [£9,900].

Heating system

Stanley Duthie had inherited a church with long-standing heating problems, and he got off to an unfortunate start with the new oil-fired heating system. Soon after his arrival he told PCC in December 1958 that he had received a letter from the Diocese (probably because the boiler had been put in without full permission) advising that "as the oil-heating system had already been installed it was agreed that the circular letter on the matter be accepted and nothing further done."

Two winters later there were problems with heating in the church, school and Sunday School, and in October 1960 PCC was concerned to make the most economical use of the oil-fired boiler, at a time of rising oil prices worldwide. In February 1970 it was still eager to get advice on heating costs, but that December the discussion switched to exploring the cost of installing a new, bigger boiler.

PCC was advised in January 1971 that the existing boiler was unlikely to last more than another five years, but the matter became more urgent two months later when it was told that "two sections of the boiler had collapsed and a new boiler would be needed", as a result of which it was agreed "to hire four gas convectors to give heat temporarily."

A whole year and a cold winter passed before PCC returned to the matter, agreeing in March 1972 to seek independent advice about the size of boiler that was needed. Things then speeded up. In May PCC agreed to install a new boiler (with a capacity of about 300,000 BTUs) and two additional radiators on the side aisles of the church, at a likely cost of up to £800 [£8,000]. The same month a faculty was applied for from the Diocese to remove the old boiler, disconnect the school heating system, install a new boiler, and add two large radiators on the existing pipes in the side aisles.

Half of the money had been promised by an anonymous donor, and PCC heard in June that the Diocese had given a grant of £100 [£1,000] and had offered an interest-free loan of £300 [£3,000] repayable in three equal annual instalments.

Repairs and redecoration

Dry rot was discovered at the main entrance to church in June 1958 and PCC agreed to get estimates to fix it. In May 1958 PCC was told that fungus had been reported underneath the Churchwarden's pew. More dry rot was found at the south west end of church in 1962, but the July PCC meeting was told that steps had already been taken to put the matter right.

In December that year PCC accepted quotes for dealing with the dry rot, at a cost of £814 6s. [£13,360], and associated repairs (eg fixing guttering) at a cost of £228 11s. [£3,750], making a total of £1,042 17s. [£17,110] plus architect's fees of around £50 [£820]. In April 1963 PCC was told that "the repairs to the inside of the Church were now completed apart from the replacement of a few panes of glass and an electric light fitting. Outside work is to be done in May."

Early in 1970 damp was discovered above the balcony on the south side at the back of church, and in February PCC agreed to get it fixed. Early in 1972 wet rot was found in some timbers below the church floor, and in May PCC heard that by then some had been replaced and the timbers treated.

Parts of the church interior had to be redecorated, particularly after repair work had been done. In May 1960 PCC agreed "to make an effort to touch up the paint in Church now that the damp is cleared, before Confirmation." After further work inside church, in October 1968 PCC gratefully accepted the offer by members to decorate the Vestry, noting that "washing of the paint work be left to the ladies" and agreeing that "although it was felt that the chancel should be decorated as soon as possible, no further plans could be made at this stage."

The following June PCC discussed an estimate for painting the chancel and church, including the porch and staircase but excluding the ceiling beams, at a cost of £700 [£8,800]; the chancel alone would cost £150 [£1,900] "for scraping and three coats of flat paint."

Estimates for painting the porch, east wall, chancel and Vicar's Vestry were discussed in May 1970, in June PCC agreed to redecorate the whole church at an estimated cost of £805 [£9,400], and in July it applied for a faculty to decorate the whole of the interior of the church and all outside painting, the job to be completed ideally by early September.

In May 1969 PCC agreed to rewire the church and upgrade the electric fittings. Five months later, in October, it accepted a quotation for the work of £658 [£8,200], broken down into £450 [£5,600] for the installation and £208 [£2,600] for fittings. In February 1970 it agreed to rewire the lights at the front gate, and that April it was told that the rewiring was complete and had cost about £700 [£8,150].

During the interregnum between Stanley Duthie retiring and his successor arriving, in July 1974 PCC agreed to get estimates for pointing and timber work and for installing a new toilet in church, and to consider a new gate for the Marton Street entrance.

There were also issues beyond the church buildings to deal with. In June 1961 PCC agreed to clear the weeds around the church grounds and clean the railings ready for painting, and discussed the growing problem for both the school and the church of car parking on Marton Street.

Organ

The organ continued to play a central part in church services during the 1960s, although for many decades before Stanley Duthie's arrival it had proved costly and difficult to maintain in good working order, and had over the years exercised the minds of many Churchwardens. Very soon after he arrived, in June 1958 PCC discussed "the question of cleaning and renovation of the organ" but agreed that "in view of the present conditions [not specified, presumably lack of finance]... the matter be left in abeyance."

Ignoring the problem did not solve it, and PCC returned to the matter of the organ four years later in 1962. In July the Vicar reported that "the organ is in need of a complete overhaul" and in September PCC agreed to get an estimate for the cost of doing that.

The estimated cost of £730 [£12,000] for repairing and cleaning the organ was discussed in October, when PCC agreed to launch an Organ Fund, and in December when suggestions included holding a Gift Day and/or a Sale of Work, and asking the 300 members on the electoral roll to give £1 [£16] each. The following December (1963) PCC was told that a total of £218 [£3,400] had been contributed towards the cost of the repairs and another £35 [£546] was set aside from other accounts, and it agreed to get the work done, starting on the 20th of April 1964. The work took eight weeks to complete and ended up costing £786 [£12,260].

Then all went quiet on the organ front until January 1969, when PCC was told that "when the organ was examined recently it was found that it had been damaged by a heavy fall of plaster." The damage was inspected by Jardine's, the organ company, who reported back to PCC in March "that more than 1,000 pipes will need to be removed, cleaned, repaired, and returned. This will cost £210 [£2,600]. Plastering will also need to be done when the pipes have been removed." PCC decided to notify the church's insurance company before proceeding further.

That June PCC considered a report from another organ building company, Henry Willis and Sons, which pointed out that "there is rot under the organ and they do not consider it worth repairing. It would cost £8,000 [£100,000] to rebuild. A new organ with two manuals would cost £3,000 [£37,500]." The next month (July 1969) PCC agreed to seek expert advice on how best to treat the boards beneath the organ, where the rot was probably caused by age and damp, having previously "decided against the purchase of an electric organ."

The search for a cost-effective solution to the problem of the organ continued for many months. The Vicar reported to PCC in April 1970 on "investigations into the cost of organs or repair of the present instrument", and in June PCC discussed ongoing correspondence with Jardine's over the cost of tuning, maintenance and repairs. In July it agreed to partially clean the organ, at a cost of £238 [£2,800], then redecorate the church, ideally before early December when the Keswick in Lancaster Convention had booked to use St Thomas' as a venue.

That work was presumably done, though there is no record of it in the minutes of PCC meetings, but within two years the organ was causing problems again. PCC was advised in May 1972 that the organ had been badly tuned and the firm who did it had submitted a large bill for the work done.

Keeping the organ in good working order was proving to be a major challenge, but the church also faced the challenge of finding and keeping a good organist. In September 1970 PCC agreed that the organist's stipend should remain at £75 [£870] "but with up to 12 Sundays covered by Council for the service of a deputy organist."

Miss Bell resigned as organist in April 1971 and, according to the minutes of the September PCC meeting, was presented at the Harvest Evening Service with "a well-printed Prayer Book" and £15 [£160] in appreciation of her service. In April PCC had agreed to advertise for another organist in the _Lancaster Guardian_ in the first instance, but in June the Vicar reported that "four four weeks advertising in the _Lancaster Guardian_ had brought no enquiries." The Vicar also told PCC that the Deputy Organist (Mr J Blacktop) had resigned, having been appointed Deputy Organist at the Moor Hospital.

An update on the search for an organist was given to PCC in July - no applications for the post had been received but John Blacktop and Kenneth Bell "might be available to help if needed." By November a student (John Beckett) had been appointed organist and PCC was told that he was proving very satisfactory but could not always attend choir practice and would not always be available in the vacations.

In November PCC agreed "to pay the organist 75p [£8] for each service and 50p [£5.30] for choir practice", but the following month, "in view of the fact that Mr John Beckett did not wish to take a fee for Sunday work, it was agreed to pay him £1 [£10] per week for choir practice. Others who helped occasionally were to be paid 75p [£8] per service."

Services

Stanley Duthie put great store on the quality of the church services, and PCC regularly discussed different aspects of the services and how they were organised. Comfort and audibility were taken into account too. In June 1963 PCC agreed "not to use the centre light during the sermon if it causes annoyance", although annoyance to whom (the speaker or the listeners) is not recorded.

When the new Vicar arrived there had been some form of hearing aid system in the church for about five years, but he told PCC in July 1958 of "a shortage of earphones. [and] It was decided that a maximum of five [should] be purchased."

Problems continued and in October 1960, after "the earphones in use in Church were reported as being unsatisfactory", it was agreed to make necessary alterations. In December 1971 PCC accepted an offer from Mr Ford (one of its members) "to examine the loudspeaker system, particularly the amplifier" which had been installed in 1957.

Format of services

In 1965 the Church of England was engaged in liturgical reform, one outcome of which was granting permission to churches to try out different forms of service (known as ASB Series 1 and 2 from the _Alternative Service Book_ ). John Dart told PCC in May 1966 that "these aimed to resolve to tensions between different forms of churchmanship and to get rid of as many rubrics as possible. With the approval of the PCC and the sanction of the Bishop an alternative form of service can be used, provided it is used regularly for at least two years."

The following month the Vicar told PCC that he had received a letter from CPAS (the church's patrons) "requesting the Council to make its views known on the proposed forms of service" but it was felt that no action could be taken until all members had studied the services." Nothing more about this is recorded until the PCC meeting in April 1967, where the Vicar "mentioned the new forms of service but deplored the obligation to try them for two years." Things moved slowly on this front during Stanley Duthie's incumbency.

Some PCC discussions centred on the format of the service. For example, in January 1971 the discussion centred on "the series of sermons, hymns and their times, a young people's service, and how the choir should process at the beginning of the service." In March 1973 PCC agreed "to continue to take the collection during a hymn", and in November 1973 the Vicar "mentioned various matters including the tidiness of the church, welcoming visitors, behaviour and noise in church."

Sometimes the focus was on the length of the service. In March 1961 there was "some discussion about the most suitable length of services in Church", but no decisions were made. In December 1970 "it was requested that the addresses at the Christmas Eve Communion Service and also at the Carol Service should be short" and PCC was told the following month that both services "were considered to have been of appropriate length."

Discussions about hymns and singing in services pop up frequently in minutes of PCC meetings... debate about sung worship is by no means a new phenomenon. In September 1958, for example "opinions were expressed that many hymns were too long and many chants dreary. It was agreed that where the Recessional Hymn was long it should be restricted to certain verses, and every effort should be made to ensure the continuance of congregational participation in the singing." In June 1969 PCC discussed which parts of the services should be sung or said, and in November it recommended that "the Creed be said and not intoned [sung]."

Some discussions were very specific. In September 1960, for example, PCC agreed that "the Vesper [the singing of the _Magnificat_ in the evening service] be omitted pro tem as an experiment... subject to a review at a later date." The next month PCC was told that "younger people were satisfied without [it] but that older people prefer a Vesper or short recessional. After discussion it was decided to try said instead of sung amens after the third collect, as an experiment."

The suitability of services for different groups of people was also considered. One such group was the young people, and in October 1965 "Miss Richardson requested that the form of service on Church Parade mornings should be suited to young people."

After a delay of four years, in June 1969 PCC agreed that "a Guest Service arranged and run by the young people should take place as soon as possible (probably in July)." July came and went, and at PCC in late October it was suggested that a Young People's Service be held soon. One was held although we have no record of when, but the Vicar told the Annual Church Meeting in April 1970 that "the Guest Service run by the young people had been successful." That's the last we hear of youth services during Stanley Duthie's time.

Another group was families, but again the response was sluggish. The Annual Church Meeting in April 1970 asked PCC to discuss the question of a Family Communion Service at its next meeting. In June PCC "agreed to leave this question over", and the following month it agreed "to experiment with simplified morning prayer on Parade Sundays, ie on the first Sunday in the month, beginning in September. The address to be 'child orientated'." In February 1972 PCC agreed to hold a Family Service on the morning of Mothering Sunday, but it looks like that was a one-off event.

Carol services were held in church most years during the week running up to Christmas. In 1966, for example, a carol service was held on the Sunday before Christmas, and PCC had agreed in October that "each organisation is to be asked to choose a member to read a lesson for the Service. It was also mentioned to have as many carols as possible for the congregation to sing." In 1970 a carol service for Bowerham Junior School was held in church on the 14th of December.

Hymn Book and Prayer Book

Prayer books and hymn books were very important in the days when the liturgy had to be followed meticulously and parts of the service were said aloud by the congregation, and before projection equipment was installed in church.

It was important to ensure that enough good quality books were available in the pews for the congregation to use during services, and from time to time new ones had to be bought to increase the number and replace damaged ones. Thus, for example, in January 1961 PCC agreed to order 24 Prayer Books, 12 Hymn Books and 6 large print Hymn Books, and in June 1963 it agreed to purchase 36 Prayer Books.

A new Anglican hymn book ( _Hymns of Faith_ ) was published in February 1964. In June 1965 PCC, cautious as ever, agreed "to purchase a specimen copy", and that September the Vicar said he would check on the price of multiple copies for the church. Three years were to pass before PCC eventually agreed in September 1968, after a lengthy discussion, to buy copies of _Hymns of Faith_ to replace the _Anglican Hymn Book_ in use up to then. A new _Youth Praise Psalms_ was published in 1973 and launched in Manchester that September. The same month, when it was known that the Vicar was shortly to retire, PCC considered the cost for words and music versions, "but it was suggested nothing be done about them until the new Vicar arrived." Nonetheless, three months later in December PCC agreed to buy 150 paperback versions of the words and twenty of the music, at a cost of £48 [£440]. The books arrived within a month.

New versions of the 1662 _Book of Common Prayer_ , called the _Alternative Services Series_ , were also becoming available at this time; Series 1 in 1965, Series 2 in 1966 and Series 3 from 1971 onwards. In March 1972 PCC agreed that the Churchwardens should get a sample of the prayer books and spend up to £50 [£500] if the sample was satisfactory. The price was 50p [£5] per copy and later that month PCC agreed to order sixty copies, which had arrived by early September. In October PCC agreed "to petition for review of the 1662 Prayer Book", suggesting that they were not entirely happy with the _Alternative Services Series_.

Communion services

Communion services have long held an important place in the life of Anglican churches, and PCC discussed a range of aspects of them during Stanley Duthie's time.

Some discussions were based on small and local issues. For example, in October 1963 "Miss Donohue raised the question of the provision of non-alcoholic wine for the Communion Services. After discussion it was decided to take no action." In November 1964 Mr Airey, one of the Churchwardens, suggested that "regular evening Communion Services, possibly on the fifth Sunday in a month, should be tried instead of Evening Prayer" although there is no record of the outcome.

PCC was comfortable in sharing Communion with members of other churches and denominations, and in October 1965 it was happy to follow the suggestion made by CPAS that it record in its minutes that "it has been our practice to invite to the Lord's Table those members of other denominations who love the Lord and are accepted members of their own Church. Our unanimous desire is that this should continue."

In 1966 the Anglican Church authorised a new Holy Communion Service (as part of the _Alternative Services Second Series_ ) which churches could use if they wished to, and in January 1968 PCC agreed to try it out by allowing the Vicar to "conduct a service for the PCC some Monday evening, the service to be followed by discussion." In April it set the date for "the experimental service" as the 10th of June, and agreed to invite the Bible Study Group along too.

The minutes of an Extraordinary Meeting of PCC held straight afterwards record that "all approved the saying together of the Prayer of Humble Access, and the shortening of the Commandments. Most approved the simplified form of the Confession. There was some comment on the inconsistency of using you, thou and thee.... In answer to a question the Vicar thought that this service should be used occasionally, but should not entirely replace the 1662 version.... Mr Dinwoody deplored the alternative prayers with which evangelicals could not agree. It was decided to use this form of service... not oftener than once a month."

The Anglican Church authorities were apparently keen to get user feedback on the new service and in January 1969 PCC agreed that "50 copies of the questionnaire should be ordered... to be completed by members of the congregation, particularly younger members, as well as representatives of the PCC." There is no record of what views were expressed in St Thomas' through this consultation process.

The matter of Communion and how it should be celebrated had long been a concern for evangelicals, anxious that it should remain free from Catholic influences and practices. The leadership of St Thomas' had since 1841 been eager to 'keep the faith' by resisting any creep or drift in that direction. This resolve was tested twice during Stanley Duthie's time.

The first test came in May 1964 when the Vicar told PCC that "a measure to legalise Mass vestments is shortly to come before Parliament." The Council agreed that cards should be sent to MPs condemning the measure and that "the Vicar and Lay readers should request an interview" with the local MP." PCC noted in April that it "had objected against the legalising of Mass Vestments but with no result."

A much bigger test came six years later, in 1970, when PCC learned that a Roman Mass was to be celebrated in the precincts at Canterbury Cathedral that July, for the first time since the Reformation. PCC discussed this in May and twice in June. On the 23rd of June it agreed that

" _a protest [should] be sent to the Dean and Chapter of Canterbury stating that 'We, the members of the Parochial Church Council of St Thomas' Church in Lancaster in the Diocese of Blackburn, deeply deplore the decision of the Dean and Chapter of Canterbury Cathedral in making arrangements to observe the 800 th Anniversary of the death of Thomas à Becket by acting as hosts and giving permission for the Roman Mass to be celebrated in the Cathedral precincts on July 7th. We believe this to be a matter of grave concern as being tantamount to an utter repudiation of the reformed teaching of the Church of England. And in view of the fact that this mass is due to be held in the Mother Church of the Anglican Communion it is our firm conviction that it should never be allowed to take place.'"_

An article in _The Times_ on Tuesday the 6th of July reports that police "would be in force at Canterbury Cathedral tomorrow in case of Protestant demonstrations against a Roman Catholic Mass in the precincts. Hundreds of Protestants... are expected." But in a letter in _The Times_ the previous day a group of leading evangelicals in the Church of England had spelled out why they were concerned but condemned any form of disorderly protest and urged critics to "find a more constructive way to witness the truth they believe."

Choir

Like the organ, the robed choir still played a central role in the church services during the 1960s. A number of issued relating to the choir were discussed by PCC during Stanley Duthie's time.

One was the standard of singing. As part of a PCC discussion about the Harvest Supper in October 1958 "after certain [unspecified] aspects of the choir had been considered the Vicar stated that he would discuss these matters with the Organist and suggest that the choir boys should have special training and opportunities to show their progress."

Another issue was the choice of music. In February 1966 PCC was advised that "the the Choir had acquired a lovely Cantata to be sung at Easter. Palm Sunday was the day mentioned for when the Choir would like to sing it", and the following month it was agreed that the Cantata should be sung on the first Sunday in May.

The matter of choir clothing was taken seriously. For example, in November 1966 PCC agreed that "the choirboy's collars should be thrown out" and in October 1969 the choir requested financial help from PCC to buy new robes. They needed "6 cassocks, 6 surplices, 12 Oxford caps and possibly 6 ladies' Collars and Jabots [ruffles]. They had raised £19 [£237] at a Coffee Evening, foregone their annual outing for which a grant of £20 [£250] was given, and so out of a total of £64 10s. [£800]... a further £30 [£375] was asked for from Council Funds." PCC agreed that budget, but the following month it turned down "a request from the choir that red cassocks should be purchased... on the grounds of an unjustifiable expense."

It was thought that paying young members of the choir to attend rehearsals and services would increase their commitment, and in May 1974 PCC agreed that "the young members of the choir were to be paid 2p [£0.16] per attendance and were to be given a book annually up to the age of 16." Two months later the Choirmaster asked that the younger members of the choir be paid more for practice than for the services, and PCC agreed to pay 3p [£0.24] for practice and 2p [£0.16] for each service.

Church opening times and cleaning

In June 1962 a member of PCC "raised the question of leaving the Church open [during weekdays]. Before making a decision it was decided to make inquiries about churches which are open."

The following month the Vicar reported that he had made enquiries about the daily opening of local churches, and discovered that "Christ Church remained open until some weeks earlier when warning was received from the Police to the effect that the Church should be closed. Scotforth Church is open when the Vicar is in residence. St John's Church is also open. It was decided not to proceed further until a more satisfactory insurance cover is arranged."

In September 1970 PCC agreed to increase the stipend for the Verger (caretaker) £60 [£700], and that December it agreed to present Mrs Birkett with a Bible and a cash gift of £25 [£290] in gratitude for her 22 years service as Verger. The church cleaner, Mrs Witts, resigned in June 1973, PCC agreed to put an advert in the _Lancaster Guardian_ for a replacement with a salary of £2 [£18] a week", and a new cleaner had been appointed by early July.

Church Hall/church conversion project

One development that started in 1971, in the latter stages of Stanley Duthie's incumbency, was to set in motion a chain of events that would have a significant and enduring impact on the life and work of St Thomas' over the following decade.

The initial spark which would ignite a period of major change and growth in the church took the form of a discussion by PCC on the 1st of March 1971 informed by a recent Deanery Synod Report, after which "it was agreed to take advice on the possibility of altering the church for use as a dual purpose building". Little could they then see the challenges and opportunities that lay ahead. Recall that, at this time, discussions about parish boundaries were ongoing with the Deanery and St Paul's

Thus began a season in the life of St Thomas' that would turn out to be as important and enduring as Colin Campbell Junior's stewardship of the church buildings had been more than a century earlier. The launch of this transformational period can be dated to the March 1971 PCC meeting, but its roots can be traced back through five sets of PCC discussions from the late 1950s onwards. These focussed on - the parish hall, the two church houses (numbers 2 and 4 Marton Street, the old school building, the former school playground, and the need for a new 'church hall'.

Parish Hall

The Parish Hall was used for many things, including band practice for the Boys' Brigade, to whom in September 1958 PCC granted permission to use it "with the hope that near neighbours would not be unduly disturbed."

It was kept in a reasonable state of repair. In March 1958 PCC agreed that it should be renovated, and the following month it agreed to do external repairs first and postpone decorating the interior for the time being. In September 1966 PCC agreed that "there should be a Coffee Evening and a Bring and Buy Sale for the re-opening of the newly decorated Parish Hall", probably in late October.

Further repairs and improvements were necessary. A new side door and framing costing £15 [£150] was approved by PCC in May 1972, and in July 1974 the Council accepted an estimate of £105 [£840] for work on the guttering and windows, leaving a new sink for the kitchen and repainting of the outside to be considered later.

The Hall in Aldcliffe Road had served the church well since it was purchased in 1926, but it was not in the most convenient location (a fair walk away from the church site), the old building was proving costly to maintain, and there was limited potential to develop the site.

By the mid-sixties thought was being given to finding a more suitable site closer to the church. The first mention of this in PCC minutes comes in July 1965, when Mr Airey, one of the Churchwardens, suggested that "if the school was to be demolished, the Church should have first option to buy the land, for future site of Parish Hall."

Two years later, in October 1967, the Vicar told PCC that "the building adjoining the Church was for sale so he had written to Canon Carroll regarding purchasing it to enable us to build a Parish Hall on the site, also advice on a loan for the same."

There is some irony in the fact that the church was now considering buying back the very building it had originally funded and built, and had run as a very successful school for boys and girls before the sweeping educational reforms of the 20th century.

School Cottage and Church House

Recall that the church owned two terraced houses behind the school, joined at the west end to the outer wall of the school, fronting onto Marton Street (where the Vicar's car parking space now is).

Colin Campbell had bought numbers 2 (School Cottage) and 4 (Church House) Marton Street a century earlier for use as housing for the Schoolmaster and Organist. Both were small, cramped and dilapidated but remained in use, certainly through Stanley Duthie's early years, number 4 being rented out to tenants as a dwelling and number 2 used for some time for paper baling.

Church House was not a success as a rental property. PCC was told in March 1958 that although tenants had been living there, "no rent had been received for twelve months for the property" and it was agreed that the Churchwardens "should take what action they consider necessary to deal with this matter."

Thoughts turned to selling the property, but PCC heard in May that "no progress has yet been made as the deeds have not been found." This would turn into a long-running saga. In October the Vicar reported to PCC that a Mrs Wilkinson had offered £200 [£3,600] for the property but "since the deeds have not yet been found the matter is in abeyance. In the meantime enquiries as to the value of the site will be made."

The following month PCC was told that the deeds had still not been traced, but "the house is scheduled to be acquired by the Council [probably for demolition] in two and a half years time when it should be bought at the market rate." In February 1959 the Vicar reported that the deeds were lost and "it was decided to take the necessary steps to evict the tenants." The threat of eviction seemed to work because two months later he reported that "£27 [£480] arrears of rent have now been paid for No 4 Marton Street." But that was by no means the end of the matter, because the Vicar told PCC in October 1960 that "a Wilful Damage notice had been obtained for the cottage."

In April 1961 PCC were informed that "a notice had been served on the trustees that No 4 Marton Street is unfit for habitation. The estimated cost of essential repairs is about £240 [£4,000]. If a bathroom was installed a rent of 26 shillings [£22] per week would be required." PCC agreed to leave the matter in the hands of the Churchwardens who would consult with the church's solicitor and have power to co-opt as necessary.

The following month Council heard that the group that was dealing with the matter had met with the Sanitary Inspector, and "the trustees had given an undertaking not to let the house as a dwelling house until it had been put in order.... the [City] Council would re-house the present tenants. [and it was agreed] that the house should be boarded up as soon as it became vacant."

Thought was then given to renting out the house as offices, and in November 1961 PCC agreed that "enquiries should be made from the Health Office about the possibility of converting No 4 Marton Street to office premises and that the premises should be advertised." The following month it was reported that "the property had been advertised in TheLancaster Guardian but there had been no reply" and PCC agreed that "it be disinfected and no further action be taken at present."

A year later, in December 1962, PCC was told that an inquiry had been received from the Farmer's Auction to rent the premises for offices. It is not known whether the Farmer's Auction did rent the building then, but in June 1964 PCC agreed to rent it for £1 [£15.60] a week plus rates to a Mr Marsden for storage space, who also promised to repair the roof. He clearly did not keep his promise, because in November 1965 it was reported that the next tenant "Mr Hodgson will pay a rent of 15s. [£11] a week until the roof repairs are carried out, then the rent will return to a £1 [£15]. He also agreed to pay rent quarterly in advance." This time PCC agreed (in July 1966) to pay for the roof to be repaired, at a cost of £77 13s. [£1,100]; the work had been completed by early September. That November PCC was told that "Mr Hodgson has paid £43 10s. [£615] rent for the Marton Street house. He wishes to buy the house but has been informed that it is not at present for sale."

In July 1969 PCC agreed to "the conveyance of No 4 Marton Street to the Blackburn Diocesan Board of Finance under the PCC Powers of 1956." The house was conveyed in October 1969, and demolished some time before the start of the Renewal Centre Project (described in the next chapter) in the late 1970s.

The north side of Marton Street, opposite the church, was dramatically altered in the early 1960s, after old Victorian terraced housing was demolished to make way for the new Police Station fronting onto Thurnham Street and a new public house fronting onto Penny Street.

In May 1964 Mr Airey, a Churchwarden, had "expressed the view that plans for new Police buildings in Marton Street should be studied with a view to avoiding unsightly building." Beauty is clearly in the eyes of the beholder, but it is not recorded what he thought of the building that was put up on the site.

Paper baling

In March 1960 the Vicar told the Annual Church Meeting that "this has been a record year for the baling of waste paper." He was referring to a project housed in School Cottage (2 Thurnham Street) that involved church volunteers helping with the baling of waste paper that was sold to a local recycling company to raise money for the church. Where the paper came from is not recorded (it may well have been donated by church members); it was sold to a paper recycling company on the quay.

The "record year" was only the second year of operation; PCC was told in July 1959 that, "as the School Cottage was to be used for paper baling, it was thought that there would be no rates."

The enterprise proved to be a challenge from the start. In April 1960 PCC discussed "paper baling and the shortage of helpers... at length" and the supervisor agreed "to arrange rotas for Monday, Tuesday and Wednesday." The next month it was reported that "paper baling was now working satisfactorily", but in September PCC was told that, "as reinforcements are needed to deal with the large quantities of paper, it was decided to ask for volunteers." In January 1961 PCC heard that "there were difficulties over paper baling and that the question of whether or not to continue must be considered", and the Annual Church Meeting in March was told that "the present position was unsatisfactory because there were too few helpers. Mr Lowden [Church Treasurer], after pointing out that sixpence [£0.45] extra per week from eighty people would make up any loss of income, proposed that baling be discontinued.... It was decided that baling should finish on 28th April. Any paper left after that date should be given to the School."

That June PCC was given an update; "as the paper baling scheme has now come to an end it was decided to keep the lamps for the Boys' Brigade and the Guides. The baler is to be kept for the time being. The windows of the cottage are to be boarded [up]." In May the next year (1962) PCC agreed to delegate to John Dart responsibility for responding to a request which "had been received from High Street Congregational Church to borrow the baler which belongs to Storey Brothers."

School

When Stanley Duthie arrived in Lancaster in 1958 St Thomas' Schools for boys and girls were still open but managed by the Local Education Authority rather than the church.

Within a few years the Government would introduce radical changes in secondary education, designed to improve opportunities for children who did not pass the rigorous entry requirements for the grammar schools, and church schools would be restructured as part of these initiatives. With that in sight, the Vicar pointed out to the Annual Church Meeting in March 1960 that "it will be necessary to consider the future of the building of St Thomas's School." He proved right, and over the next three years various schemes for re-organising secondary education in Lancaster were considered.

PCC was told in May 1963 that the "present plans were that Ripley School should be closed and St Thomas's should become a mixed school, and that these plans were to be put into operation as soon as possible", but those plans were soon to change. In June the Vicar reported that "at the request of the Governors of St Thomas's School, Canon Carroll was to meet the staffs of St Thomas's and Ripley Schools in the near future", and the following month it was reported that "Canon Carroll spoke to the Day School Staff. There would be no change before September 1964, and the school would still be of use for some years." A joint meeting of the Governors of St Thomas's and Ripley Schools was held on the 10th of September 1963.

By mid 1965 the decision had been made to create a new joint Ripley and St Thomas' Church of England Secondary Modern School. An Emergency Meeting of the PCC held on the 11th of October was informed that two governors of the new school would be appointed by PCC, though not necessarily from the PCC, and the Vicar would also be a member of the Governing Body. In 1966 the Ripley Boys' School and St Thomas' Girls' School amalgamated to become Ripley St Thomas Church of England School, which is now Ripley St Thomas Church of England Academy.

Once the decision had been made to create a new school on the site of the former Ripley Hospital (orphanage) south of the Royal Lancaster Infirmary along Ashton Road, it was only a matter of time before the St Thomas' School building behind the church - then owned by the Ripley Trust - would become redundant. This created a potentially serious problem for the church - where would the Sunday School and youth activities take place? The Parish Hall was too far away from the church, not large enough and difficult to modify adequately, so the search was on for a suitable building or site close to church. Churchwarden Mr Airey suggested to the July PCC 1965 meeting that, "if the school was to be demolished, the Church should have first option to buy the land, for the future site of a Parish Hall."

PCC discussed the matter again in June 1966 and noted that "as it is unlikely that St Thomas's School will still be available for the Sunday School and Youth Organisations in two or three years... the provision of suitable accommodation would exceed £2,500 [£35,360]. The Vicar is to enquire from the Ripley Trust whether it will be possible to purchase either the School or the yard, and to find out the exact situation from the Church Pastoral Aid Society."

The Vicar made those enquiries and reported back to PCC on the 11th of July that "he had corresponded with the Rev W.B. Cummins [Diocesan Director of Education] about a future youth centre building. To qualify for grant such a building would [have to] cost more than £6,000 [£84,870] and would have to be available for youth organisations as required."

After consulting with several PCC members the Vicar "felt this would be impracticable in view of the needs of other organisations and would not pursue the matter further." He added that the question of the school building was to be discussed by the Ripley Trust on 21st of July and "the Secretary of the Church Pastoral Aid Society has no record of the terms on which the school was handed to the Ripley Trust."

PCC was advised in September 1966 that "no arrangements can be made at present on the site of the school, there are too many complications. The Vicar is to ask Swainsons the solicitor if they know the whereabouts of the Deeds of St Thomas' School, also the Blackburn [Diocese] Office." Based on information contained in a letter given to the Vicar by the Treasurer of the former St Thomas's Day School Governors, PCC was told in late November that "on the 11th May 1949, the Rev H. Wallwork had handed to Mr Sturton, the Clerk of the Lancaster Ripley Education Trust, the Title Deeds of St Thomas's Schools." The Vicar reminded PCC in early January 1967 that "the premises are now the property of the Ripley Trust. He had made an appeal for the use of the site for Church activities, and this would be put before the next meeting of the Ripley Trust."

Two months later he briefed PCC about a meeting he had had with Canon Carroll, Mr Sturton and the Vicar of Lancaster about the future of the school, saying that "Canon Carroll was sympathetic to the needs of the Church and the Ripley Trust was anxious to sell the site as soon as possible." The next piece of news was not quite so optimistic; the Vicar told PCC that "it is anticipated that a developer will buy the whole site. Such a developer might build a hall to be used possibly for Youth Organisations during the week and for the Church on Sunday. Providing a hall might be included in the contract. It is not expected that the school building will be required after September 1968."

PCC accepted John Dart's proposal that a solicitor - Mr Swainson, the Diocesan Registrar - should be asked to advise it on the appropriate course of action. The Vicar told PCC in early May that "legal matters arising from future plans for the Marton Street School would be in the care of the Diocesan Registrar. Mr Swainson will examine the valuation at the right time, but it would be premature to take any action at present."

By early 1967 the question of where the Sunday School could meet when the school ceases to be available was becoming pressing, and at the Annual Church Meeting in April the Vicar "emphasised the need for a building as near to the Church as possible."

By mid-1968 the prospect of being able to buy and convert the former school building was looking poor, and thoughts turned to a new build somewhere near the church. In July 1968 PCC agreed to hold a Harvest Thanksgiving Gift Day, the proceeds from which should "be used to open a fund for the new building needed to replace St Thomas's School." The key question then was - where to build?

Playground

Time was passing and whilst a number of possible schemes had been discussed little tangible progress had been made on any of them.

The Vicar told PCC on the 3rd of July 1967 that "the building of a new Church Hall, to be available from September 1968, is our main requirement. The cost was thought to be in the region of £20,000 [£275,000]. Inquiries are to be made about the availability of an interest-free loan."

The most obvious site for a new building to meet the church's needs, with the school building unobtainable, was the school playground. It was a large flat site, conveniently located a stone's throw away across Victoria Place to the south, safely away from the main roads.

The Vicar had told PCC in November 1967 that Mr Matthews, the Diocesan Surveyor "did not consider the building next to the Church worth £5,000 [£68,700], and that the playground would be a suitable site for a hall. A statement... from Mr Matthews... [would] be discussed by the Standing Committee with a view to a meeting with the Archdeacon and the Ripley Trust."

In January 1968 Mr Matthews advised PCC to approach the Archdeacon (Canon Tomlinson) with a view to purchasing the playground and classrooms on it. Shortly after that PCC made an offer to the Ripley Trust to purchase from them the playground, two former classrooms on it, and access to it, for £525 [£6,500] plus Church House (4 Marton Street) which the church still owned.

That November PCC were told that the Trustees of the Ripley Trust had agreed to accept the offer and "the matter has now gone before the Ministry of Science and Education" for approval given that the Trust was willing to sell the property to the church for less than the market value of between £1,200 [£16,000] and £1500 [£20,000]. PCC purchased the playground in October 1969, and Ripley Trust subsequently conveyed 4 Marton Street to the Blackburn Diocese.

In January 1970 Ripley Trust sold the school building and School Cottage (2 Marton Street) to Lancashire County Council for £11,975 [£139,000].

With an eye on getting good value for money with a new build on the playground site, Mr Airey the Churchwarden asked members of PCC in September 1969 "to see the Bowling Club Pavilion in Palatine Avenue to consider whether this type of building might serve as a church hall."

In early 1970 the former school building was used by the Education Authority to temporarily house Newton Primary School, whose own site on the Newton Estate between the canal and Caton road (long since demolished and houses built on it) was then being redeveloped. In February PCC agreed to a request from the Education Authority for permission to use the playground and toilets for one year, under the following terms -

[1] the playground and property to be maintained by the Education Authority and returned in good condition;

[2] the premises to be vacated within six months of the date of being asked to do so;

[3] the property to be used only as a playground and for children's activities;

[4] the expenses of the agreement should be entirely met by the Education Authority; and

[5] the playground and toilets should be leased to the Education Authority on a yearly rental of £80 [£930], payable in half-yearly instalments.

This was a valuable income stream for the church, particularly while it worked out how best the use the playground site for the proposed new-build Sunday School and Youth Centre. PCC was advised in May 1970 that the Education Authority felt that the fee of £80 [£930] a year was "excessive and suggested £50 [£580] as more reasonable", but the Council "instructed the Secretary to write stating that St Thomas' PCC did not think it possible to reduce the fee below £80."

Lancashire County Council had bought the school building from the Ripley Trust with the intention of converting it into an Adult Education Centre, but that plan was not followed through and the Centre was eventually developed in a former mill building by the canal at White Cross, which was much larger and offered more potential.

With the school closed and nothing yet built on the former playground the church had to look elsewhere for a place where it could hold the Sunday School. A temporary solution was reported to PCC in November 1972; "arrangements had been made to use a room at the Alexandra Hotel for one hour each Sunday morning and one hour in the afternoon at the cost of 25p [£2.50] per session. The Secretary was to write to the Education Office to state that the school building was not needed on Sundays at the moment."

Build a new church hall

PCC was still eager to build on the site of the playground, and the Annual Church Meeting in April 1970 agreed that "a meeting [should] be called in order to form an action group to go into the whole question of providing a church hall."

What was now being referred to as 'the New Church Hall Project' was discussed again by PCC that June, where the Vicar - in a hitherto largely hidden sign of his own faith - emphasised the need for prayer for the whole matter, and appealed to all concerned to look directly to God in the matter of raising the money. PCC agreed a specification for the project - "the need of church was for a hall (to hold 150 people) and two large rooms, two smaller rooms, a kitchen and toilets. This specification to be changed if necessary and to be extendable at a later date. The figure to aim at was considered to be at least £10,000 [£116,400]. Facts about local buildings to be found."

In June 1970 PCC set up a sub-committee "to co-ordinate the money-making activities, to co-ordinate prices and quotations to present to the PCC, and to act as a publicity committee on the whole matter." The next month it approved the composition of the sub-committee, which would include one representative from "the women's organisations and one representative of the youth organisations" as well as the Churchwardens, Treasurer and PCC Secretary ex officio.

The sub-committee seems to have got off to a shaky start; the minutes of the October PCC meeting note that there was "a vote of confidence in the Church Hall sub-committee... other [unspecified] criticisms were also discussed.

Despite the Vicar's unusually strong public display of faith, it was widely recognised that funding a Church Hall building project would be a real challenge. PCC was advised in April 1971 that the Church Hall Account had a balance of £500 10s. [£5,350] as well as £50 [£530] of interest-free loan, and was told in March 1972 that only £76 [£760] had been raised in the first three months of the fund-raising.

That was not a particularly promising start, but within a year the funds had risen to nearly £1,000 [£9,200]. A number of events were organised to help with raising funds for and awareness of the New Church Hall Project, including a concert in the autumn of 1970, a Coffee Evening in June 1970, and a Musical Evening in March 1973.

Convert the interior of the church

Here we come back to the 'spark' mentioned above that through time would give rise to a major building project - the agreement by PCC in March 1971 "to take advice on the possibility of altering the church for use as a dual purpose building."

But that was only one of three options on the table. That October PCC agreed that "the New Church Hall Committee [should] be asked to submit a timetable and costing for: [1] a hall on the playground; [2] the classrooms as a basis of the new hall; [3] the church converted to a multi-purpose building." In November 1972 PCC agreed to approach the Diocesan Architect and Surveyor "for advice about the need for a Church Hall or dual-purpose building."

A curious item appears in the minutes of that November 1972 PCC meeting, which reports that "the Education Authority would not consider any proposal for purchasing the two classrooms and the rest of the playground." This minute is curious because minutes of earlier PCC meetings had stated that the church had bought the playground and two classrooms on it from the Ripley Trust in 1969, but mention of the church not owning the whole playground or the two classrooms re-appears in the minutes of PCC meetings held on the 2nd of September 1974 and the 22ndof March 1976, after Stanley Duthie had retired.

The idea of converting the church into a dual-purpose building - church and church hall - was discussed by PCC on the 5th of March 1973, the same meeting at which the Council was "unanimous in wishing to protest strongly about the suggestion" that St Thomas' should become part of a Group Ministry with the Priory, St John's and Christ Church (discussed earlier).

At the end of March the Diocesan Surveyor told the Standing Committee that the dual-purpose plan was quite feasible provided there was a budget large enough to cover it. He thought the idea of dividing the church was a good one, and suggested extending the floor of the West Gallery (the former Organ Gallery above the front entrance to church) to make an upstairs room. He also suggested that creating a new entrance from the Marton Street side would be costly and unnecessary. Casting his eyes around the interior of the church he also commented that the organ was too big and suggested moving the pulpit and the Holy Table and leaving the pews as they were for now.

He reminded the Standing Committee that any alterations to the fabric of the church would need the consent of the Diocesan Board, via a faculty. He returned to PCC early the next month, advising that "the alterations should be kept to a minimum." The suggestion that a church hall be fitted into the rear part of church was discussed at the Annual Church Meeting later in April.

The idea of converting the church rather than a new build was gathering pace. It was warmly supported by one particular member of the church, a Dr Catchpole, whose letter was read out to PCC in May 1973. He agreed that the separate church hall scheme should be abandoned as too costly for available funding, adding that "it must surely be right in the present situation for churches in general to avoid the liability of extra plant" and "the prospect of years of money-raising without predictable end of such activity is hardly attractive as a long-term policy for a Christian community." He suggested that the playground site could perhaps be used as a factory site or for car parking, and asked the New Church Hall Committee to draw up modified plans - "In these the first stage was to be capable of standing on its own feet. It was to be along the lines suggested by the Diocesan Surveyor with the wall right across the church and the kitchen and toilet facilities downstairs." Phase 2 could then include the upstairs main hall and Phase 3 the North Gallery.

New plans were drawn up which PCC considered in June. It agreed that Phase 3 should be put forward as the final hall scheme for the church and hall, and asked the Secretary to forward the plans to the Diocesan Advisory Committee for their consideration. That December PCC was advised (by whom is not recorded) to exercise caution "in reducing the size of the church to produce a church hall", but the New Church Hall Committee told PCC that it had recently visited two converted churches "and had been much encouraged by what they saw."

Discussions about the proposed new Church Hall continued during the interregnum after Stanley Duthie's retirement. According to the minutes of the September 1973 PCC meeting, the Churchwardens' letter to CPAS on what St Thomas' needs in the new incumbent mentioned that "we are giving consideration, as a matter of urgency, to a plan to turn part of the Church into a Hall where the Children's Church, Sunday School and other organisations can meet. Our present hall is too far away from the Church for the first two organisations, and is not well equipped in any case."

A curious minute from the PCC meeting held on the 25th of February 1974 records that enquiries had been made to Proctor, Birbeck and Batty about the playground and "the asking price for the whole transaction (school, cottages and playground) was around £20,000 [£160,000]. The firm would notify Mr Airey [Churchwarden] when the playground was actually on the market." That minute is curious because previous PCC minutes had made it clear that the church had already bought the playground from the Ripley Trust, and the Trust had sold the school to Lancashire County Council several years earlier.

Ownership of the playground seems to have been beyond doubt when the Annual Church Meeting in April 1974 was told that "plans for a parish [church] hall at the rear of the church have been submitted to the Diocese. A sub-committee is dealing with the question of the playground and the two classrooms." The following month PCC agreed to make enquiries with the Lancaster city authorities to see if the playground could be used as a car park.

From this outline of how ideas about a new church hall evolved it becomes clear that the thinking progressed through several phases. The earliest idea (around 1965) centred on demolishing the school and building something new on the site. That was followed (around 1968) by the idea of building something from scratch on the former playground, which in turn gave way (around 1973) to thinking about converting the inside of the church to make it dual purpose. Phase four in the thinking - covered in the next chapter - was to buy the former school building and convert it. The initial idea was to convert the school it into a new Sunday School and Youth Centre, but with fresh vision and input from a new Vicar the idea evolved into creating a multi-purpose Renewal Centre.

Little of this would be realised in Stanley Duthie's time as Vicar, but the seeds were sown then and the longer-term vision started to emerge, albeit slowly and at times almost imperceptibly.

Electoral Roll

The number of people listed on the Electoral Roll, as reported at the Annual Church Meetings each Easter, remained above 300 throughout Stanley Duthie's time, sometimes well above 320, with a peak of 376 in 1965. Recall that the numbers during the early 1950s were in the low 200s. It was estimated that about 200 of the 376 people listed in 1965 were active members.

The numbers recorded on the electoral roll are net, taking into account additions (new people, who were easy to count because they filled in a form) and subtractions (those who had died or left, the latter often not notifying the church of their departure) each year, so it is no surprise that not everyone listed was an active member.

This made it necessary from time to time to scrap the list and start again with a reliable up-to-date count. It looks as though this happened in 1966, judging from the sharp drop in numbers. It definitely happened in 1972, under the Church of England's new rules on synodical government which were introduced in 1970. That church legislation also defined the criteria for including people on the roll; as PCC was told in January 1970, "persons on the electoral roll had either to reside in the parish or to have been habitual worshippers for six months."

Church socials

Two types of social event were organised in church during Stanley Duthie's time - Parish Fellowship meetings and Harvest Suppers or Teas. We hear little about the Parish Fellowship meetings, other than the fact that in May 1963 PCC agreed with the Vicar's suggestions that the evening meetings should be "staggered" and that September it was told that the first meeting was to be held on Tuesday the 17th of September.

Harvest Suppers or Teas were organised most years, usually in mid to late September, suppers in the evening and teas in the late afternoon. Entertainment was provided. For example the Male Voice Choir was invited to sing at the tea on the 26th of September 1966, and those who attended the tea the following year were treated to a slide show by Mr Ford.

1969 was a particularly good year. PCC agreed on the 8th of September that "tea would be served from 5.30 pm onwards, followed by an auction of any produce left over after distribution in the parish. At 7.30 pm, a concert would be given by the Lancaster Male Voice Choir." The sale of produce raised £20 [£250]. In 1973 the Harvest Tea was held on the 1st of October, the day after the Harvest Festival; looking ahead to it, in May the PCC agreed "that a sub-committee [should] be formed to arrange the entertainments."

Parish Newsletter

The Parish Newsletter had long been an important way in which the church kept in touch with the people who lived within its parish, even though a good proportion of the congregation lived outside the parish.

By the early 1970s questions were being asked about its usefulness and sustainability, although in July 1973 PCC agreed to postpone a decision on its future "though the feeling seemed to be that the Parish News should be continued in its present form if possible." That September PCC was told that "Mrs Dennison volunteered to look after the distribution but an editor, typist and business manager were also needed. There should be further discussion in October."

Parish visiting

The practice of visiting people who lived in the parish has also been an important part of the church's pastoral care for its congregation and its outreach. Like a growing number of things in St Thomas' during the latter part of Stanley Duthie's incumbency, PCC discussed it but did little if anything about it. Thus at the October 1968 PCC meeting, "after some discussion about the need for regular parochial visiting, it was decided to give the matter further consideration at another meeting."

In November 1972 PCC was told that "Miss Richardson [had] suggested the formation of a Sick Visiting Team and agreed to act as co-ordinator to start it off", though no further mention of the Team can be found in minutes of church meetings.

Outreach and mission

A number of outreach activities were carried out during Stanley Duthie's time, and whilst we can find information about what was planned and when it happened, there is no comment in any minutes about how successful or effective the activities might have been.

A Teaching and Evangelistic Campaign was first mentioned at PCC in February 1958, and the following month the Vicar suggested it should be held in the Spring of 1959. He undertook "to find out whether a Diocesan Campaign is arranged for that time.... [and] The need for adequate preparation was stressed."

As often happened during Stanley Duthie's time, the months slipped by and it was a year before PCC returned to the subject, when the Vicar told them in March 1959 that the parish mission would be held in May 1960. In November 1959 the Vicar introduced to PCC -

" _Mr Lucas who, it is hoped, will lead a Teaching Mission in the Parish. Mr Lucas... explained the purposes for such a Mission:- 1. To evangelise the occasional church-goer and outsider; 2. To edify church-goers, especially young Christians; 3. To equip Christian workers. He stressed the importance of adequate preparation. He said that church-goers must be fully informed, and outsiders brought in. He recommended the informal House Meeting."_

PCC agreed that the Mission should be held from the 5th to the 16th of May 1960.

The plan included a Children's Teaching Mission, which the Vicar outlined to PCC in April 1960 when he "asked for full support from the Council." John Dart echoed the need for PCC support when he emphasised to PCC the following month that "the success of the Mission would depend on the encouragement of the PCC. Members of the Council would be welcome at the children's meetings. It was agreed that a donation of three guineas should be made to Storey's Band." The mission must have gone ahead as planned, because the Vicar announced to the Annual Church Meeting in March 1961 that "the most important event of the year had been the Teaching and Children's Mission in May." Unfortunately that is all we are told about it.

The second outreach initiative was a multi-church Lancaster Crusade planned for October 1965. The Vicar explained to PCC in September 1964 that the Crusade, "probably the largest ever held in Lancaster, would last for 17 days, from Saturday 2nd October to Thursday 18th October 1965." A Steering Committee had been formed to organise it, and it was hoped to hold the first set of meetings (2-7 October) in the Methodist Church in Sulyard Street and the rest (8-18 October) in the Ashton Hall. He pointed out that "there was a possibility... that Sulyard Street might not be available, in which case would the Church agree to St Thomas' being put at the disposal of the Crusade? It was [agreed] that the Church be put at the disposal of the Crusade should they require it, and that full support should be given to the undertaking."

PCC discussed the Crusade again in March 1965, when the Vicar asked for their full support and said that "helpers were required for visiting and that training classes for Counsellors were being arranged." As with the Teaching and Children's Mission in 1960 there is no further mention of the Lancaster Crusade in any minutes of meetings at St Thomas'.

Three years later a third project was launched, this one for Anglican Churches only. This was the Bishop's Call to Mission and the Vicar told PCC in January 1968 that it would run from the 6th to the 9th of May that year. The Council discussed the question of open-air meetings but no decisions were made. The Vicar told PCC in February that the meetings would be held in Sulyard Street Methodist Church, starting at 7.30 pm nightly. Once again, nothing more is heard about it.

Another multi-church outreach initiative, called _Contact 69_ , was planned for late September and early October 1969. The Vicar explained to PCC on the 8th of September 1969 that this was

" _a campaign to help the churches to get in touch with people outside the churches, particularly those in industry. It would begin on Monday 22 ndSeptember and end on Sunday 19th October. The campaign would help by [1] Home meetings; [2] Contact with groups of workers; [3] Guest services. St Thomas' would have a Guest Service with Rev G. Bartlett as the preacher on Sunday 19th October in the evening. There would be 'Teach-In' sessions for St Thomas' and the Baptist Church on Thursday 25thSeptember and 2nd October."_

This PCC minute is the only mention of _Contact 69_ in the church records.

A fifth outreach initiative, this time regional in scope and Anglican in origin, was planned for Lent 1973. The first PCC heard of the _Call to the North_ was in July 1971, but the following March it was told that a public meeting about the mission was planned for the 13th of March at Sulyard Street Methodist Church, and the Bishop of Coventry would shortly visit Lancaster "to meet church representatives in preparation for his coming in Holy Week 1973". In May 1972 PCC was told that "in order to help finance the _Call to the North_ in Lancaster a sponsored walk was being held on Saturday May 20th" and advised that "several young people had promised to walk." In June PCC agreed to order fifty prayer cards in support of the _Call to the North_.

Detailed plans for the _Call to the North_ were explained to PCC on the 4thof September 1972. These included forming housegroups in local churches; holding a General Meeting in Lancaster for planning purposes; running training sessions for group leaders; holding a General Meeting in Preston for everyone involved in the Call; organising an Act of Christian Witness on the 23rd of December in either St Nicholas Square or Market Square; running a Day Together at Lancaster University Chaplaincy Centre (on the 20th of January); organising an exchange of pulpits for clergy (on the 14th of January); and holding Guest Services during Lent and Holy Week 1973. PCC was told that "the Bishop of Coventry will be bringing two assistant missioners with him - Canon L. Jackson who will act as 'compere' for the Ashton Hall meetings, and Rev J. Moore, warden of Lindley Lodge, a centre for training in Christian leadership in industry. He will be particularly concerned with the special Youth Evening."

In January 1973 PCC was told that volunteers were required for visiting houses during the mission, and "there would be an appeal for helpers from the church." PCC agreed to contribute £10 [£100] to the _Call to the North Fund_.

Further details were given to PCC in March, including details for Holy Week and subjects for the Tuesday Lunch Hour Services. PCC agreed "to hold a half-hour service at 6.30 pm on Palm Sunday and then to process to the Ashton Hall for the Rally. House-to-house visitation with two lots of publicity and St Mark's gospel was being undertaken."In July PCC agreed to obtain material for use in the various church organisations during the mission. As with the other outreach activities, there is no record of how things went or what the public response was.

Student ministry

The demographics and character of Lancaster were to change irreversibly in 1964 when two higher education campuses opened in the city. St Martin's College, initially a teacher training college and since 2007 the University of Cumbria, opened on the site in Bowerham of the former army barracks. The University of Lancaster was initially based in temporary accommodation in St Leonardsgate while the first phase of the new campus was being built on a greenfield site at Bailrigg, on the southern edge of the city.

Like other churches in the city, St Thomas' was keen to play it part in reaching out to the students and providing pastoral support for the churchgoers amongst them. The first trace of activity in St Thomas' was a report by the Vicar to PCC in September 1965 advising that "Dr J.I. Packer of Latimer House Oxford [an evangelical Christian research centre; now the Latimer Trust] is coming to our Church on the weekend of 4th and 5thof December."

The Vicar suggested that a letter should be sent to all students at the College and the University inviting them to a buffet tea in the school building on the Sunday afternoon, which "would help the students to mix more with Church members, and feel more at home". The Vicar left it to Dr Packer "if he wished, to give a small address at the end of the meal." The following month PCC were told to expect up to 150 students at the Student's Tea, but in late November it was reported that "the Student's Tea arranged for 5th December has been cancelled", with no reason recorded.

A second attempt to reach out to students was made the next year. The Vicar told PCC in March 1966 that he had written to Professor Anderson of London University "asking if he would attend our proposed Student Sunday on June 12th." Professor Anderson had accepted the invitation, St Martin's College were willing to co-operate, but he was awaiting a reply from Lancaster University." The date of the Students' Service was later brought forward a week to the 5th of June. There is no record of whether the service actually happened and, if it did, what the University's attitude to it was.

Keswick in Lancaster

St Thomas' was happy to host the Keswick in Lancaster Conventions on numerous occasions during the sixties by letting them use the church for their September meetings. The thanks of the Council of the Convention are recorded in PCC minutes in 1959, 1960, 1965, 1966 and 1968.

Sunday School

Sunday School continued through Stanley Duthie's time, but the only mention of it in minutes of church meetings comes in November 1972, when it notes that the church was temporarily hiring a room at the Alexandra Hotel (now the Revolution bar and restaurant) at the top of Penny Street after the school had closed down.

Vicarage

Not long before Stanley Duthie arrived at St Thomas' PCC had started the search for a site on which to build a new Vicarage, the existing one on Higher Greaves requiring attention and only being graded 'C' class by the Diocesan Surveyor. That search was not continued after the arrival of the new Vicar.

There is no mention of any repairs or improvements to the Vicarage until October 1963, when PCC agreed to get estimates for installing a central heating system (gas, solid fuel, and electric). In May 1967 PCC discussed some essential repairs and treating dry rot, at an estimated cost of £475 [£6,500], of which the church would have to pay £165 [£2240] and the Church Commissioners the rest. It is assumed that this work was done.

As usual, attention was focussed on the state of the Vicarage when the Vicar made it known that he would soon be leaving the church. In November 1973, after considering the report of a visit by the Diocesan Surveyor, PCC agreed that "measures should be taken to bring the Vicarage up to Diocesan Standards."

Plans for the work were drawn up to send to the Diocesan Surveyor, and in December PCC agreed that "the parish could meet a maximum [cost] of £2,000 [£18,300] raised on loan for the improvements." The following month PCC agreed to the proposed plan of work, which would cost an estimated £7,310 [£58,280] in total. The Annual Church Meeting in April 1974 was told that "grants of £4,000 [£31,900] had been allocated from the Diocese and further applications to the City and Marshall's Charity are being considered. Over £5,000 [£40,000] had been received in donations."

PCC was advised in early July 1974 that work on the Vicarage was almost complete and a grant of £1,500 [£12,000] towards the cost was expected from the Church Commissioners.

In February 1974, during the interregnum, an issue arose at the back of the Vicarage which would spill over into the early years of the next Vicar. PCC was concerned about a stone wall that had fallen down at the back of the Vicarage garden, but it was also keen to buy a strip of land behind the house next door (number 35 Higher Greaves) to create access to a proposed new garage behind the Vicarage. The following month PCC was told that "the owners of No 35 were prepared to sell a strip of land to make a way in to the Vicarage garden."

Retirement

Stanley Duthie retired late in 1973, having served as Vicar for fifteen years. At its December meeting PCC agreed to present him with an inscribed Library copy of the _New English Bible_ and a cheque, and his wife with a bouquet of flowers, after the Carol Service in church on the 23rd of December, as a sign of their appreciation for all they had done in and for the church.

The search for a new Vicar began in September 1973, with a discussion by the PCC chaired by John Dart. Members of Council were told that the Churchwardens "had already written to CPAS in accordance with the Benefice Right of Presentation Measure. They had put before the patrons the condition, needs and tradition of the parish and this was agreed by the PCC after discussion."

The Churchwarden's letter to CPAS is detailed and it makes interesting reading as an overview of the state of St Thomas' at that time. It is reproduced here in full, transcribed from the minutes of the PCC meeting held on the 3rd of September 1973, when Yvonne Phythian was PCC Secretary:

" _The resignation of Mr Duthie leaves the parish facing a number of problems, in some ways similar to those facing it before the appointment of Mr Wallwork in 1948 - but with certain important differences._

1. There is a move afoot suggested by the Deanery Synod Standing Committee (majority decision) for a group ministry embracing four City Churches, Priory, St Thomas, St John's and Christ Church. Such a move would end CPAS Patronage here, since the Priory would be the dominant Church. The present Vicar of Lancaster is genuinely anxious to preserve the evangelical tradition of St Thomas's - but this could change with a new Vicar there.

2. At one time we had a flourishing youth work here, but this has dwindled in terms of young committed Christians. Only the Boys Brigade is well staffed with officers - but very short of boys. The Guides and Brownies have officers from outside the Church. The Sunday School has few younger teachers and is short of pupils. The Children's Church, started by Mr Wallwork, is well attended but handicapped by lack of suitable premises. The Young People's Fellowship is also down in numbers and not all attend Church.

3. We are giving consideration, as a matter of urgency, to a plan to turn part of the Church into a Hall where the Children's Church, Sunday School and other organisations can meet. Our present hall is too far away from the Church for the first two organisations, and is not well equipped in any case.

4. Smaller congregations have meant that money has been hard to come by. Only the Sale [of Work], every two years, has enabled us to balance our books.

5. On the credit side, we have benefit from our proximity to the Lancaster University. A number of students attend the services, and two of them have given great help to the Church. One is the Organist.

6. Adult organisations are still fairly strong. However, they have only a few young members. There is now no men's meeting. There is a Bible Study with an attendance of about ten, and a Prayer Meeting [with] still fewer attending.

7. There is considerable [overseas] Missionary interest in the Church, though confined to a relatively small part of the congregation. We have Missionaries from the Church serving with Wycliffe Bible Translators and C.M.S. (Nigeria). Another member is considering SAMS. We have an interest in CMS, BCMS, SAMS, BFBS and Com and Con. Members of the Church include the Chairman, Lay Secretary and Treasurer of the CMS Auxiliary for the three Deaneries, and the Secretary and Treasurer of the BFBS of the local auxiliary. The Church is represented on the Deanery Synod Standing Committee (two members) and on the Diocesan Synod. The Church was actively linked in the Call to the North."

A typed note in the PCC Minute Book says

" _Parish makes considerable demands on the incumbent and his wife. Someone experienced with and sympathetic to young people is urgently required. Especially in view of our contacts with University Students, we feel that someone capable of clear and concise teaching will be needed. [added in handwriting...] 'but at the same time be capable of holding the interest of the other members of the congregation'. As you know we are a conservative Evangelical Parish by long tradition, and the Parish as a whole would certainly want to maintain this."_

Stanley Duthie chaired his last PCC meeting on the 12th of November 1973 and the Vice-Chairman (John Dart) chaired the PCC meetings between December and July 1974. At the December 1973 meeting John Dart "reminded the PCC of the importance of prayer during the interregnum"; in March 1974 he "asked that comments on the services should be passed to him"; and in April he "paid tribute to all who had helped in the four difficult months since Mr Duthie left and appealed for continuing prayers at all times."

PCC had been told on the 8th of October 1973 that "the first man who had been asked to consider the benefice had declined. A second man and his wife were coming to view the parish and to meet the wardens and standing committee." That couple were Cyril and Muriel Ashton, who must have impressed the wardens and standing committee and seen potential in the church because Cyril accepted the invitation from CPAS to succeed Stanley Duthie as Vicar of St Thomas'. They were presented to PCC on the 25th of February 1974 and, according to the minutes, "a very happy discussion followed."

Stanley Duthie died in September 1982, aged 74, in the Blackpool and Fylde area. On hearing of his death, PCC agreed in October that "Mr Tate [PCC Secretary] should write to Mrs Duthie and send a donation [in his memory] to Gideon's International."

– o0o –

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16. Cyril Ashton (1974-1991)

Cyril Guy Ashton was born in Coxhoe, County Durham, in April 1942 at Coxhoe. After training for the Anglican ministry at Oak Hill Theological College in London (1964-1967) he was ordained deacon in 1967 and priest in 1968. His first church appointment was as Curate at St Thomas', Blackpool (1967-70), after which he followed in the footsteps of Joseph Armytage - the founding Vicar of St Thomas', Lancaster - and worked for the Church Pastoral Aid Society (patrons of St Thomas') where he served as Vocations Secretary from 1970 to 1974.

In 1974 he moved further north to become St Thomas's twelfth Vicar, moving into the Vicarage in Higher Greaves early that summer. They arrived in Lancaster with four children – Jonathan (born December 1967), Elizabeth (April 1969), Simon (September 1970), and Timothy (May 1972) – who all went to local schools.

Appointment and arrival

Stanley Duthie retired in December 1973 and Cyril Ashton was inducted on the 19th of July 1974. There was no Curate during the seven month interregnum. Indeed when the new Vicar arrived the church had been without a Curate for ten years, since Colin Powell had left in 1964. The new Vicar chaired his first PCC meeting on the 2nd of September 1974.

The wider context

It is true, as John Donne said, that "no man is an island". It is equally true that "no church is an island", and during Cyril Ashton's time what happened at St Thomas' was inevitably shaped partly by what was happening in the world around it.

Socio-economic change

Some of the socio-economic changes that had helped shape post-war Britain were still under way in the second half of the seventies and during the eighties. One was the relentless pursuit of material prosperity, reflected in people's growing expectations of the right to higher wages, a higher standard of living and more comfortable lifestyles, and the quest for personal happiness.

Another was economic and thus political instability, reflected in the fact that there were five governments in office between 1970 and 1979. Inflation was high, trade unions campaigned aggressively for wage increases and to protect their member's conditions, there was much industrial unrest, and unemployment was as high in 1983 as it had been during the slump of 1929. There were concerns about the impacts on Britain's economy of membership of the EEC (European Economic Community; now the EU, European Union).

There were also broad changes in the religious landscape of Britain. A renewed interest in spirituality \- triggered by what Grace Davie (1994) has called "the re-emergence of the sacred" - brought both opportunities and challenges for the Church of England, which reacted with what Michael Austin (2001 p.284) describes as "a period of reaction, consolidation and reform."

Worship

There are a number of strands in the Church of England's response that directly influenced the life and work of St Thomas' over this period.

One was a renewed interest in making worship more accessible and relevant to ordinary people. After years of liturgical experiment the Church of England (Worship and Doctrine) Measure, which allowed the form of service used in a parish to be the joint decision of the incumbent and the PCC, was approved by Synod in February 1974. The _Alternative Service Book_ , written in modern English, was published in 1980. As Paul Welsby (1984 p.239) has pointed out, critics argued that using modern English - addressing God as 'you' rather than 'thou' - "stripped the liturgy of mystery, relegated God to terms of human discourse and relationships, and was unworthy to stand beside the great prose of Cranmer" in the 1662 _Book of Common Prayer._

Evangelism and mission

The Church of England showed a renewed interest in exploring the relationship between evangelism and mission and a fresh search for appropriate methods for promoting its mission.

The purpose of mission in a pluralist and increasingly secular society was debated - some saw its primary purpose as to influence the structures in society that shape people's lives; others insisted that Christian witness should focus on caring for and serving others; yet others maintained the traditional view of mission as the proclamation of the gospel and the winning of souls for Christ.

Different forms of 'proclamation' mission were also emerging, along a spectrum from local initiatives embedded in the day-to-day life of a church, through local short-term missions, to nationwide campaigns (such as those run by Billy Graham). Some local mission initiatives were ecumenical in character, involving several churches working together. This period also saw the emergence and growth of housegroups as effective vehicles for providing pastoral support and discipleship within the local church, with housegroup meetings sometimes providing 'frontline' opportunities for local outreach and evangelism.

Charismatic Renewal

One development that was to have a transformational effect on St Thomas' was the charismatic renewal movement that swept through many denominations and across many countries starting in the early sixties.

Its origins lay in the Pentecostal Revival which began in America in the early 1900s, but as Austin (2001 p.296) points out, from the early seventies onwards it divided opinions

" _between those who welcomed the uninhibited enthusiasm of the charismatics with their emphasis on healing, speaking with tongues and the immediacy of the graces and gifts of the Holy Spirit, and those who believed them to be wrong in their theology of baptism, in their lack of intellectual rigour and in their seemingly scant respect for church order."_

The first signs of charismatic renewal in the Church of England came in about 1962 when a small number of churches - including St Mark's in Gillingham, Kent (the church to which Peter Guinness, Cyril Ashton's successor, would move as Vicar after leaving St Thomas' in 2010) - became known for 'speaking in tongues. David Watson had been a Curate at St Mark's before becoming Vicar of St Michael-le-Belfrey in York, which had been on the verge of closure before he arrived but was quickly transformed and renewed and became a hub of renewal in Britain.

By the mid-seventies it was estimated that half of the people then studying in theological colleges had been influenced by the renewal movement, which transcended differences in theology and churchmanship.

The growth and consolidation of the renewal movement in Britain was greatly assisted by visits from John Wimber and teams from the Vineyard Fellowship in the USA, who worked closely with English church leaders like David Watson at York and David Pytches, Vicar of St Andrew's in Chorleywood, Hertfordshire. Landmark Vineyard events in Britain include the 1984 'Signs and Wonders' conference in Westminster Central Hall, London, and a 1985 team visit to Sheffield that included a visit to Lancaster by a Vineyard group.

Paul Welsby (1984 pp.242-244) outlines the main characteristics of charismatic renewal and its

" _high doctrine of the gifts of the Spirit and in particular those of speaking with tongues and healing. The experience of being so overwhelmed by the power of the Spirit led many to speak of it as 'baptism of the Spirit', which enabled them to witness freely to others, to express their love to each other and to speak naturally and freely to God in prayer. Coupled with this was the expectation that God would work visibly in, for example, healing and deliverance from the power of evil. Wherever charismatic renewal occurred there was nearly always an increase in fellowship and prayer, a deep evangelistic concern, growth in the number of communicants and a greater giving to the Church at home and overseas. Through its meetings for prayer and worship, the renewal introduced Anglicans to forms of praying, praising, singing, and sharing which most of them had never experienced before. Chorus singing, the use of gesture and dance, ministries of healing and deliverance carried out in the middle of the congregation, gifts of tongues and interpretation, prophecies and singing in the Spirit - all these are characteristics of charismatic worship."_

Welsby also points out some important "weaknesses and excesses" of charismatic renewal, including

" _a tendency to pietism [an emphasis on emotion and personal experience] and a reluctance to grapple with the social and other problems of the world.... [it] can also result in the abdication of hard theological analysis in favour of uncritical pietism. In certain parts of the movement there has been a dangerous over-dramatization of the demonic and the ministry of deliverance. Perhaps its greatest weakness, however, lies in the danger of divisiveness, springing from a feeling of spiritual elitism which can too easily result in a sectarian attitude towards fellow-Christians."_

Church congregations have often been seriously challenged, disrupted and divided by this 'greatest weakness', which has caused some groups who have had an experience of the Holy Spirit to separate from those who have not, and set up a new 'church' on their own.

This gave rise to the House Church Movement, in which break-away groups started meeting in private houses to enjoy the freedom of new forms of worship. Many of these groups subsequently expanded, set up camp in larger premises, and joined networks of 'new churches' outside the traditional denominations.

Evangelicalism

A fourth strand of change over this period was a revival in the confidence and influence of the evangelical wing of the Church of England, which was emerging as less defensive, more willing to co-operate with others in evangelism and in the ecumenical movement, and with a less parochial orientation than earlier in the century. This revival owed much to the preaching and teaching of John Stott who was Vicar of All Souls, Langham Place in London from 1950 to 1977, and a gifted Bible teacher, prolific writer and effective evangelist.

One reflection of this new confidence was the National Evangelical Alliance Congress (NEAC) held at Keele University in 1967, which attracted a thousand delegates. After Keele, as Welsby (1984 pp.214-5) points out, "evangelical parishes became some of the most vigorous in the country with large congregations, flourishing Pathfinder groups for young people, house [groups], Bible study groups and determined efforts to meet the uncommitted and the deprived. These parishes have produced many ordination candidates and missionary volunteers. Evangelicals thus became a vigorous group ready to seize fresh opportunities wherever they might be found in the Church of England."

Lay ministry and the ordination of women

A shortage of trained clergy, and a renewed interest in "the priesthood of all believers", made the Church of England more open to sharing ministry with lay people and encouraging them to undertake spiritual and pastoral duties, through lay ministry and lay leadership. The Church was also starting out on the long and winding road that would lead to the ordination of women, the General Synod having accepted in 1975 that there were no fundamental objections to women priests. Since the late sixties women had been playing an increasing part in worship - conducting services, reading the scriptures, preaching and assisting with the administration of Holy Communion.

Lancaster during his time

The face of Lancaster changed a little during Cyril Ashton's time. For example, in 1985 the Old Custom House on the quay was turned into a Maritime Museum, and in 1989-90 the St Nicholas area of the town centre was redeveloped as a shopping centre.

There were changes to churches too, a number of which closed. In 1976 the Wesleyan Methodist church on Owen Road in Skerton was abandoned after vandals had damaged it and lead had been stripped from its roof. In 1980 St Luke's in Skerton had to sell the brick church hall they had built in the centre of the parish in 1956. In 1981 St John's Church on Chapel Street (founded in 1755) was closed and placed into the care of the Redundant Churches Fund (now the Churches Conservation Trust); the building is still occasionally used for concerts. In 1983 the Wesleyan Methodist Chapel in Sulyard Street (founded before 1879) was closed and converted internally into sheltered accommodation. In 1984 the Independent Methodist chapel in Nelson Street (founded before 1849) was closed and shortly afterwards was consecrated as the Polish Church of Our Lady, Queen of Poland, to serve the Polish Catholic community which had settled in the area after World War II.

It was not all bad news, however, because two 'churches' were opened during this period. In 1984 St Paul's Scotforth funded a small worship and community centre within its parish, on the Hala estate in Scotforth. In the 1990s Lancaster Free Methodist Church took over the former Presbyterian Church on Queen Street, which had been closed in 1972 following the formation of the United Reformed Church and had later been used as a Centre for the Blind.

Parish boundary

Recall that the parish boundary had been enlarged and redefined in 1963, taking in part of what had previously been the parish of St Paul's in Scotforth. Population changes within Lancaster continued over the following two decades, and by the late 1970s the Diocese had recognised the need to revisit the distribution of parishes within Lancaster, particularly with the declining congregation of St John's in the city centre.

PCC was advised in July 1979 of the latest thinking in Deanery Synod, which suggested that "if and when the parishes of St John's and Christ Church were united, the Primrose area, currently in Christ Church parish, would become part of St Thomas' parish." Three months later, on the 1st of October, a letter from the Diocesan Secretary was read out to PCC, announcing the decision that

" _the area of Christ Church present parish known as Primrose, together with St Martin's College and Storey's Works [White Cross] to be added to the parish of St Thomas'. The boundary would run from the canal, up the centre of Quarry Road, continue up the track to Scotch Quarry and around the boundary of St Martin's College till it reaches the present boundary along Coulston Road (leaving Anderson Close within Christ Church parish)."_

The minutes of that meeting record that "PCC were very happy with the suggestions, especially with the possibilities of [outreach] work at Storey's [maker of PVC, then Lancaster's largest employer with 2,200 staff] and St Martin's. Mr Tate [PCC Secretary] was asked to send a letter of approval to the Diocesan Secretary."

In October 1981 PCC was told that "incorporation of Primrose areas into the parish had been made official on the 28th August 1981", St John's having been closed that year.

Vicar

Cyril Ashton arrived with a vision of spiritual growth, both personal and corporate, and that vision evolved through time and informed many of the developments that followed.

He had set out his stall when he had first been introduced to PCC in February 1974, advising them that "his ministry would be of the New Testament pattern as described in Acts 2: 42", which describes the early church where "they devoted themselves to the apostles' teaching and to fellowship, to the breaking of bread and to prayer."

On his arrival he envisaged a new season for St Thomas', with a new sense of purpose and direction, which is clear from the "guidelines for forward planning" he presented to PCC at the first meeting he chaired on the 2nd of September 1974. Basing his ideas on 2 Corinthians 4: 1-6 he said that "the spiritual function of the PCC is leadership and as ministers of the gospel. 'We desire to preach Jesus Christ crucified' and should all be evangelists as we accept the challenge of partnership in the gospel."

He spoke about the potential and opportunities of the parish and of the student work, the need of a church hall, and the need for regular prayer and to commit the future to God. He wasted no time in putting flesh on the bones of these initial ideas.

Two months later he outlined to PCC a four-to-five year plan, emphasising the importance of using homes for evangelism, the value of parish visiting teams, the need for Guest Services, the prospect of a Children's Mission, and the intention to have a Parish Mission in three years time.

The forward thinking quickly gathered momentum, and in June 1975 he shared with PCC some thoughts "about the future ministry of the church. He believed God was calling us on and had given us £10,000 [£62,750] to make a more effective building for His use. He asked for prayers and thought, and a readiness to share at the [PCC] Quiet Day planned for Saturday the 7th of June at Capernwray Hall.

The workload facing Cyril Ashton, given the many initiatives under way during his incumbency, was significant. The Churchwardens were concerned to make sure that his work-life balance was not completely abandoned, and in April 1975 they appealed to PCC "to help Mr and Mrs Ashton to take one day off a week, by keeping phone calls to urgent ones only, and not to stay unnecessarily late at the Vicarage after meetings."

Despite his drive and commitment, the Vicar also recognised that there were limits to what he could commit to. He told PCC in April 1987 that he had been invited to take on the role of Hospital Chaplain at the Royal Lancaster Infirmary, but would only be able and willing to do so "if he was allowed to do it on a team basis involving the Visiting Team and Pastoral Auxiliaries." There is no further mention of the Chaplaincy in PCC minutes.

Conscious of the need not to overburden their Vicar, in January 1983 PCC granted him a three month sabbatical - after ten years in post - to be taken between Easter and Summer. He said that "would stay in the parish and devote his time to refreshment, study and visiting communities around the country." John Dart, the Vice-Chairman of PCC, chaired the Council meetings between April and September. On his return, Cyril and Muriel told PCC on the 5th of September that "the sabbatical had begun a time of a closer working relationship for them. They had visited several churches in renewal and communities at the Hyde and Briarcliffe."

Cyril Ashton was eager to deepen his understanding of Christian ministry, and in 1984 he registered to study part-time for an MA in Modern Roman Catholic Theology (to better understand the process of renewal within the Catholic Church) at Lancaster University. At PCC in November 1986 Grant Ashton, the Curate [no relative], congratulated him on gaining the degree. The Vicar told the morning congregation soon afterwards that, being married to Muriel Ashton, he was not the first MA in their household.

He was also keen to share that understanding and his experience of ministry with a wider audience, which he did partly through the Renewal Ministry he developed but also through writing books which were well received and widely read. His output over a ten year period was impressive - he wrote _Baptism: The Promise of God_ (1986), _Servant Spirit, Serving Church_ (1988), _Church on the Threshold: Renewing the Local Church_ (1991), _Threshold God: Discovering Christ in the Margins of Life_ (1992), and with Jack Nicholls _A Faith Worth Sharing? A Church Worth Joining?_ (1995). All but the last book were written while he was at St Thomas'.

Recall (from the previous chapter) that in 1971 PCC told Deanery Synod that they were not in a position to pay the Vicar the recommended minimum stipend of £1,500 [£16,000], but after Cyril Ashton arrived the Council agreed in September 1974 that "the church should make it up to the agreed diocesan minimum. This would entail putting £210 [£1,670] from church funds for this purpose." That November PCC also agreed an increase in the Vicar's expenses, including a £150 [£1,200] car allowance, and the full cost of phone rental and all parish calls and of postage and stationery for parish work. In October 1975 it agreed to increase the stipend to £2,200 [£13,800; ie less in real terms] a year by adding £12 [£75] a month from church funds. From the 1st of April 1976 the Diocesan minimum stipend was raised to between £2,400 [£13,000] and £2,750 [£15,000], as a result of which PCC had agreed in February to increase its share by £96 [£520]. PCC also agreed to increase the Vicar's travelling allowance by £300 [£1,600] to £450 [£2,450] and give him allowances of £120 [£650] for heating and £24 [£130] for postage.

PCC was keen to increase the Vicar's stipend, which had long been below the Diocesan minimum, so in February 1977 it agreed to raise the church's annual contribution by £65 [£310], and in March 1978 it agreed to contribute £1,164 [£5,000] towards his stipend and stop the long-standing practice of presenting the Easter offering to him. In January 1979 it agreed that the church should provide £1,800 [£6,700] towards the stipend and that the expenses be raised to £900 [£3,600] a year.

Curates

When Cyril Ashton arrived in St Thomas there was no Curate in post. Indeed, the church had been without a Curate for a decade since Colin Powell left in 1964.

Things started looking up when the Vicar explained to PCC in February 1978 that "the Bishop of Blackburn had asked the church to consider whether it was able to take a Curate for training. It would be necessary to provide half the stipend and housing. The young man who was considering coming was to be in the parish with his wife for the weekend 18-19 February. There was to be a PCC meeting on the 20th of February to consider this matter again after more members of PCC had met the young couple."

After discussing the situation at an Emergency Meeting on the 20th of February, PCC agreed that "Richard and Kay Barron should be sent a firm offer inviting Richard to come to the parish as Curate. There was some consideration of the financial implications. It was suggested a Gift Weekend might be held to provide the money for two years of 'ministry'." Hopes, having been raised, were dashed when PCC was told on the 6th of March that "Richard and Kay Barron had written declining the offer of a Curacy at St Thomas's."

A year would pass before the next prospective Curate came along. The Vicar was able to tell the Annual Church Meeting in April 1979 that "there was a possibility of having a Curate, and Peter May was coming to look at the parish." He told PCC in May that "he and the elders believed that Peter May was the right person to come to St Thomas' as a Curate", and he outlined Peter's background - he was 36 years old and married with two children; after a career as a civil engineer he was training for the ministry at Trinity College in Bristol (from where Stanley Duthie had graduated 46 years earlier); he "had been a Christian for more than ten years and had been 'released in the Spirit' in 1974". PCC agreed that the Curacy should be offered to Peter May, and a small group was set up "to help [him] with the question of housing and any other practical arrangement."

Things moved fast, because PCC was told in June that Peter and his family were expected to move to Lancaster in August, and they were seeking to purchase a house in the locality but nothing suitable had yet been found.

Peter was ordained deacon in 1978 and priest in 1979, and started as Curate at St Thomas' on the 30th of September 1979, the day after having been ordained at Blackburn Cathedral. PCC was told in September that the diocese and the church would each contribute £1,200 [£4,500] towards his stipend of £2,400 [£9,000]. Before the payments started at the end of the month he was living off unemployment benefits, and PCC agreed to make that up to £50 [£190] a week as an ex-gratia payment. When told that Peter May would have to rely on the Family Income Supplement to balance his budget, they agreed that his stipend should be more than was necessary just to break even; the matter was left with the Treasurer and one of the Churchwardens to sort out.

As we shall see, because of his experience as a civil engineer Peter May played very significant roles in the two major building projects - the church conversion project and the Renewal Centre project - undertaken by St Thomas' during Cyril Ashton's incumbency.

Towards the end of his five years as Curate Peter spent a month at the Priory Church, broadening his experience, after which he told PCC in December 1984 that "he was impressed by their commitment to prayer, particularly for local affairs." At that meeting "the Vicar and the PCC thanked the Rev May for his work, care and support during his time with us, and wished him well for his future ministry in Darwen." After St Thomas (1978-85) Peter May served as Vicar of St Barnabas', Darwen (1985-91), Chaplain at Lyon with Grenoble (1991-92) then Lyon (1992-94), and Team Rector in Horley (1995-2002). He retired in 2003.

It was not long before the Vicar was able to welcome the new Curate (William) Grant Ashton (no relation) and his wife Mary to St Thomas'. Grant was born in 1957, graduated from the University of Durham (BA 1979) and Oak Hill Theological College (BA 1985), and was ordained deacon in 1985 and priest in 1986. At the Annual Church Meeting in Easter 1985 Cyril Ashton praised him for "the significant contribution he had made in teaching and the church." PCC was told that September that the new Curate's salary would be £5,945 [£13,300], split 60-40 between the church and the diocese. The PCC minutes over this period reveal few details about Grant's ministry at St Thomas', but in January 1989 it was announced that he would be leaving the church on Easter Sunday, having served for four years. Grant returned to the St Thomas' family in June 1991 to speak on 'Pressing on towards the goal' at the Church Weekend at Kinmel Hall in north Wales. After St Thomas' (1985-89) Grant was an Army Chaplain with the Ministry of Defence (1989-2013), retiring in 2013 as Assistant Chaplain General for Operation and Training and an Honorary Chaplain to the Queen. By then Mary had been ordained, served a Curacy at Whitewater near Winchester, and been appointed Vicar of All Saint's in Guildford.

The gap between Curates was once again relatively short. It was announced to PCC in January 1989 that a new Curate and his wife, David and Judith Grundy, would move into the Curate's House when it had been renovated, and would be joining the church in September. David was ordained deacon on the 9th of July 1989 and priest on the 1st of July 1990, and the Vicar welcomed him to his first PCC meeting on the 4th of September 1989. As with his predecessor, the PCC minutes tell us relatively little about David's time at St Thomas', but amongst other things he did 'keep the show on the road' during the interregnum between Cyril Ashton and Peter Guinness in 1991. David and Judith left Lancaster in May 1992. Following in the footsteps of Mary Ashton before her, Judith Grundy was subsequently ordained and in 2014 was Vicar of St Mary's in Denver, Norfolk; David was Rector at All Saints', Fring in Norfolk.

Curate's House

The Bishop's request early in 1978 that St Thomas' should consider taking on a Curate raised the question of where one would live, and an Emergency Meeting of PCC late February discussed the matter of a Curate's House and agreed "to inspect three properties on the market for ideas as to what might be suitable."

By June 1979 it was known that Peter May had been appointed, and in July PCC discussed a plan for the Curate to buy a house in the area and be paid an allowance by the Church to cover the cost of the mortgage. This would allow the church to get no return on its investment and would mean starting the process again when the Curate left, so a co-ownership scheme (involving sharing legal costs, purchase costs, improvements and an eventual selling price), which Peter May had already experienced elsewhere, was favoured.

PCC was told that a house - 80 Aldcliffe Road \- had been bought for £26,000 [£97,300], with the church owning a thirty percent stake and Peter May's parents willing to lend the money to the church. Annual maintenance costs including rates and insurance would be between £360 [£1,300] and £400 [£1,500]. The church set up a Curate's House Fund with a target of £8,000 [£29,950], and in October 1979 PCC was told that by then £8,013 [£30,000] had been raised, on top of which PCC had provisionally promised £2,000 [£7,500] and a collection that month had raised an extra £500 [£1,900].

Three years later, in September 1982, PCC agreed to Peter May's request to buy the house outright by taking out a mortgage of around £10,000 [£26,200] to buy out the church's share in the property. The Curate's allowance was increased to cover the cost of the mortgage, and PCC discussed how best to use the £10,000 released to it. That was not enough to buy another Curate's House outright, although thought was given to buying a house and renting it out to students until it was needed for a Curate. PCC continued that discussion in October and in December it was told that the £10,500 [£27,500] had been deposited in the Curate's House Fund, the Vicar noting that "no decision could be made about the matter for several months."

By March 1983 the Fund had grown to £13,000 [£32,250], and by March 1985 it stood at £16,000 [£35,900]. In January 1985 PCC had given serious thought to releasing that money and giving it to the Manna House project (discussed later), to pay off the mortgage on that property.

Two months later, in March 1985 - after Grant Ashton had been appointed Curate - PCC agreed to purchase another Curate's House, "preferably within the parish, at a cost of between £20,000 [£44,800] and £22,000 [£49,300] approximately."

By late April 1985 a suitable property - 77 Ulster Road - had been found and PCC were awaiting a surveyor's report. In June the house was bought for £23,500 [£52,700]. The shortfall between the cost price and what was in the Curate's House Fund had to be covered by the PCC, although a joint Gift Day held in May for the Curate's House and Manna House raised £8,600 [£19,300], with an additional £2,000 [£4,500] covenanted over the next four years. Three years after buying the Curate's House, in September 1988 PCC agreed a budget of £600 [£1,160] for painting the outside of the windows and to fix some damp problems, and up to £1,700 [£3,300] to install gas-fired central heating. In November PCC agreed to increase the budget for repairs to £1,500 [£2,900].

In June 1989, after the appointment of David Grundy to replace Grant Ashton but before the Grundys arrived in Lancaster, PCC agreed to further improvements in the Curate's House, up to a maximum of £5,000 [£9,000]. In July 1991 the Council agreed to let the Grundy's "have a student lodger if they so wished", to help cover the cost of living there.

Church Hall/church conversion project (1975-76)

A quick recap (from the previous chapter)... in March 1971 PCC had agreed "to take advice on the possibility of altering the church for use as a dual purpose building", to incorporate a church hall as well as the church itself. As we saw in the previous chapter, after exploring various options including buying the old school, converting two disused classrooms or building a new hall on the former school playground site, in March 1973 PCC discussed in some detail the viability of converting the church.

By the time Cyril Ashton arrived in 1974 the idea of converting the interior of the church to make it dual purpose, creating space for the Sunday School and youth work, had been discussed over a number of years. But nothing tangible had been done or planned that would turn the idea into reality, and he reminded PCC in October "of the need for prayer" about the new church hall.

He added a new sense of urgency to the discussions, and life was soon breathed into the project. After hearing that the two classrooms were no longer available, in early November PCC approved "the principle of going ahead with interior conversion of the church" and it agreed to "meet the Diocesan representatives to discuss the situation.... [and] to call a meeting of the whole church as soon as there was something definite to show."

The pace quickened and by January 1975 Bob Hepple had been selected as architect for the project; his "fees were expected to be not more than £600 [£3,800]." It was agreed that Mike Norbury would oversee the project on behalf of the church. Bob Hepple and his associates were appointed, and in March he told PCC that drawings were likely to be ready within two to three weeks and "the whole project might be complete in about eight months." The architect showed the plans to PCC early in April and explained various challenges associated with the project, and PCC agreed to meet again in church a few weeks later to discuss the matter on the ground.

An Emergency Meeting of PCC was held on the 19th of April and, after listening to suggestions from Bob Hepple and Mike Norbury and viewing the church from the balcony and ground level, the Council agreed "that the architect [should] proceed to draw up plans with the upstairs hall from the third pillar [from the west wall of the church] but with the downstairs lounge from the end of the window, ie with four pews removed." PCC also discussed the position and size of the kitchen proposed for downstairs, and the type of wall that would be needed upstairs between the new 'hall' and the balcony - the remains of the West Gallery - in front of it. The Standing Committee agreed a week later to send two versions of the architectural drawings for discussion at the Diocesan Planning Committee on the 9th of May, one with the wooden balcony facing replaced and one without.

The Vicar spoke about the new church hall project at the Annual Church Meeting towards the end of April in 1975, and "appealed to the meeting to pray, to give and to believe that God would provide." In May a faculty was applied for to divide the church in order to provide a hall with lounge, kitchen and cloakroom facilities.

From mid-1975 onwards what had been referred to as the New Church Hall Project was called the Church Conversion Project, cementing both its location and purpose. PCC was told in mid-July that the drawings had arrived and the project would be put out to tender, with the deadline for the return of tenders expected to be around the middle of September. The project was becoming more ambitious, because the minutes record that the Diocesan Registrar had granted the church "permission to experiment with the East End", referring to a proposed re-ordering of the chancel and area around the front of church (including the organ, then located at the east end of the North Gallery). PCC also agreed to make enquiries about using the Lower Town Hall for Sunday services while the building work was going on.

At the beginning of September PCC was advised that tenders were likely to be in by the end of October, with the work probably starting at the beginning of January 1976 and the church being out of use for about three Sundays. It was agreed that a working party of men from church should remove the pews and the wooden floor under part of the back of church ready for the contractors to fill the void with hardcore at a cost of around £1,800 [£11,300]. In early October PCC was given a revised start date of the 12th of January.

By early December 1975 there were concerns about the budget for the project, given the state of the church's finances. After much discussion PCC agreed that "work on the West End [church hall] should be separated from the East End work [chancel and organ] so that progress could be made." The Northern Building Company won the contract for the 'West End work'.

PCC was told in January 1976 that the overall project was going well but "a hold-up was now likely to be because no decision could be made about the organ." There were good reasons for moving the huge organ, partly to create more seating (particularly if the portion of the balcony, which had been removed when the organ was built in 1931, was restored) and to open up the front of the church and make it lighter, but also because the use of music in worship was changing and the organ, which had always been difficult and expensive to maintain in good order, was slowly being replaced by the guitar, violin and flute.

Tenders were sent out for the 'East End work' in late March 1976 and were expected back by late April. On the 22nd of March PCC was told that "the contractor would be on site about June 14th, and the time for completion of work would be 5½ to 6 months.... The choir vestry would not be available for use during the alterations." In May a faculty was applied for to remove the organ provided it was properly stored, and the following month another one was applied for to raise the floor in the chancel, remove the choir stalls there, remove the pulpit, the old communion rail, the large reading desk and the font, and move the Communion Table and two clergy desks.

In early June PCC agreed to accept a fixed price tender of £31,943 [£173,800] submitted by the Northern Building Company - "plus an additional payment of £500 [£2,700] to the company", to remedy an oversight in the initial tender bid - for resiting the organ and doing the work listed in the second faculty.

A month later PCC applied for a faculty to install the pipes on the new West Wall in front of the new 'hall' "for a new manual organ with a detached console in the East End of the Church", and agreed to employ the Lancaster Organ Company to do the work at a cost not exceeding £4,000 [£21,800]. It also agreed "to look into the cost of building up the two bays where the organ had been."

PCC was told in October 1976 that the building programme was behind schedule but might be finished by Christmas. It agreed to redecorate and consider carpeting the inside of the church, but not to sandblast the exterior at that time. Discussions started about the levels of the gallery floor and the visibility of the main body of the church from the balconies, which were to run for many years without the problem being fully resolved, even today.

In late October the Standing Committee met to consider a request from the Northern Building Company for the contract and agreed budget to be reviewed in light of the fact that "they expected to come out of the job with a loss. It was agreed they would submit a programme of works as soon as possible. Extensions to the contract were mentioned (church re-decoration, the balcony levels etc)." The following month PCC applied for a faculty "to redecorate the church. To adjust the balcony levels for better visibility."

With the building work nearing completion - the contractors were expecting to be finished by Christmas - thoughts turned to how best to use the new space, and the Vicar asked PCC in November 1976 "for prayer about the use of the redesigned building. Such things as a coffee lounge would be considered, and other evangelistic uses." Audio equipment had been ordered for the church and it was agreed to repaint the Royal coat of arms which had been installed at the front of the West Gallery in 1852.

The Bishop of Blackburn had accepted the invitation to re-open the church on the evening of the 30th of January 1976, in preparation for which it was agreed that the floors needed to be cleaned before the 19th, when the carpets would arrive, and the pews would need to be put back on the 22nd. The Standing Committee met several times during January to sort out a range of snagging issues that typically arise after major building projects.

The minutes of the PCC meeting held on the 7th of February record that the opening service "was considered excellent. Tapes were available. There was a collection of £200 [£960]. It was agreed it should be divided [between three missionaries the church then supported] as follows - Martin and Pat Leigh £100 [£480], Alan Russell £50 [£240], Hazel Collins £50 [£240]." At that meeting PCC also agreed "to present Mike and Jean Norbury with a gift as a token of appreciation for Mike's work on the church conversion. This was to be done in the service on a Sunday as soon as possible." It was reported that the coat of arms "had been painted with gold leaf after a donation to cover this was promised."

The church had been out of use for eight months while the building work was going on, during which time Ripley St Thomas School kindly allowed the services to be held in the school chapel, starting on the 6th of June 1976. In April 1977 PCC agreed to make a gift to the school "in appreciation for use of the chapel", and in July it agreed that the gift should be "the two doors which had been removed during the alterations and £50 [£240]."

PCC had been warned in January 1977 that the total cost of the church conversion project was likely to be around £2,000 [£9,600] more than the original contract figure of £32,440 [£155,300], which "included about £1,000 [£4,800] for redecoration of the church, which had not been planned originally. There had been delays in delivery early in the contract period." After the final accounts were received, PCC was told in December that "the contractor had asked for an ex-gratia payment of £1,126 [£5,400] to be considered. Council asked for time to consider this." When it met at the beginning of February 1978 PCC agreed to pay £1,000 [£4,300] towards the contractor's loss.

Fund-raising

Fund-raising for the building project began on the 13th of January 1975 when PCC agreed to hold a Gift Weekend with the target of £10,000 [£62,750], and to explore possible funding from the Ripley Trust and the Education Authority.

At an Emergency Meeting held two weeks later PCC agreed the date of 3-4 May for the Gift Weekend, and members agreed "to pray about it for a week and to be prepared at the next meeting to write down anonymously the amount each could promise" and put the promise into a closed box. At the next meeting, on the 3rd of February, the box was opened and money promised by PCC members counted - a total of £2,820 [£17,700]. The minutes of that meeting record that "a period of praise followed, concluding with a singing of the hymn 'To God be the Glory'."

The next stage was to organise the Gift Weekend. PCC agreed at meetings in March and April to circulate 2,500 addressed letters around the parish with the Church Newsletter, including details of how cheques should be made out. It also agreed that "the the Vicar should mention the possibility of lump sum covenanting. This was a way of giving to the Gift Weekend for those who paid standard [rate] income tax so that the church would benefit over the next seven years." On the Sunday of the Gift Weekend, the 4th of May, PCC agreed "amid much rejoicing that the Vicar had stirred us into action and that it had indeed been a God-inspired weekend."

Money also flowed in from other sources. PCC learned in June that the Diocesan Board of Finance had approved a grant of £500 [£3,100] and an interest-free loan of £2,500 [£15,700], repayable in half yearly instalments over five years. In November it heard that "there had been a further gift of £1,000 [£6,300] for the church conversion. There was a very real possibility of a trust of £10,000 [£62,750] being set up to provide some or all of the following specific items - carpeting for the church; removal of the organ; chairs; and a new pulpit."

In April 1976 the Standing Committee met to consider the tender price which the Northern Building Company had submitted; their fluctuating price tender was £30,876 [£168,000] and their fixed price tender was £31,943 [£179,300]. Standing Committee discussed possible savings that might be made, and how to finance the project. When PCC met on the 11th of May "there was much discussion about the financial implications of the Northern Building Company's tender. An extra £5,000 [£27,200] was needed immediately, with a further £5,000 [£27,200] to return borrowed money and a further sum to provide an organ. Cash in hand is £17,000 [£92,500], Reserve Fund £2,500 [£13,600], Diocesan grant £500 [£2,700], Diocesan loan £2,500 with the possibility of a further £2,500 loan, making a total of £25,000 [£135,000]. After much discussion it was agreed to leave the organ for the moment and to consider selling the school yard [playground].... Various savings were agreed - foundation work £95 [£520], carpet £300 [£1,600], front door £75 [£400], ceiling £100 [£550], reduction in contingency sum £250 [£1,360] - but against this was an extra amount of £230 [£1,250] for electrical work."

The Standing Committee met twice in May to discuss the tender which had not included a price for demolition of the gallery or a wage increase, but "the firm were prepared to stand by their price but asked that a contribution [of £500 [£2,700] probably made as an ex-gratia payment] be considered." It was agreed to accept the fixed price tender.

PCC also agreed in May "that a Gift Weekend with a target of £12,000 [£65,300] be held on June 12th and that the contract be signed in faith. This would be preceded by PCC promises handed in this Sunday morning. Promised money would be due in by the end of September." The following month PCC were told that their pledges amounted to £6,050 [£33,000], half of the target sum and a generous response from members who had already given £2,820 [£17,700] only sixteen months earlier in February 1975.

By late 1976 the church conversion project incorporating the long wished-for church hall was nearing completion, and the Bishop of Blackburn had agreed to re-open the building on the 30th of January. At PCC in November the Vicar "asked for prayer about the use of the redesigned building... [and said that] Such things as a coffee lounge would be considered, and other evangelistic uses."

Making use of the new facilities

Recall (from the previous chapter) that the initial driver for the church conversion project had been meeting the need for a new church hall, closer to the church than the Parish Hall in Aldcliffe Lane, which could be used for Sunday School and youth work. The project became more ambitious than originally envisaged, being extended to include a remodelling of the chancel and a resiting of the organ. But the remodelled space at the West End of church - with a large lounge upstairs and a kitchen, lounge and toilets downstairs - opened up other new possibilities too.

In March 1977 PCC agreed to make use of the downstairs lounge and kitchen as a coffee bar, accessible from Penny Street, "to be opened for coffee between 10 and 12 each weekday with a rota of helpers." The project was slow to get off the ground; PCC was told in April that arrangements to open the lounge each morning for coffee were not yet complete, and in May that "a leader was needed to take charge of the opening of the church for coffee each morning." PCC heard in June that "several people had expressed interest in helping with the scheme to serve coffee in the Lounge between 11 am and 1 pm on weekdays. It was agreed to give £10 [£48] to buy tea and coffee to start the scheme." The Coffee Bar was opened on the 18th of July 1977. Two months later PCC was told that the £10 float had been returned and average daily take had been about £5 [£24]; "it was agreed to sell biscuits."

The upper lounge was used mainly for Sunday School and youth work, but in January 1977 PCC agreed "to allow the use of the hall [for weddings] if one of the partners was on the electoral roll. Alcohol for toasts only would be allowed. There would be no hire charge. These conditions to be altered at the discretion of the PCC."

The upper lounge was also used for the Harvest Supper. PCC agreed in September 1979 to buy stacking tables for it with a budget of up to £300 [£1,100], but the following month the Council was told that the twelve tables had cost nearly £400 [£1,500] including VAT and delivery.

Outreach, mission and evangelism

Cyril Ashton had nailed his colours firmly to the mast at his first PCC meeting in September 1974, when he emphasised that "'we desire to preach Jesus Christ crucified' and should all be evangelists as we accept the challenge of partnership in the gospel." That desire and commitment shaped and coloured the whole of his ministry at St Thomas'.

From the outset he promoted and supported outreach. For example, he spoke to PCC in January 1975 about a forthcoming Guest Service "when we should be trying to bring someone who didn't usually attend. There would be an evangelistic address. There must be continual inviting of people to services and visiting of homes. The members of PCC were asked to spend a minimum of one hour a week visiting. Lunch-time services were mentioned." In March he stressed to PCC "the importance of individuals as witnesses."

Parish Worker

Parish visiting was an important element in the emerging thinking about outreach, and in May 1975 PCC agreed to appoint a Parish Worker to help develop that work in the parish.

Veronica Nobbs was appointed to work on a voluntary basis from September 1975 to July 1976, being given £4.50 [£28] a week "pocket money", and board and lodging within the parish. PCC was told that "the Diocese were unable to help with finance. CPAS had granted £100 [£627]." In July PCC agreed to cover the cost of board and lodging, at £8 [£50] a week. Veronica arrived in Lancaster on the 27th of September, and PCC agreed to send her £25 [£157] towards the travel costs.

Having a Parish Worker as an assistant member of staff was a win-win; the church gained extra help with the outreach work, and the Worker gained valuable experience in Christian ministry through what today would be called an internship scheme.

The Vicar was keen to develop the role, and in March 1976 - while Veronica was still in post - PCC agreed that he "should continue to explore the situation with Rebecca Kenyon [later to marry Phil Onyon] as to whether she should work in the parish next year." He was also hoping to involve Capernwray students regularly in the parish, and suggested that after their exams "a team of students could live in the parish and be involved in practical ministry and evangelism." In April 1976 PCC agreed that Rebecca Kenyon should be "invited to become a lay assistant for twelve months", and in June it was told that she would start work in July. The following July, as she was about to leave, PCC was told that "Elizabeth Gordon was to be offered the post of lay assistant for one year" but they heard in September that she had started a midwifery course and would not be coming.

There was no Parish Worker between July 1977 and September 1979, when Dawn Backhouse began a twelve month appointment. That month the Vicar explained to PCC what was expected of her

" _She would attend the PCC as an observer and go to the Visitors' meeting, from which would derive her main ministry. She would also attend the parish fellowship, housegroup and probably the Dance Group. Mondays, hopefully, would be free. She would be paid £10 [£37] per week and would live as part of a Christian community in Kensington Road, Lancaster. The members of the household would pay Dawn's household expenses. Her holiday times would be flexible but four weeks had been suggested."_

The living arrangements had much in common with how David Watson and his family were living in York - they shared their large rambling Vicarage with a group of fellow Christians, effectively living 'in community', with everyone contributing to the household expenses. Dawn was appointed on a twelve month contract but stayed for nearly thirty months, and in March 1982 PCC agreed "to obtain a gift for Miss Backhouse to mark her marriage and departure from the parish."

Vision and growth

At the January 1976 PCC meeting Cyril Ashton "gave his vision for the ministry of the church in 1976 based on Acts 2: 42." He welcomed the appointment of the first parish worker, encouraged members of PCC to engage in the parish visiting. In March he told PCC that there would be occasional Guest Services, and "there needed to be men ministering to new male contacts and to the 'fringe' men of the church."

Looking back over 1975, the Vicar told PCC in April 1976 that "it had been a demanding year with about 50-60 conversions and a warm, loving, outward-reaching fellowship was growing. There had been developments in ministry and united working, with everyone a servant of Jesus was to be our aim. The total ministry should demonstrate the power of the Holy Spirit."

Already, after less than two years with Cyril Ashton as Vicar, there was evidence of both numerical and spiritual growth, the fellowship was on the way to becoming a mission-driven Christian community, new ministries were beginning, servanthood was becoming a core value, and early signs of charismatic renewal and a desire to go deeper into it were becoming apparent.

The mid-seventies were a time of both numerical and spiritual growth at St Thomas', prompting prayer and discussion about how best to cope with it and nurture it. In October 1976 PCC had a lengthy discussion about evangelism and ministry, after a recent PCC Quiet Day. The Vicar suggested that "prayer was needed before considering whether the church needed a full-time evangelist and that those with the gift of evangelism were needed so that the church would be bringing people to Christ." The discussion included parish visiting, assistance from Capernwray students, and the possibility of setting up housegroups as local bases for fellowship and discipleship.

In April 1977 the Vicar spoke about the need to extend the leadership within the church, possibly including an eldership scheme, and said that he expected "a year of growth when small study groups would be formed for evangelism and teaching. The Vicar longed [that] all would have a fuller appreciation of the Holy Spirit and be freed to seek God, and that the worship would flow out in a ministry of love. He prayed that many would be led to Christ and that the church would be built up."

By this time the developing ministry of outreach and evangelism was being informed, challenged and energised by the spiritual renewal which was manifestly taking place within St Thomas'; the two developments went hand in hand and supported each other.

Growth and change continued during 1977. The church was encouraged and inspired by what was happening elsewhere in the country and eager to learn from others. Thus, for example, John Dart attended the National Evangelical Alliance Conference (NEAC) in Nottingham on behalf of PCC, and reported back at its May meeting. Later in the year PCC continued its discussions about coping with growth.

In September the Council discussed "the teaching and preaching in the present growing situation" and the Vicar "requested prayer for the situation and for guidance about the teaching programme and what should be happening generally." Family Services were discussed, and plans were well advanced for housegroups to begin soon. In December "there was discussion about the areas of the church's work where help was particularly needed.... PCC pledged themselves to look for and pay for an evangelist (while bearing in mind pastoral care, youth work, administration, etc)."

Evangelism and renewal

The Vicar reported to PCC in April 1978 that "there had been developments in eldership and in the housegroups and continually the leaders were looking out for full-time ministry from some within the church. He said the church should be preaching and living renewal, expecting to become a renewal centre for the area, and should be winning souls and lifting up the Lord Jesus Christ in everything."

New forms of outreach were also explored, including an "open air witness" in Market Square on the 29th of July which included music and dance, as well as a talk.

By 1979 reaching out to others beyond the church was becoming a priority for St Thomas', and the Vicar reminded PCC that December that "we... must get involved with the city as well as within our own church. Let it be a challenge to us to widen our forms of evangelism. Let us take the initiative and be open to what the Holy Spirit commands." PCC agreed a statement suggested by Mr Dart that "Our church is committed to evangelism by the power of the Holy Spirit by all means which He opens to us."

By early 1980 renewal was giving rise to a greater emphasis on evangelism, which was prominent in PCC discussions that year. In a discussion of evangelism in the church, in February, "the importance of communicating the gospel with love was emphasised. The Vicar said that the life of the church was itself a powerful demonstration of the gospel." PCC agreed that "the field of evangelism was one's environment - work and neighbours" and considered having more Guest Services "to bring people to church." In March the Vicar said that "Holy Spirit was stirring the whole church in evangelism... a vision on evangelism was needed and if conversions were expected they would occur."

The church was already engaged in a range of forms of evangelism including open air meetings, prison work, the coffee bar in the church lounge, and Friday lunch-time services. Further afield, St Thomas' had been asked to help with visiting on the Ridge estate and in Westgate, Morecambe. The Vicar said that "the idea of some city-wide evangelism had been floated with other Christian bodies in the city but little response had been met."

At the Annual Church Meeting in April 1980 the Vicar reflected on "what the Lord was doing in the church", and he emphasised the maturing ministry, teaching and worship and underlined the need "to discover more and more of what the Lord had in store for us in deeper love and worship." He described his desire to see many more people coming to Christ, and said that he "had two main aims which he believed were consistent with the Lord's revelation - that the whole Church of England be renewed, and that the country be converted. He believed that the church had seen enough of the Lord's grace already to know that this could be done."

Minutes of PCC meetings record a number of evangelistic initiatives during the early 1980s, including a coffee morning on the Primrose estate in October 1982, and an Open Air in town in September 1983.

Training in evangelism

By late 1983 thoughts turned to adopting a more structured approach to outreach, and in early October the Vicar shared with PCC "his vision for a pattern of regular evangelism."

Key to that was training and equipping people to act as evangelists, and the Vicar announced that an Anglican mission specialist Bob Hopkins would be coming to St Thomas' on the 1st of November

" _to train the elders, evangelists, visitors and housegroup leaders... in aspects of personal evangelism. These individuals could then train others.... [and] a practical session in the town could be held on the night if the session ended early enough. The Vicar encouraged housegroup leaders to consider Spring and Autumn evangelistic attempts."_

In November PCC was told that about fifty people had attended the training session and agreed that "a further seminar from Bob Hopkins on door-to-door work would be useful. The evangelists met every Sunday for prayer."

In December the Vicar advised PCC that "Bob Hopkins would be visiting the church on Saturday January 14th [1984] to conduct a seminar on open air evangelism and parish visiting. There would be a practical session in the town centre in the afternoon."

The training was soon put into effect, and in March 1984 PCC agreed to support and pray for an evangelistic outreach in the Bowerham area of the parish in June. In April the Vicar suggested to PCC that the outreach should be underpinned by "prayer meetings, morning and night, in the last week of May."

Billy Graham Mission England (1984)

The American evangelist Billy Graham had organised one of his campaigns in England during 1984 called _Mission England_ , and he was schedule to speak at Anfield on the 16th of July.

At the end of April PCC discussed whether to hire a coach to take a group from St Thomas' to hear him, but "finally agreed to support the Brookhouse [Methodist]'s step of faith in booking four coaches a night. It was agreed to subsidise the church youth trip to Anfield." In June PCC was told that the people involved in the Bowerham visiting scheme would be distributing invitations to hear Billy Graham at Anfield, and it agreed "to pay the cost of anyone contacted by the visitors who wanted to go."

The previous January (1983) PCC had been briefed about _Mission England_ by John Stanier, the local organiser. He explained that a number of events were being organised in and around Lancaster in preparation for the Anfield mission, including a course on caring for new Christians, a day retreat for women and one for men, a regional clergy conference, and an open meeting in the Ashton Hall. Students from Capernwray would be working with about twenty local churches during February 1984 "to help in the work of evangelism." The Vicar told PCC in November that "a number of students would need accommodation in the parish for a while and would be involved in door-to-door work, our own members would also be involved in this work." He advised PCC the following month that the students "could be used by housegroups in evangelism and door-to-door work."

Local outreach

The outreach in Bowerham went ahead as planned in June 1984. PCC was told at the beginning of July that "results from the visits so far were encouraging, but more people were needed to do the second [follow-up] visits", and was reminded in October that "some of the visits made in summer were being followed up, but more people might be needed to do this." Outreach in the town centre later that year took the form of an "open air witness" in the Market Square on the 22nd of December.

In January 1985 PCC agreed that "this year's door-to-door outreach will take place in May. This will allow follow-up visits to be made before the main holiday period begins at the end of July. The time between Easter and May will be used for prayer preparations." The Vicar told PCC in March that "the area to be visited would be Bowerham, including Bowerham Road, Havelock Street and Golgotha Road. Initial visits would be in May, with follow-up in June-July. Open air and Guest Services had also been arranged."

A training day for those taking part in the visiting was held in April, after which the Vicar told PCC that "50 people had attended... [and] 20 couples would be visiting door-to-door in the parish this month." The Vicar also reminded the Annual Church Meeting that Easter that "developments in the Renewal Centre over the past year, with the opening of the Coffee Bar and Craft Aid Shop, were providing a shop-window into the community, showing love and friendship to people."

As the Renewal Centre ministries (described below) continued to develop they opened up new opportunities for reaching out to people with particular needs. PCC had "a lively and useful discussion" about this in February 1986, focussing on "people suffering from drug and alcohol addiction, parents of teenagers, increasing the scope of hospital work (particularly the [private] Nuffield Hospital), going into public houses, involving other churches in the Craft Aid Shop, and continued support of The Granary [coffee bar]." The evangelism work was going well - PCC was told in May that "the present door-to-door visiting was encouraging. Several children in Junior Church had become Christians, and the youth work was encouraging" - but some felt that it lacked focus and cohesion. After a long discussion the Council agreed in May "to streamline the programme and thinking in evangelism towards a strategy for development over the academic year 1986-87."

The church leadership was open to seeking advice from other churches that had particular experience of effective evangelism. In November 1985 the Vicar reminded PCC that Trevor Dearing of Ichthus Fellowship (a House Church in London led by Roger Forster) had been invited to visit St Thomas' from the 14th to the 16th March 1986, and that members of Ichthus would be visiting the church from the 18th to the 20th April 1986 "to give practical evangelistic training." In February PCC was advised about the programme for Trevor Dearing's visit which was co-ordinated by Curate Grant Ashton; "Friday 14th March: teaching session for elders, housegroup leaders, ministry groups and people in the church who are interested; Saturday 15th March: two teaching sessions in the morning; topics to be decided by Trevor Dearing; worship meeting with ministry in the evening; retiring collection. The meetings on Saturday will be open to other churches, but not the Friday night meeting." The Vicar stressed to PCC "the importance of members attending both the Friday evening and Saturday morning sessions if at all possible."

Staff evangelist

Cyril Ashton believed the time was right to appoint an evangelist to the church staff, and was much impressed by the emerging ministry of Tim Dobson, a young physics teacher at Ripley St Thomas School and son of Chris and Rosemary Dobson (who had worked hard to consolidate the healing ministry in the Renewal Centre; described later).

In May 1986 PCC discussed the possibility of employing Tim to work part-time in the church and part-time in teaching during 1986-87, with a view to him working full-time in the parish after that. Negotiations opened and Tim was interested in exploring the idea. The Vicar told PCC in June that "it was probable that Mr Dobson would start full-time in the church from 1987", but also that he wished to join an eight month evangelism training course run by Ichthus in London. The Vicar asked PCC to pray about the matter and he repeated the request in November, advising PCC that discussions about a start date at St Thomas' were still ongoing.

The Vicar updated PCC at the beginning of December, reporting that he "had seen Mr Dobson, with a view to him starting work as an evangelist in the parish next summer, and deferring the Ichthus training for a year or two. Mr Dobson was still considering this." Tim and his fiancée Beverley Sallis attended PCC in early January 1987 to discuss "their plans, thoughts and views on their future", and in June PCC was told that they had been accepted for training at Ichthus from September 1987 to June 1988. The following month PCC agreed to offer them financial support of up to £1,200 [£2,470] if requested.

After training Tim moved to Bristol to work full-time in Christian ministry. He is now leader of The Community Church at Greenway in Southmead, which is part of the Woodlands Group of evangelical churches in Bristol.

Despite the disappointment at not being able to bring Tim Dobson onboard as an evangelist, the Vicar remained upbeat about the outreach work and 1987 proved something of a turning point in the life of St Thomas'. By then it was clear that the church needed to broaden the focus of evangelism to also include spiritual growth and discipleship. The Vicar told PCC in December 1987 that "we already have plenty of new people coming to our services. These people must be helped to belong, for example by joining the groups for enquirers, new Christians and housegroups."

Two particular developments during 1987 consolidated the church's commitment to local mission - a children's mission, and a new focus on door-to-door visiting within the parish.

Children's Mission (1987)

In November 1985 PCC agreed to hold an evangelistic mission aimed at children aged between seven and eleven, from the 11th to the 18th of January 1987. It would be led by Ralph Chambers and Irene Wardle of the Children's Christian Crusade (CCC), and would cost between £200 [£430] and £300 [£650].

Preparation meetings were booked for the 30th of April, 11th of September and 3rd of December. PCC was told in February 1986 that primary schools in the area had been contacted and John Dart outlined the aims, programme and needs of the mission, as reported by Ralph and Irene at the April preparatory meeting.

PCC were given an update in early October, hearing that "preparations were now well under way and offers of help [had been received].... Letters had been sent to Heads of local schools and Junior Organisations about the Crusade." A month later PCC was told that there was a need for "more offers of help both during the crusade week and for the follow-up work", and the Council agreed to hold a Day of Prayer for the mission on Saturday the 10th of January between 9 am and 4 pm. It also approved a budget of £50 [£100] to cover the cost of publicity and posters. At the beginning of December PCC agreed to ask members of the congregation to link up as prayer partners, and agreed to hold daily prayer meetings after each CCC meeting during the week of the mission.

After the children's mission, at the beginning of February 1987 John Dart told PCC that he had "received a bill of £324.40 [£667] for travelling expenses and material costs but did not include any amount towards personal cost/salary contributions. After discussion it was agreed to give CCC a total of £1,000 [£2,050]." Looking back on the event, the Vicar told the Annual Church Meeting that Easter that "the Children's Christian Crusade, though run by people of whom we knew little and who come from a different denomination, was... a fruitful time and... shows how we can learn from other denominations and... be more open to what's happening to them."

In October 1987 PCC were happy to accept the suggestion that CCC should be invited back to St Thomas', ideally in the summer of 1989. The earliest date that Ralph and Irene were available was May 1991, and in April 1988 PCC confirmed a provisional booking for a return visit by CCC.

The second CCC children's mission was held in church between the 12thand the 19th of May 1991, after PCC had agreed in March to give Ralph and Irene £1,000 [£1,570] for expenses and towards their income, and agreed that parents should have an opportunity to contribute towards a retiring collection for CCC. Two months later PCC agreed to give Ralph and Irene £800 [£1,260] towards their general income, their expenses of £554 [£870] having already been paid.

Parish Visiting - Streetwise

The Vicar outlined the outreach plans for 1987 to PCC in March, emphasising that "the usual outlets for evangelism would continue... [but] the aim this year is to hold a wider range of activities" under the umbrella of a scheme called _Streetwise_. The programme would begin with a time of preparation in April, the visiting would take place in May, and "follow-up work" would be done in June and July.

PCC reviewed the visiting programme at the start of June, noting that "many people had been contacted and invited to the Coffee Bar and other activities [including Guest Services], although many visitors [the people from church who did the visiting] had found the experience demanding. [Some] suggested parish homes should be visited more often. Contacts will, we trust, be fruitful later. Some people who were visited in 1986 have now made commitments, and some Children's Christian Crusade contacts have re-appeared."

The _Streetwise_ scheme continued for the rest of Cyril Ashton's time and beyond. He told the Annual Church Meeting in April 1988 about "the fruits of practical evangelism with more people coming to the morning services as a result of the continuing Streetwise programme."

_Streetwise_ was put on hold in 1989 to allow the church to focus its efforts on the Billy Graham _Livelink Mission_ , but it returned in 1990, when PCC was told in June that "the church had visited almost all of the parish and the visitors had enjoyed going out. The policy of a complete low-key coverage of the parish had been well received within the church. The Guest Services had been well attended." In 1991 the visiting was scheduled for the first two weeks in June, with Guest Services on the 16thof June and the 7th of July.

The evidence suggests that the 'season' for _Streetwise_ had peaked by 1991. PCC discussed it several times that summer - in June "the value of the visits last year was [questioned]" although "it was pointed out that _Streetwise_ creates new contacts and renews existing contacts with the church"; in July it was noted that "there had been [fewer] visitors than in recent years"; and in September it was reported that the visiting "had not been supported so well this year. The summer had been very busy because of the CCC meetings."

PCC reviewed the _Streetwise_ scheme at its September 1991 meeting, where it considered possible improvements including "a shorter visiting period, training for visitors, literature to share with the people visited, and an advance letter from the Vicar." The discussion covered objectives as well as practicalities. PCC noted that

" _any visiting activities need to be integrated with the rest of our church life with more people involved. It was asked if visiting is worthwhile and, if it is, should we try to visit everyone in the parish? One reply was that visits leave people with favourable impressions of the church, even if some members find witnessing to their friends more to their liking.... It is possible that some church members consider that a full church has no need of further members. However, evangelism should be about sharing Christ rather than filling our buildings. It may be necessary to soon reconsider the idea of a second morning service. Much evangelism doubtless goes on unobserved. Nevertheless a fresh, active vision, which is central to the church's life, is vital. The challenge remains of involving everyone, not just the church leaders."_

Faith in the City

The late 1980's also saw St Thomas' broaden its perspective by engaging with the Church of England's national outreach to cities, arising from the 1985 report _Faith in the City: a Call to Action by Church and Nation_. The report was written by the Archbishop of Canterbury's Commission on Urban Priority Areas which had been set up "to examine the strengths, insights, problems and needs of the Church's life and mission in Urban Priority Areas [UPAs] and, as a result, to reflect on the challenge which God may be making to Church and Nation".

One of its recommendations was that partnerships should be developed between Anglican churches in UPAs and those outside UPAs. The key points in the report were outlined to PCC in May 1986, as a result of which the Vicar asked members "to pray about linking with a UPA church in the diocese." John Dart took the lead in progressing the idea, and he reported back to PCC in December 1987 "on the outreach of the Church of the Redeemer, Blackburn, to a parish housing estate. It was agreed to invite representatives of this church to the next meeting to share information about their challenging initiative. The idea of 'twinning' with the Blackburn parish was well received."

The Vicar of the Church of the Redeemer (Rev McMullan) attended PCC in January 1988, with church worker Tim Horobin. He explained that their parish "is far from homogeneous and includes an inner urban area, high-rise and deck-access flats. The parish has recently been obedient to a new vision for the needy residents of the deck-access flats and has appointed Tim... to work there. Tim described the many activities at their non-residential centre in the flats - discussion meetings, meals followed by worship and counselling, craft teaching and much more. They have been well aware of the spiritual warfare involved and shared examples of lives changed. The project costs about £10,000 [£19,350] per annum, largely funded by the parish during 1987. It is planned to continue the project for another three years."

During a discussion of possible future links Cyril Ashton identified three ways to proceed - through prayer, fellowship and finance. John Dart reported to the Annual Church Meeting in April 1988 that "the church is developing links with the Church of the Redeemer, Blackburn, a small, inner-city church working with deprived people living in poor housing." The _Faith in the City_ report also recommended that "a Church Urban Fund should be established to strengthen the Church's presence and promote the Christian witness in the urban priority areas." In May 1989 PCC agreed to contribute £1,500 [£2,700] to the Fund, which was to be launched on the 16th of September.

Other outreach initiatives

Another outreach initiative, on a much smaller scale, was the invitation by PCC for the King's Coach to visit Lancaster. The Coach was a converted bus containing evangelistic material and places for people to sit and talk, operated on a non-denominal basis by a London house church.

The idea was first suggested to PCC in October 1987, and in December the Council was told that there had been "a positive reaction to the idea of inviting the coach to Lancaster. [PCC agreed] to contact other churches in the town with the objective of the coach coming for a week next summer." Twenty seven local churches were invited to join St Thomas' in the initiative and PCC was told in March 1988 that the Coach would be in Lancaster between the 4th and the 8th of July, and "we should start to think of a follow-up fortnight in May or June 1989."

In September 1987 PCC agreed to organise a Family Dinner "involving those in need of seasonal hospitality" in the Renewal Centre coffee bar, on Christmas Day. This was to be a one-off event.

The following month Council agreed to pay the costs of the Vicar, the Curate and John Dart to attend the Third National Evangelical Anglican (NEAC) Celebration in Norfolk between the 28th of April and the 2nd of May 1988.

At the PCC meeting in July 1988 the Vicar raised the matter of welcoming visitors and new people in church, speaking about

" _his embarrassment at receiving a number of comments and complaints from visitors who had not been spoken to during their visit to the church, and he encouraged the PCC to take the lead in welcoming new people. It was also agreed that some suitable prompt for others to do so should be out in the weekly notices, and people visiting or here for the first time might be asked to identify themselves during family spot."_

There was also a growing awareness of the need to reach out to men and to engage them in church. In December 1989 members of PCC "reiterated the importance of evangelising men on the 'perimeter' [fringe] of the church", and a small team was established to organise a quarterly series of events aimed specifically at men.

Mission '89 - LiveLink

A further opportunity for St Thomas' to work with other local churches in promoting and engaging with a national Billy Graham evangelistic mission arose in 1989.

At the end of January it was announced to PCC that "we are co-operating with thirty or so churches in the Lancaster areas for a week of mission in June centred on a [live satellite] link to Billy Graham's mission in London. The Lancaster Mission will be held in the Ashton Hall." The Vicar told the Annual Church Meeting that Easter that "the _LiveLink Mission_ will be a major event for our church and the area, a focus for evangelism and a demonstration of a new work by the Holy Spirit in drawing together many churches."

Cyril Ashton led the local organising committee and Chris Park worked closely with him on the practical arrangements. Chris updated PCC in May, "mentioning the involvement of 58 churches locally, 500 people attending Christian Life and Witness Classes, 150 trained Discovery Group leaders and around 150 counsellors; about ¾ of the budget has already been pledged or donated, and prayers were still needed about the seating capacity of the venue (Ashton Hall)."

After the event, which the Vicar described as "a splendid event", Chris told PCC in early July that "the Lord provided every need. Nearly 6,000 people attended the meetings and about 400 came forward for counselling. All involved had been blessed, and the training programmes had made a lasting contribution to the church's effectiveness.... [Peter] Hopwood described the arrangements for follow-up, based on four groups. The _LiveLink_ budget was reported to be facing a £2,500 [£4,500] shortfall; the PCC has given a further £250 [£450]. Looking to the future we are challenged to continue the evangelistic impetus that has been shared by so many churches."

In September PCC agreed to hold a Thanksgiving and Celebration Service for the _Livelink Mission_ in church on the 27th of that month. In October PCC agreed that "any surplus funds will be donated to the North West Evangelistic Trust. Our church will organise a day of teaching on 17thMarch 1990, provisional title 'Structuring for Evangelism'. This is intended for all the local LiveLink churches." The day of teaching was later renamed 'On the Move: Strategies for Evangelism', and in February PCC encouraged members of the congregation to attend both that and a diocesan evangelism training event to be held at Lancaster University on the 12th of May led by Gavin Reid (then working at CPAS, later to become Bishop of Maidstone from 1992 to 2001).

Coping with growth

The Vicar reminded PCC in March 1989 that "the church can seat 300 people downstairs and 180 upstairs [although it was designed in 1841 to seat 1,000, in pews and on benches]. It is often full in the morning. About half the morning congregation are children or their teachers. Further growth could lead to decisions such as: two morning services, opening a new centre [church plant] in the parish, or encouraging support for other churches [congregational plant]. The first possibility received little support. The PCC is urged to pray about the best way forward."

He told the Annual Church Meeting the following month that "the church is in an exciting situation after a period of considerable growth. Decisions will need to be taken about the best way to manage further growth."

This is the first mention of creating two morning services, starting a church plant, or arranging a congregational plant (in which some people move to another local church which is struggling), but in the decades ahead each option would be reconsidered, and more than once.

Decade of Evangelism

A further opportunity to raise the profile of local mission in Lancaster came with the decision by the Church of England to declare the 1990s a Decade of Evangelism.

The 1988 Lambeth Conference (an assembly of Anglican Bishops from around the world, held every ten years) called upon the Anglican Church, in cooperation with other Christians, to make it a time of "renewed emphasis on making Christ known to the people of his world", and in October 1989 Cyril Ashton told PCC that he had "offered our help for this to the new Bishop of Blackburn." The following April he advised the Annual Church Meeting that "the Decade of Evangelism will be an important phase for our church and our involvement in the diocese is likely to increase over the next few years."

Within a matter of years that "involvement in the diocese" was to lead to Cyril leaving St Thomas' for a Diocesan post as Director of Training. His successor Peter Guinness was Vicar during most of the Decade of Evangelism.

Renewal

St Thomas' was among a small group of Anglican churches in England that experienced charismatic renewal in the late 1970s, through which it became well-known in charismatic circles.

It was in good company - others included St Michael-le-Belfrey in York (led by David Watson), Holy Trinity Brompton in London (led by John Collins and Sandy Millar), St Nicholas in Durham (led by George Carey), St Thomas' Crookes in Sheffield (led by Robert Warren) and St Andrew's in Chorleywood (led by David Pytches). Many of these churches have developed well-deserved reputations for their ministries, outreach and willingness to share their experiences with others.

The roots of renewal in St Thomas' can be traced back to the earliest days of Cyril Ashton's incumbency. Recall that he advised PCC at his first meeting with them in February 1974 that "his ministry would be of the New Testament pattern as described in Acts 2: 42". That this 'direction of travel' was quickly established is evident from a letter sent to the Archbishop of Canterbury in early December 1975 by David Dawson, on behalf of PCC. The letter was sent

" _to express our unequivocal support for your recent statement concerning the spiritual and moral condition of our country. You will be encouraged to hear that at St Thomas's, as we seek to follow the injunction of Acts 2: 42: 'and they devoted themselves to the apostle's teaching and fellowship, to the breaking of bread and to prayer', so we are experiencing wonderful gifts from God, both individually and in terms of a great increase in numbers in our fellowship. This is also happening in other churches in this area. If our society is to be made whole, then it can only be through the conversion and deepening commitment of individual people to Christ."_

Within a year the Vicar was reminding PCC (in September 1976) of "the four priorities of the church - teaching, fellowship, worship and prayer. When these priorities are observed and acted on Christians come to maturity, begin to have an impact on the community, and bring people to Christ."

He emphasised that "the church should be praying for renewal, and for the young people, and to be engaging in active evangelism. There was discussion particularly about the teaching on Sundays and Wednesdays, and about the content of the Sunday worship."

David Watson

The minute in the September 1976 PCC meeting is the first mention of 'renewal' in the minutes of any church meetings at St Thomas', but it seems clear that the process had already started and the Vicar was keen to develop it.

He reported to PCC in November 1976 that "David Watson had said there was the possibility of his bringing a team for a long weekend in 1977." Watson was a pioneer in the Anglican charismatic movement in Britain and was championing pioneering Christian ministries in his own church in York; he was the obvious 'go to' man to help guide the leaders at St Thomas' as they sought to journey deeper into renewal.

In February 1977 PCC were told that Cyril and Muriel Ashton had visited David Watson in York, and that he and a team would visit St Thomas' in February 1978. In preparation for that visit, PCC were advised that October that John Dart and Yvonne Phythian had attended a Renewal Weekend at St Michael-le-Belfrey.

The visit to Lancaster of David Watson and his team was to be a major milestone in the progress of renewal within St Thomas', and it was eagerly looked forward to. The format of the weekend was outlined to PCC in December:

" _This would be from February 24-26 and David Watson was bringing a team of twelve others with him, arriving for lunch on February 24 th. The programme would be as follows - Friday 7.30 pm Worship meeting; Saturday 9.30 to 12.30 Workshops in evangelism, ministry, music, drama, dance; Saturday 7.30 pm Renewal meeting possibly with the title 'Be Filled' or 'Being Filled'. Sunday David Watson would preach twice. The morning worship would be a family service."_

PCC agreed to set up a planning committee, chaired by the Vicar, to sort out practical matters such as catering, accommodation, transport, and furniture, and "there was the possibility of inviting representatives from other churches to participate in the weekend."

Further details were presented to PCC on the 1st of January 1978; "The York team would arrive for lunch at church on Friday February 24th. There would be twelve in the team plus David Watson, and accommodation was needed in pairs. The team would stay for possible continuation of workshops on Monday morning (February 27th). A hand-out about the weekend was being prepared. There would be no crèche for the weekend. Rooms at the Baptist Church would be used for two of the workshops."

In early February PCC were told that "the planning was going well. The Bishop of Lancaster was hoping to be at the 'welcome lunch', the seminars and possibly on Sunday evening. It was agreed to buy a screen for use with the overhead projector costing possibly £70 [£300]." A team was brought together to clean the balcony ahead of the weekend.

The weekend went ahead as planned, and afterwards Cyril Ashton told PCC on the 6th of March that he had received "two very encouraging letters" from David Watson, who "had encouraged the church to go ahead as a 'Renewal Centre', by which he meant serving as a hub that would reach out and help other churches undergoing renewal.

This is the first time either the idea or the name Renewal Centre is mentioned in any minutes of church meetings at St Thomas', and PCC adopted both the name (for a major building project; described below) and the ministry (also described below). PCC also explored the possibility of holding a Renewal Weekend in the Autumn, and agreed to pray about the renewal ministry at St Thomas'.

' _Preaching and living renewal'_

Cyril Ashton told the Annual Church Meeting in April 1978 that "there had been numerical growth and growth in depth.... He said the church should be preaching and living renewal, expecting to become a renewal centre for the area, and should be winning souls and lifting up the Lord Jesus Christ in everything."

By this time the leadership was sensing a call to share the church's experiences in renewal with other churches through a Renewal Ministry, doubtless encouraged by the visit by David Watson and his team. PCC had a long discussion that May "about the future role of the church particularly in relation to other churches. Helping other churches understand about renewal by holding weeks or weekends of renewal was discussed. It was suggested that teams of people might in the future go into other parishes to give help over a longer period. PCC was asked to continue to pray about 'renewal' in this context and about the need for more full-time workers."

A growing openness to being guided by the Holy Spirit is clear the declaration to PCC in September that "the church needed to hear the voice of God through the preaching and teaching and through prophecy." Looking back on 1978 at the Annual Church Meeting in April 1979, Cyril Ashton reported on what he called "demanding and exciting year particularly with regard to the renewal ministry of the church.... It was our duty to build up the church, and to develop ministries, and to go out in evangelism. Above all obedience to the Lord was required."

The Renewal Ministry (described below) continued to grow, prosper and bear fruit, but the Vicar pointed out to the Annual Church Meeting in April 1981 "the needs of the church for a deeper prayer life. He emphasised the real importance of intercessory prayer, the need for more effective and spirit-filled evangelism, with a continued emphasis on caring for one another."

A broadening in the focus of renewal at St Thomas' is apparent at this time too, with the Vicar reporting to PCC in April 1982 that "he was considering a time of Renewal for the church on its own and possibly bringing in an outside team to lead it." He reminded them that "renewal was a continuous process, but it was necessary to move on from emphasising worship and the gifts, to accept them as normal and important but to concentrate on other areas of renewal such as preaching, liturgy, sacraments, evangelism, Christian unity and sociological issues such as unemployment."

In 1982 a new national organisation, Anglican Renewal Ministries (ARM), was set up "to encourage renewal within the Anglican system". The Vicar pointed out to PCC in February 1983 that "it depends entirely on gifts to meet its running costs" and he "called on the PCC to pray about the ARM having a regular place in the church's giving." PCC minutes record that the church sent £250 [£620] to ARM in 1983, £200 [£450] in 1985, and £300 [£650] in 1986. In 2004 ARM became part of a new body called ReSource whose vision is "to help build a Church which is diverse, local, confident, renewed in the Spirit and effective in mission."

The Vicar told the Annual Church Meeting in March 1983 that "he had seen a growth in the life of the church and more confidence in healing. The ministry of renewal remained a central issue in the church. There were meetings on renewal with a growing number of churches in Preston, Colne and Bolton. The completion of the Renewal Centre was on the horizon and [he] outlined the ministries that would go on there."

Cyril Ashton was on sabbatical in September but he reported to PCC that he and Muriel had visited several churches in renewal and communities at Hyde and Briarcliffe, and drew attention to a booklet of ideas he had written "on the future of the church... emphasising especially the role of in-depth evangelism in the parish and the training of the church for this."

The following year (1984) the Vicar told the Annual Church Meeting that "the Renewal Centre [described later] was not yet finished. It had been held up for important reasons as ministry developed." That was a healing ministry led by Frank and Judy Dowthwaite who had moved into the upstairs of the Centre. "The next stage would see people joining [them] in community. There was a need to develop the healing ministry as part of the church's work."

The Renewal Ministry [described later] at St Thomas' was growing, with teams visiting churches in Colne, Preston and Haydock. It was also deepening and maturing, a process which would be greatly assisted by planned visits from Bill Burnett (Anglican Archbishop of Cape Town in South Africa and a leading figure in charismatic renewal), Michael and Jeanne Harper (Michael had been a Curate at All Soul's, Langham Place in London, where John Stott - the leading evangelical Anglican of his generation - was Vicar and later left to set up the Fountain Trust as a means of promoting the charismatic movement) and a team from John Wimber's Vineyard Fellowship at Yorba Linda in California.

Cyril Ashton closed the 1984 meeting "by stating his belief that more and greater things are to come." In 1988 he emphasised to the Annual Church Meeting that "we need to hear what the Holy Spirit is telling the church about many aspects of our life.... [and] We should continue to pray for the ministry of renewal."

This was clearly a season of growth in the life of the church, its Vicar, leadership, and its people.

John Wimber and the Vineyard Fellowship

In the early 1980s John Wimber - an American pastor, former manager of the Everly Brothers and seminary teacher \- was developing an effective ministry of healing and prophecy, and a successful track-record of church growth and planting, based in California.

He would become well-known in Britain particularly through the book _Power Evangelism: Signs and Wonders Today_ (1985) which he co-wrote with Kevin Springer, but his influence in Britain started to grow in 1982 when a team from his church at Yorba Linda - which became the Vineyard Fellowship - came over and led teaching and ministry workshops in a number of churches here. He also developed a close and effective working relationship with David Watson in York, which opened doors for him to reach Anglican churches that were then starting to experience renewal.

Against this background we can appreciate the significance of Cyril Ashton suggesting to PCC on the 7th of June 1982 that as many of them as possible should attend a meeting on healing and prophecy being run by a visiting Vineyard team at Ansdale Baptist Church two weeks later on the 19th of June. In early July several members of PCC shared their experiences at Ansdale Baptist Church and "many favourable comments were made. The Vicar said that the question of whether to invite the group from Yorba Linda to our church was still under consideration. Other points on how the Lord was leading the church were shared." At the beginning of November PCC were told that "the elders were meeting with Nigel Wright of Ansdale Baptist Church to further pursue the possibility of inviting a team from Yorba Linda to minister to the church", but the trail then goes cold for more than two years.

In May 1985 the Vicar told PCC that "a team led by John Wimber would be visiting Birmingham from 23rd to 27th July 1985. He asked members to pray about the possibility of using it as a church holiday. There would be a series of rallies in October of this year, with the possibility of follow-up teams visiting locally in November if sufficient interest is shown by local churches." St Thomas' certainly did show "sufficient interest", as a result of which a Vineyard team agreed to visit the church between the 4th and the 6th of November 1985. In September PCC agreed to give the team £200 [£450] "to cover transport costs. This amount would be paid back to PCC from a retiring collection."

The Vineyard team came as planned and members of other churches in Lancaster were invited to join those from St Thomas' in the evening worship, teaching and ministry sessions held in church. More than a few lives - including the author's - were touched, blessed and transformed by the Holy Spirit in powerful ways over that three day period. Looking back on the event in November, "members of the PCC felt that the visit had been very encouraging and had raised our own level of expectancy of the Lord's work within the fellowship here, especially in the area of praying for one another."

A return visit to Lancaster by a Vineyard team in 1986, this time meeting in the Great Hall of Lancaster University, also attracted many people from churches across the North West. Again lives were changed, and some of those who had been blessed in St Thomas' the previous year shared in the prayer ministry at that event.

Renewal Weekends

By the late 1970s St Thomas' was experiencing the refreshing touch of the Holy Spirit through renewal, which was transforming many people's faith and lives, enlivening and enriching worship, revitalising personal and corporate prayer, and giving a new momentum to evangelism and outreach.

An important element in Cyril Ashton's vision for renewal, both in St Thomas' and wider afield, was developing and sharing a more informed understanding of renewal, what it meant, how it worked, what it looked like, and what it implied for church ministries.

PCC gave its full support and encouragement in helping to fulfil that vision, starting in May 1978 with "a long discussion about the future role of the church particularly in relation to other churches". The discussion focussed on "helping other churches understand about renewal by holding weeks or weekends of renewal... [and] It was suggested that teams of people might in the future go into other parishes to give help over a longer period."

Momentum quickly gathered, and the following month PCC agreed "to plan for a weekend of renewal next Spring. Churches with who we were already in contact would be invited.... The Vicar was also free to offer the help of the church to other churches, for example to help in visiting or ministry etc."

In July 1978 PCC agreed to hold the first Renewal Weekend in St Thomas' on the weekend of the 16th to the 18th of March 1979. The format and content were also agreed -

" _There would be a welcome and worship time on the Friday evening, Saturday morning seminars with a Renewal theme in the evening. On Sunday, those on the weekend would share in the worship. Subjects suggested for seminars were - pastoral ministry, leaders, evangelism, music/drama/dance, family worship, children's and youth work, relationships, and praying together. It was stressed that subjects presented should be within the bounds of our own experience. Delegates would stay in homes in the parish."_

In October PCC agreed to make a charge of £5 [£21] for individuals and £7.50 [£32] for couples, and that children would not be invited. David Dawson organised the accommodation for visitors, and PCC was told in early March that 43 people needing accommodation had booked for the weekend, and others living locally had also booked for the seminars. A half night of prayer was held in church on the Wednesday before the weekend.

Below, in full, is the text of the promotional leaflet for the Renewal Weekend. Text in square brackets is the leaders' notes.

Weekend of Teaching and Sharing on LOCAL CHURCH RENEWAL

March 16th \- 18th 1979 at St Thomas' Church, Penny Street, Lancaster

AIM _: To deepen the work of renewal by the Holy Spirit in our churches. The weekend is an opportunity to share with other Christians a vision for what the Lord is seeking to do with the church. We believe the renewal of the church by the Holy Spirit is essential before any progress in evangelism can be made._

DETAILS OF SEMINARS

Music _: Music in renewal, its function in the Body of Christ - bring your instrument._

Dance _: Biblical basis. The use of dance in worship and evangelism. [music and dance seminars to be taken by the leadership of those groups]_

Ministry _: Shared ministry - development of Gifts - evangelism, healing, teaching, pastoral care, building up the church, using the gifts of the Spirit, services. [introduced by the Vicar using perhaps 1 Corinthians 12, Ephesians 4 and Romans 12. Applying this to the local situation. Teaching - groups [John Dart], church plan, personal teaching. Pastoral and Evangelistic Ministry - Yvonne Phythian. Use of gifts, services, healing - David Dawson]_

Leadership _: Shared leadership, elders, housegroup leaders. Lay training, discipleship. [introduced by the Vicar. Working it out. Shared leadership - Jim Newsham and John Dart. Youth Work - Andrew Collins. Housegroups - Jeff Parkin and some housegroup leaders_

Sunday afternoon _: Probably an open session for questions, happening at the same time as counselling. Elders and Housegroup Leaders to be available._

PROGRAMME

Friday 16th _, 7.00 pm Arrive for meal with host. 8.30 pm Welcome and introduction in church, 'The Church's Priorities'. [from Acts 2: 42]_

Saturday 17th _, 9.15 am Music seminar, Ministry seminar. 10.30 am Coffee. 11.00 am Dance seminar, Leadership Seminar. 1.00 pm Lunch with host. Afternoon free. 7.30 pm Renewal Meeting, 'Rivers of Living Water'. [It would be a time of worship and ministry, possibly with testimonies. Preaching by the Vicar, based on John 7: 37-38]_

Sunday 18th _, 10.30 am Family Worship 'Coping with Change' (John Dart; Testimony by Mark Airey]. 3.00 pm in church, Open session and personal counselling. 6.30 pm Holy Communion, 'Led by the Spirit' [Vicar]._

PCC felt that the Renewal Weekend had gone well, and it noted at the beginning of April that "again it had been shown that when the church was obedient to the Lord, there is no need to fear." The Vicar told PCC later that month that "it was our duty to build up the church, and to develop ministries, and to go out in evangelism. Above all obedience to the Lord was required."

In April PCC agreed to run another Renewal Weekend later in the year, on the weekend of the 12th to the 14th of October. It was told at the beginning of September that the Baptist Church had been booked to provide extra space for workshops, and more than 750 leaflets and booking forms had been sent out. Thirty people booked in for the Weekend and many others attended the seminar sessions, and PCC was informed at the beginning of November that "there were good reports from visitors. The services had been outstanding times of fellowship and worship."

In November 1979 the Vicar asked the Council to pray for discernment about how many Renewal Weekends to run in 1980, and the following month it was agreed to run only one, early in the year, on the weekend of the 7th to the 9th of March. The Baptist Church was not available that weekend, so the Town Hall Banqueting Suite was booked instead.

At the beginning of March 1980 the Vicar "called on PCC members and housegroup leaders to make themselves available for the Sunday afternoon open session in church, if this was possible." At the end of March, after the Weekend, the Vicar told PCC that "this had been a valuable time of ministry, and that the church had matured through it. The high quality of the productions by the music, dance and drama groups was commented on. The large groups from some churches and the high number of churches represented was also noted."

The success of that Renewal Weekend encouraged PCC to hold another one later in the year, on the weekend of the 10th to the 12th of October. At least 45 people booked in for it, and whilst it ran smoothly it was described to PCC on the 3rd of November as "a quieter time of blessing." Undaunted, PCC agreed to organise another Renewal Weekend in mid-March 1981. It did so and was told a few weeks afterwards, in early April, that feedback on it had been "generally favourable."

There are signs of tension within PCC that some ministries were being privileged over others (the minutes record that "a few members of the PCC suggested that wider aspects of the church's life, in particular the more practical ministries, be included in future") and that members of the church were not supporting the weekends as fully as they might ("It was also pointed out that the congregation be encouraged more to join in the seminars"). Nonetheless, PCC agreed in April to organise another Renewal Weekend on the 24th and 25th of October 1981, although in May the date was revised to 9th to the 11th of October because the Keswick in Lancaster Convention - in which the Music Group would be heavily involved - would be held in church the week before the original date. PCC met on the 12th of October, and "the music was again highlighted as a source of blessing" at the Renewal Weekend.

At a time when many members of the church were committing huge numbers of hours to working on the Renewal Centre building project (described below), there were calls in PCC in April 1982 for a Renewal Weekend for St Thomas' only, to provide "needed refreshment", and Dennis Tate said "he was encouraged by the fresh outpouring of the Lord's power at a time when it was needed." PCC agreed to hold another open Renewal Weekend on the 15th to the 17th of October, after which it was told at the beginning of November that "comments... were favourable." Council discussed the balance of teaching and ministry in the seminars, and the format of the Sunday evening communion, and agreed to hold a further Renewal Weekend between the 18th and the 21st of March 1983.

At this time (November 1982) the Vicar told PCC that "a time of specific renewal ministry for our church was a possibility. A time away together was difficult but a church camping holiday might be possible. Michael Harper had been invited to minister to the church at some time in the future, and the elders were meeting with Nigel Wright of Ansdale Baptist Church to further pursue the possibility of inviting a team from Yorba Linda [Vineyard Fellowship] to minister to the church."

There is no record in minutes of PCC meetings during 1983 of how the March Renewal Weekend went, or whether another Weekend was held in October as in recent years. The next Renewal Weekend mentioned in PCC minutes was in March 1984, after which PCC was told that "once again visitors had given favourable comments.... a seminar on youth work was suggested, a better position for the bookstall was needed, and more members of our own congregation should attend seminars."

By early November 1984 some members of PCC "thought it right to wait upon the Lord for the date of the next Renewal Weekend and asked about the possibility of having a Renewal Weekend for the church.... The Vicar saw no problem with the regularity of Renewal Weekends but as next year it would be the seventh since Renewal Weekends began in the church, it could possibly be a sabbatical. The elders would be meeting to consider the matter."

The following month PCC agreed to run the next Renewal Weekend in October 1985, with the possibility of a Renewal Weekend for the church early in the year. In January 1985 PCC agreed to use the time set aside in March for the church Renewal Weekend "to pray through the church's commitment to Renewal Weekends, and to pray for the increased opportunities for outreach to other churches."

Trevor Dearing's visit in March 1986, "to give practical evangelistic training", was also described by PCC as a Renewal Weekend.

PCC had a broad discussion about the direction of the church in September 1986, which focussed on "the importance of ongoing growth and maturity of individuals and their quality of life within the church" and "the development of the church's ministry in signs and wonders." That is the first and one of very few uses of that Vineyard expression - "signs and wonders" - in minutes of meetings at St Thomas'; it refers to ministering in the power of the Holy Spirit as a key element in charismatic renewal, as experienced in the early days of the Church as described in Acts. The Vicar insisted that "the vision of the church remains unaltered, being the winning of our country for Christ and the renewal of the church. All agreed that love continues to be the main element in all of our ministry."

Another Renewal Weekend was held in October 1986. PCC was told in early November that it had "had the lowest number of bookings, although this was not reflected in the number who attended. Reports were again favourable and encouraging." Suggestions put forward to consider for future Renewal Weekends included "the possibility of a seminar on youth work, and a double session on spiritual warfare." There was some discussion but no decision about turning at least one of the Renewal Weekends into a Renewal Day.

At the beginning of December PCC agreed to change the established annual pattern of Renewal Weekends, "to retain the October weekend as previously, with a wide invitation, and for the one in March to be for local churches, with seminars on the Saturday morning and a renewal meeting in the evening, but with no formal offers of accommodation."

By 1987 questions were being asked about the usefulness of the Renewal Weekends and how they fitted in with the other established and emerging ministries at St Thomas'. The Vicar reminded PCC that July that "our aim continues to be to help, teach and encourage local churches desiring to learn more about the Holy Spirit."

PCC was told at the beginning of October that twenty two people had booked for the Renewal Weekend on the 16th to the 18th of October, thirteen of whom would require accommodation. Council had a wide-ranging discussion about the need to better promote the Renewal Weekends, which included the "effectiveness of publicity, possible need for closer targeting of advertising to specific groups, contact with other churches (eg via students), and the possibility of running a Renewal Day in the future."

There is no further mention of Renewal Weekends or Renewal Days in minutes of PCC meetings after October 1987, and their season had clearly come to an end. Thoughts about running Renewal Days for church members turned to the possibility of organising church weekends away (described later).

Renewal Ministry

Cyril Ashton felt very strongly that St Thomas' was being called to share and nurture renewal with other churches, and he took a lead in doing that by taking teams from church with him to visit other churches to which they had been invited, where they engaged in worship, teaching and ministry about the nature and work of the Holy Spirit.

The Renewal Ministry can be traced back to 1979. That April PCC was told that the Vicar had recently led a weekend in Grange-over-Sands for a church from Manchester, and he had partnered with a Roman Catholic Abbot to lead a Charismatic Weekend in Dumfries. In May Cyril Ashton "reported on the visit to [St Mark's] Haydock, which had seen an eventual breakthrough and great blessing in the evening service." In June he told PCC about his visit to

" _a free church in Birmingham, the lack of real leadership there, the need for reconciliation, and how the Lord had brought about a great healing of relationships on the final evening. It was essential to follow up these visits to other churches and this was a prime reason for our church to have another Renewal Weekend. Churches such as the one in Birmingham could come to us and see how we put into practice what was said."_

In November 1979, he told PCC that "the elders were going to Blackburn at the invitation of the Bishop, to discuss the ministry of healing with him. [He] said he would take the opportunity to approach him for his blessing on the idea of making an evangelistic team available from St Thomas' for use in other parishes."

The Bishop's blessing must have been granted because in the years ahead Cyril led teams from St Thomas' to visit many churches throughout the North of England, sharing the Renewal Ministry with them. PCC minutes record that in 1982, for example, teams went to St Bartholomew's in Colne, a church in High Wycombe, the United Reform Church in St Helen's, and a meeting of Stafford Council of Churches, and the Vicar led a House-party in Scarborough for St Thomas' Crookes, Sheffield. A team from St Thomas' helped to lead a Conference on Local Church Renewal at Swanwick in December 1984 that PCC was told had been "encouraging for the team... [and] an important time for those attending."

In 1985 teams visited Revidge Fold United Reformed Church, Christ Church in Moreton, All Saints in Marple, Scargill (for St Margaret's in Durham), and Kinmell Hall in North Wales (for Holy Trinity, Stalybridge). In 1986 teams visited churches in Halifax, Wolverhampton, Ireland and Scotland.

Cyril Ashton told the Annual Church Meeting in 1987 that the "work of renewal... was continuing to develop, with visits this year to Creift, Nottingham, Northern Ireland, Wolverhampton, Torrisholme, Quernmore Priory, Thring, Cheltenham, Halliwell and Normanton in Wakefield [where his successor Peter Guinness served his Curacy, 1982-87]."

By October 1987 team visits from St Thomas' to other churches, as well as Renewal Weekends in St Thomas', appear to have come to an end.

Tensions and change

By 1991 tensions had started to emerge in both the eldership and PCC over the pace and direction of change arising from the renewal of the church itself. Some individuals felt that the use of the Gifts of the Spirit in worship and ministry at St Thomas' wasn't going far enough or fast enough, and after a great deal of soul-searching some (including the Dowthwaites - Frank was an elder, and he and Judy had spearheaded the initial healing ministry in the Renewal Centre) left the church to set up a House Church, initially known as Lancaster Christian Fellowship, which evolved into King's Community Church.

This was an unsettling case of history repeating itself, with distinct echoes of Joseph Armytage and his supporters leaving the Priory Church over a major difference of churchmanship in the late 1830s in order to set up St Thomas'. Rumblings of discontent must have been apparent earlier that year, because in his report to the Annual Church Meeting in March 1991 the Vicar had "reminded the church that uncertainty had and would again lead to growth. He had complete confidence in the church's leadership."

Developing a Christian community (1977-81)

During the late 1970s a number of Christian communities had been established around Britain, typically based in a large former country house, where a group of people would live full time "in community" committed to a common rule of life and service (like the monasteries of old) and others would join them for short-term visits in the form of spiritual retreats, conferences, workshops and times of ministry. Two of the best known and longest established were Scargill House in the Yorkshire Dales (established in 1959) and Lee Abbey in North Devon (established in 1945).

Cyril Ashton told PCC in June 1977 that "many times in counselling people [he] had felt the need of a Christian community (of the pattern of Lee Abbey or Scargill). He asked for prayer and thought about... community before the next meeting." At the next meeting, in early July, "it was decided to continue to pray about the need for a 'community' and to be open to the Lord's leading in this."

We hear nothing more about the idea for the next two years, until the arrangements for the new parish worker (Dawn Backhouse) were outlined to PCC in September 1979; "She would be paid £10 [£37] per week and would live as part of a Christian community in Kensington Road, Lancaster. The members of the household would pay Dawn's household expenses."

This was eighteen months after David Watson and his team had visited St Thomas' to teach and minister on renewal. Cyril Ashton was not the only Anglican Vicar impressed by the commitment of the Watson family to share their large Vicarage in York with members of the congregation to form a small residential community that lived and prayed together, and shared finances and friendship, and supported one another.

The Watson 'community' in York was not without its tensions and challenges, but the model looked promising and worth pursuing. At the beginning of October 1979 Cyril Ashton "made some suggestions regarding a Community Centre for the consideration and prayer of the PCC. He raised the possibility of the church owning or renting a property that could be used as a community renewal centre. The centre would be based around a Christian family, and Mr and Mrs Dowthwaite were very interested in this.... Four or five single people would also need to be involved, and a further dozen people committee to 'relief duty' when required."

The question of where and how to develop such a centre inevitably surfaced, and the Vicar stressed that "a large building would be needed". He expressed an interest in "a vacant property in King Street, a derelict property opposite church, and the school next door. He said that £50,000 [£187,000] might be needed for such a scheme." A new purpose-built building was another option, and one member of PCC questioned whether a dedicated building was necessary, rather than rooting the ministry in a group of families in their own homes. The Vicar concluded the discussion by emphasising the need "to get a group of people together first before decisions about property etc could be made. He called on the PCC to pray about [this]."

Within a month the possibility opened up of buying the former school behind church, which was then disused and badly neglected, and converting it for use by the church. This marks the start of what was to become the Renewal Centre project (described below). The elders had agreed to have a half day away together on the 8th of December "to pray about guidelines for the scheme", discussions having begun in PCC three days earlier. In response to comments about the huge demands that would be placed on the people involved, and questions about the need to develop good links with social services and medical back-up, the Vicar stressed that "the scheme was planned as a renewal centre and not a place for psychiatric counselling"; in practice, as we shall see below, it turned out to be difficult to keep a sharp boundary between those two objectives.

PCC agreed that "a need was there but the financing of the scheme was as yet unsure.... However, before the question of accommodation could be tackled the community itself had to be settled and at least two other people were still needed. More thinking and prayer on the matter was called for."

Converting the old school building remained one of several options for developing the community at St Thomas'. In January 1980 PCC agreed to pay for the Vicar and Judy Dowthwaite to attend a gathering of charismatic communities at Scargill, and the following month the Vicar led a wide-ranging discussion in PCC about Community Ministry. He said he believed "the way forward was to encourage the development of extended families. In particular there was a need to pray for single people coming forward to join Mr and Mrs Dowthwaite in their plans. The Vicar said that some property would have to be purchased, and he suggested that individuals could put their own money into the scheme with Mr Dowthwaite."

He stressed that "the people had to be found before the property was obtained. This was a gradual thing with the Lord leading the church, step by step, and calling us to greater maturity. The Vicar called for the PCC to pray for the people to come forward to join Mr and Mrs Dowthwaite and also that a property would be found for the enterprise. He urged everyone to seek the Lord for His direction of our resources, that this might lead to deeper commitment to one another."

Two months later, in March 1980, Cyril Ashton told PCC that "he felt it right that the PCC consider making an offer to purchase the old school next door. This could be converted into a two-storied building with a large hall downstairs and a centre for community upstairs." The story of what happened next is sketched out below.

Renewal Centre Project (1979-84)

The church conversion project, between 1975 and 1976, had galvanised the church not only into action, but to trusting in God to guide them and to release the funding required. It was a major turning-point in the life of St Thomas', and it paved the way for an even more ambitious project whose roots overlap with those of the original 'church hall' project. In the early days of the 'church hall' project, the possibility of buying and converting the former school building had been explored, but at that point in time it was not available.

In December 1970, back in Stanley Duthie's time, PCC was told that Lancaster County Council had purchased the former school premises from the Ripley Trust "for use as an Adult Education Centre". Three years later, in December 1973, the Blackburn Diocesan Registrar had received a letter from the County Estates Surveyor advising that "the County Council now proposes to sell the whole of their land in that immediate area, including the old school and two houses in the open market with vacant possession." In March 1974 PCC wrote to Leslie Ranson, the Diocesan solicitor, expressing their interest in buying the land.

A Certificate of Conveyance, dated the 20th of March 1975, that describes the old school site and adjacent playground and mentions a sum of £20,000 [£125,500] is archived in the Diocesan Registrar's office. It refers to -

" _that plot of land with the building previously used as St Thomas Church of England School situate at Marton Street in the city of Lancaster together with the yard and buildings erected thereon situate immediately behind the school building and fronting to Victoria Place Lancaster. Secondly all that plot of land to the rear of the property first described fronting to Victoria Place aforesaid formerly used as part of the school playground with the classroom block erected thereon. Thirdly all that plot of land adjoining the property secondly described and situate in Victoria Place aforesaid with the cottage thereon and including and belonging thereto. Fourthly all that plot of land with the cottage thereon known as Number 2 Marton Street Lancaster aforesaid and adjoining the property first described. Fifthly all that property known as Number 4 Marton Street Lancaster aforesaid adjoining the property fourthly described."_

The existence of this 1975 Certificate of Conveyance is curious, because (for reasons unrecorded) the sale did not go through then; as we shall see, the minutes of PCC meetings five years later reveal that by then the school site was in private ownership.

In November 1977 PCC agreed to rent out part of the playground which they then owned (the western two-thirds of the present car park, furthest from the ramp) to a local garage - Glanfield Lawrence (Lancaster) Ltd, formerly referred to as Atkinsons Garages - for £500 [£2,400] a year "for the storage of new motor vehicles".

Ownership of the school site

Two years after the completion of the church conversion project, in 1979 PCC turned its attention to the old school building behind the church, which by then was disused and falling into serious disrepair. The question of ownership resurfaced.

PCC Secretary Dennis Tate told the Council in June that "he had looked through the church records and found mention of the whereabouts of the school deeds and the deeds for the site. The Vicar said that the school had been built, owned and maintained by the church but then handed over to the Ripley Trust in the 1940s. It had subsequently changed hands and that a Mrs Dixon was the present owner. The church had had no opportunity of re-purchasing the site and the Vicar said that the church had not received the consideration it deserved when the property was disposed of.... The Vicar said that it was a very valuable site next to the church and Mr Airey [Churchwarden] reported that it might well be coming up for sale as he had seen men surveying it."

Understandably, PCC was keen to establish how and when the school site - which it had funded, established, and managed - had passed out of its ownership. In July the Secretary told PCC that "he was attempting to trace some of the ex-managers of the school. He hoped to arrange an appointment with the solicitors who negotiated the transfer of the school to the Ripley Trust." In September he "reported on his meeting with the solicitor who negotiated the transfer of St Thomas' School to the Ripley Trust. He outlined how the St Thomas' School had been run by a trust [back in Colin Campbell's day] and how the Trust had amalgamated with Ripley Trust in 1958. The exact relationship between St Thomas' Church and the original St Thomas' Trust was unknown."

PCC was told in January 1980 that the search for information on when the school passed out of the church's hands was continuing, and the following month Dennis Tate came back with the answer - he said that "he had obtained a copy of the 1948 scheme concerning Ripley Trust and St Thomas' School. Part of this said that the deeds of St Thomas' School were repealed and the provisions of the Ripley Trust substituted for it. This meant that whatever role the church had had in the building under the original deeds had gone then, and there was nothing the church could do about it now."

Buying the building

By late 1970s, as we have seen, the Vicar and church leaders were thinking seriously about setting up some form of Christian community, and the old school building offered a tantalising prospect... if it could be bought, restored and developed to help achieve that goal.

Buying it would be expensive, and would require great commitment, generosity, and carefully choreographed fund-raising. Restoring it would also be expensive, but also time-consuming and difficult, particularly given that - as Frank Dowthwaite reported to PCC in November 1979 - "it was in poor condition, especially the roof and the upper storey which was collapsing." Developing it would require great vision, determination and support from the whole church... none of which turned out to be in short supply.

Undaunted by the challenges, the Vicar told PCC in March 1980 that "he felt it right that the PCC consider making an offer to purchase the old school next door. This could be converted into a two-storied building with a large hall downstairs and a centre for community upstairs. The suggestion was greeted with some enthusiasm. Rev May [the Curate, an engineer by training] said that although the roof was in poor condition the building looked repairable. The Vicar said that a shared vision for the enterprise and tremendous giving would be needed. He called on the PCC to pray about the matter." This was the first tangible step on a long journey towards developing what would become the Renewal Centre, a building that would serve the church in many important was in the years ahead.

By late May 1980 the lady who then owned the school building had been contacted, and the Vicar told an Emergency Meeting of PCC on the 24ththat she had said that "a half reasonable offer would be received [accepted]." He asked all members of PCC to pray about whether an offer for the school should be made, and if so how much it should be.

No time was wasted in developing the thinking about how the building might be bought, restored and used. Peter May's engineering experience proved invaluable, as did Mike Norbury's project planning and management experience, and both swung quickly into action and spearheaded the project.

At the PCC meeting held on the 2nd of June –

" _Rev May outlined the condition of the school and informed the PCC that he and Mr Norbury had produced a provisional estimate for making the building safe and secure and for setting up the ground floor. The ground floor would be used for community ministry and for church use. Later, when all the ground floor was required for church use, the community could be established on the upper floor. The estimate of £35,000 [£110,000] assumed that the church did the design work and some clearance. It also did not include the purchase price. There was a long discussion on a price to be offered for the old school. ... PCC agreed in principle to the purchase of the old school and empowered the Vicar and Messrs Airey and Newsham [Churchwarden and Treasurer] to proceed with negotiations."_

An Emergency PCC meeting was arranged for Sunday the 29th of June 1980, after the evening service, to agree how much money was needed for the project and how the funding should be raised. It was told that "the elders had met with the directors of the firm who owned the old school and the directors had held out for £10,000 [£31,300] for the property. They had informed the elders that, had it been a commercial undertaking, they would certainly have asked for more. They asked that, if the church bought the building, it would be used for church purposes only, and that two memorial stones be retained. The Vicar and several of the elders gave their opinion that the directors would not lower their asking price. There was some discussion about purchasing the property, and it was pointed out that [not if] the Lord wanted us to have the building and He would provide the money. It was proposed by Curate Peter May and seconded by Ken Mansley that the church [should] purchase the Old School for £10,000 [£31,300]. This resolution was passed with one abstention."

The sale was agreed without delay, allowing the Vicar to report to PCC on the 7th of July that "the church's offer for the school had been accepted and contracts were being drawn up."

Funding and scheduling the work

A project on this scale would require careful planning and management, in both building and financial terms, and PCC set to work on both without delay.

At the July 1980 meeting PCC discussed whether to raise the money and do the work in stages, acknowledging that a staged project would face the challenge of inflation (then running high in Britain) and delay the establishment of a community. The Vicar said that "the whole church should be encouraged to pray about the work and to face the challenge of giving. He suggested that the money be raised in one effort." Raising such a large amount in one go, from within the church, would inevitably be a major test of faith, collective and individual.

PCC made a number of key decisions at that July meeting. The most important financial decision was that a Gift Weekend should be held to raise the money, on the last weekend in October. PCC also agreed that donations for the project could be accepted from July onwards, that a special account should be opened for it at the National Westminster Bank, that Roland Lowden be designated Treasurer of that account, that the use of a tax-efficient covenant scheme should be encouraged, and that the possibility of grant support from the Council should be investigated. PCC also agreed that the elders should "produce a broadsheet as soon as possible outlining the practical details and sharing the vision for the work", and to set up a sub-committee "to decide what work could be done by the church and what needed sub-contracting, the plans for the work, and to estimate a figure for the cost of the work for the Gift Weekend."

In September PCC was informed that "the contracts for purchasing the school were about to be exchanged, although there was a hold-up due to a query over planning permission for change of use. However no objections were expected and no repairs were possible until contracts were exchanged. The PCC agreed to go ahead and exchange contracts as soon as possible." This was another major test of faith, because by this time the funding had not even been promised, let alone raised.

It was difficult for PCC to agree a budget and schedule for the project without firm estimates of the likely labour costs involved, which would depend on how much work could be done by volunteers from the church and how much would have to be done by paid workers.

At the September meeting PCC agreed to ask church members to pledge both their time and their money at the Gift Weekend, which would allow the amount of time and the money to be assessed and a final scheme adopted. This was another really important meeting and test of faith for the PCC, who "met in prayer and worship whilst the church fellowship prayed in the Upper Lounge [in church]. Members of the PCC then wrote down what they intended to give and what commitments they could make in time. The amounts were added [up] whilst the PCC continued in worship. The total came to £26,865 [£84,130] with 200 hours of work per month.... The PCC felt led by the Lord that the Gift Weekend should have a target of £75,000 [£235,000]. The PCC then joined the rest of the church to share in praise and worship."

Clearing the site

Work on the building started soon after the contracts were exchanged and the school belonged once again to the church.

Frank Dowthwaite gave a progress report to PCC on the 6th of October 1980, noting that "the building was now half cleared and a lot had already been saved on labour costs. The men had worked hard and there had been good fellowship in it. At the present rate the clear-out could be complete by the end of November, ready for the contractors to work on the damp course, dry rot and roof. The information leaflet was now ready for the congregation.... [it was] said that the idea of community was still not widespread in the church... [and] that there was a need to encourage the idea. It was suggested that the building be known in future as the Renewal Centre. The project was then committed to the Lord." This is the first record of the name Renewal Centre, by which the building would be known over the next decade or so.

PCC were given another update at the beginning of November, where it was announced that "nearly £80,000 [£250,000] had been raised or promised at the Gift Weekend." Most of the clearing out work was done, thought was being given to how much of the roof work could be done by members of the church, revised plans had been drawn up to include a laundry room, and "a possible room for vagrants" (the homeless) was suggested. Mike Norbury produced a plan for a direct link between the chancel and the Renewal Centre, and after considerable discussion "the Vicar suggested that a decision on a link could be left until the next meeting."

Building work begins

Work continued apace, and in early December 1980 PCC was told that

" _planning permission for a single span roof with concrete tiles had been agreed to... The layout for the first floor had been agreed, and detailed drawings were in the process of being made. The Sub-committee had agreed on the general layout of the ground floor and specific plans were being circulated around the committee for their opinions. When final plans for the first and ground floor were decided on they could be submitted for Building Regulation approval and change of use. Until this was done work on the Renewal Centre had to be limited to stripping out and preparatory work."_

PCC had been prompted "by the immediate cash-flow problem and a desire to save money" to discuss "the possibility of doing the work on the roof without using an outside contractor.... The job could be done at Easter, possibly employing some joiners to help in the work. Rev May suggested that a quote from a contractor be obtained for comparison, and also that the number of man-hours for the work be estimated before a definite decision was made. The Vicar said it was important not to overwork the labour force on the roof, but that the PCC was clearly in the hands of the committee for guidance and leadership on the matter."

Plans for the ground floor of the building, based on the recommendations of the Renewal Centre Sub-Committee, were approved by an Emergency Meeting of PCC three days before Christmas.

In early January 1981 Frank Dowthwaite "thanked the PCC for its leadership in the Saturday work [by volunteers] and called for prayer for the more specialised work soon to begin with separate gangs of volunteers", who would shortly be replacing the first floor beams with steel girders. A month later PCC was told that "nearly all of the first floor beams would need replacing, at a cost of at least £500 [£1,400] and five or six weeks work. It was hoped to have one of the front rooms of the school useable for Junior Church by summer." There was further discussion about whether or not to hire a contractor for the roof work, during which "several members of the PCC voiced anxiety over the strain that the heavy commitment of work on the roof for a week would have on the men doing the job. The Vicar said [again] that the PCC depended on the guidance of the Renewal Centre sub-committee and called on it to meet quickly and decide on the matter."

A further update was given to PCC in April, where it was reported that "one side of the ground floor had now been taken up for treatment and it was hoped to relay it in a few weeks. The floor on the first floor was being re-laid where a large rotten section had been cut out. Negotiations on the roof were imminent, and a start was looked for in early May."

Community Service Volunteers had been employed to help with the building work, and PCC agreed that "it would be good to give some recognition to [those] who had worked hard on the building. The Vicar said that he would write a reference for any worker whose name was passed to him. This could help when seeking employment."

In May the PCC were advised that "the ground floor on the west side was now being relaid. The bulge in the wall had been fixed, and an approach had been made for the Youth Opportunities Programme (YOP) to do mid-week work. Building Regulations were about to be approved and planning permission was almost granted. It was hoped to have a price for the roof work in the next week."

By the beginning of June "the west side of the floor had been partly relaid. The floor of the east side had been removed for treatment. The lean-to roof to the south of the building had been demolished. There would be no start on the main roof for two months but a good price for the job had been received." By then there were between eight and ten YOP people helping with the work on the Renewal Centre mid-week, but the need for more supervision had become clear. "There was considerable discussion on whether to employ Mr Needham as a part-time supervisor.... and the PCC called on the Building Sub-Committee to meet with the elders and gave them the power to decide on the issue."

They agreed to employ Jim Needham, who started later that month. Peter May told PCC on the 6th of July that "a lot of work would be done in the next two weeks. Half of the building contractors had been unable to do the work on the roof so the church volunteers would have to do a lot of the labour work to help the roofing contractor. This roof work was to be done in the next two weeks." Roland Lowden told PCC that there was £40,000 [£112,500] in the account.

Work continued through the latter part of 1981. PCC was told in early September that "50 percent of the timber had been replaced. The gable ends had been rebuilt. Fewer community workers were being used and YOP workers had stopped work but it was hoped to re-employ them in a month or so. Mr Norbury estimated that a further twenty months work would be needed." By early October "repointing of the front of the building was being considered. The last of the steel beams had arrived and manufacture of the new windows would soon be possible. The rest of the building was now ready for the dry rot treatment."

First year's progress

PCC was told in early November 1982 that nearly £45,000 [£126,500] had been given during the first year towards the total cost of the project, of which £24,192 [£68,000] had been spent on buying the site and the initial conversion work, leaving a balance of about £20,500 [£57,600] in the bank.

The giving had been impressive, and it had been sacramental for many individuals. But Roland Lowden, the Treasurer for the Renewal Centre Account, reported that the giving had been about £5,000 [£14,000] lower than what had been promised at the Gift Weekend, although other donations had reduced the shortfall to £3,000 [£8,400].

Money was short, but so too was the volunteer labour needed to push the project forward. Mike Norbury told PCC at that meeting that "there was a desperate shortage of labour on the work. This represented a lack of commitment from the church and disobedience to the Lord. This had to be corrected."

PCC recognised that "the vision for the Renewal Centre work needed to be spread" and discussed ways of doing that, including encouraging people "to sign up for a particular job, for a few successive Saturdays, to see a job through. This would give a kind of job satisfaction. They could then take a month or so off." The Vicar said it was necessary to encourage people to come along on the person-to-person level, and Frank Dowthwaite called for more prayer for the project.

Shortage of money and workers inevitably had an impact on progress, and by early November the roof was still not complete, but orders had been placed for the replacement windows and part of the ground floor was almost complete and ready for the Pathfinder (Sunday youth) groups to use. By early December Mike Norbury was able to update PCC that "the partitions for the ground floor area were being constructed. Work on the floors was well on, and the window manufacturers were just awaiting timber supplies before window construction was begun.... the [supply of] labour had been much improved and this was encouraging."

In mid January PCC was told that "the first batch of windows should be ready soon, and the flooring completed next weekend. The electric supply was now in so evening work could now begin. A start on the internal partition walls would be made in the next two weeks. The Building sub-committee... would meet [the next day] to consider sub-contracting work, the YOP, and a new scheme to speed up the work."

On the 1st of February 1982 it was reported that "delivery of the windows was expected this weekend. The floors were finished and partition walls begun. The Building sub-committee had decided to use the YOP again on a trial basis." PCC was told that the sub-committee had also agreed on a speeded up programme to get the work back on course for completion in two years from the start in September 1980, but more labour was needed for this new programme to work and without it the Renewal Centre would not be complete until Spring 1983.

The project was reaching a tipping-point, and PCC had a long discussion at that meeting about the labour problem. Tensions within the ranks are clearly apparent in the minutes, with some feeling that "the message of the need for labour on the Renewal Centre was not being pressed home enough" and that "once again it was a lack of commitment that had been generally evident for some time", while at least one member insisted that "the Renewal Centre should not so dominate the church that other ministry suffered." Frank Dowthwaite replied that "this is what would happen without the faster programme. The main workers on the Renewal Centre were those with other ministries. If they were not helped and, if the time taken to construct the Renewal Centre grew larger, then the general ministry of the church would suffer."

PCC agreed that the congregation should be asked for promises of labour on the Renewal Centre. The Vicar and Frank Dowthwaite shared their view that "despite the labour problem, a great work of the Lord's was being done in the Renewal Centre."

The labour shortages continued, and Peter May reported to PCC at the beginning of March that the average labour force of fifteen was "less than hoped". The good news was that "the ground floor partitions were 90 percent complete. One room had been plaster-boarded. The first floor partitions were 75 percent complete. Work on the south lean-to roof and the new windows was in progress." The bad news was that "the tunnel under Victoria Place [between the school and the toilet block near the playground, on the other side] had collapsed when a crane on hire to the church had gone through the roof. An agreement had been reached with Jardine's, the owners of the crane, concerning the cost etc of the incident. The church would be responsible for the repair and strengthening of the tunnel roof." PCC agreed to extend Jim Needham's employment supervising the YOP workers until the end of September, and to increase his wages.

PCC was pleased to hear in April that "the internal partitions were complete. The plaster-boarding and installation of electric lights were underway. The YOP involvement had been beneficial so far. One of their supervisors was a plumber and another was a plasterer." Progress continued, if slower than many would have liked, and Peter May reported to PCC in May that "there had been a lot of good work done recently. The kitchen and laundry had been rearranged."

With all this building work going on and the heavy reliance on members of the church for both funding and practical assistance, it is little wonder that the Annual Church Meeting in April 1982 was told that "the Renewal Centre had dominated the life of the church in the last year."

Money matters

PCC monitored the project finances regularly as the work progressed. In March 1981 the total income stood at £52,000 [£136,000], and expenditure had reached £41,000 [£107,300] and was rising. In April the income had risen to £55,700 [£145,800], expenditure was £43,700 [£114,400], a further £2,825 [£7,400] was still on loan to the church accounts, and the Renewal Centre account in the bank had nearly £10,000 [£26,200] in it.

Looking ahead, in April, it was estimated that £13,000 [£34,000] more than what had been given and promised would be needed to complete the project, and £12,000 [£31,400] of the money promised in covenants would not be available until the third or fourth year of the project. A further £12,000 [£31,400] would therefore be needed to enable the project to be completed before the end of the year. PCC discussed ways of dealing with this, including scaling down the work to match the available funds, taking out a loan secured by tax covenants that would come in over time, and holding another Gift Day.

PCC returned to the question of the Renewal Centre budget in May, giving serious thought to taking out a bank loan of up to £3,000 [£7,900], but the view was expressed that "if the money was not there, then perhaps the Lord was saying that we were spending in areas we should not". It was also pointed out that no decision was yet necessary because there was still £15,000 [£39,300] in the Renewal Centre account. The Vicar thought it best the leave the matter for a month and wait for a report from the Finance Committee on the repayment of the loan to the church accounts.

Things appear to have turned round very quickly, because PCC was told the following month that the financial situation of the Renewal Centre "was quite good. If the present level of monthly income and expenditure was maintained, there would still be in excess of £7,000 [£18,300] left in October." On that basis PCC agreed to give the Renewal Centre sub-committee the authority to purchase "necessary items", including furnishings and other capital items. PCC was given a further update in September, when Roland Lowden reported that "giving was on target, and the figure of £68,000 [£178,000] should be achieved by the end of October." The situation looked even brighter in November when they were told that "the financial target of giving had been exceeded by £1,500 [£3,900] over the two year period."

PCC reviewed the Renewal Centre project finances in December 1982. It was told that a total of £72,000 [£188,500] had been given to date, and that the Renewal Centre sub-committee had met with the Finance Committee "to discuss finance of the Renewal Centre and other related matters". The Council agreed a number of recommendations arising from that meeting - "(i) from December 20th until the Renewal Centre was completed Mr Dowthwaite should be employed full-time to supervise the work on the Renewal Centre. He would be paid £90 [£235] per week. (ii) the running costs of the Renewal Centre until September 1983 would be paid out of the Renewal Centre funds. (iii) further finance to complete the Renewal Centre would be needed. This was estimated as follows: to complete the building work £15,000 [£39,300]; to employ Mr Dowthwaite until September 1983 £4,500 [£11,800]."

PCC also agreed to hold another Gift Day in March 1983, because "£3,000 [£7,800] of the original £80,000 [£209,400] would not be available from tax sources until April 1984 so a further £3,000 [£7,800] might also be needed if the work is to be completed by September 1983."

Work progresses

Management of the building project had progressed quite smoothly under the leadership of the Renewal Centre sub-committee but by mid 1982, with the end in sight, the time seemed right to review and update the committee's terms of reference.

In June PCC agreed a series of new terms of reference proposed by the committee, then chaired by Ken Mansley

" _that the sub-committee be responsible for the completion of the building programme, for any change in plans for the building, for the occupation and progressive use of the facilities in the Renewal Centre, including decisions of who and what goes where, and for public relations and the co-ordination of information. The committee should also co-ordinate prayer support for the Centre, and witness to the church that the organisation was being done efficiently. Meetings should be regular and minuted."_

The following month the chair suggested to PCC that "prayerful concern be given to how the building should be run. A board of management or trustees might be the best way of administering the Renewal Centre."

Work on the building continued. In June PCC agreed "to raise the floor level in the flat lounge and to construct arches on the main corridor on the first floor" and in July it received an update on "practical matters such as the colours of the curtains and the plumbing." After a brief summer break in early August, work was concentrated on completing the upstairs flat, and in early September PCC agreed to extend Jim Needham's employment by a month, to the end of October. PCC also asked the Renewal Centre sub-committee "to discuss the possibility of finding some space for Junior Church classes and to consider methods of administering the Renewal Centre."

In October PCC was told that a small amount of dry rot had been found in the building, which would be treated, and "work on painting the upstairs flat was starting, and the installation of the waste plumbing system by the YOP was going well." By then Jim Needham had left for work elsewhere, and as a stop-gap Peter May agreed to supervise the Tuesday work with the YOP team and PCC agreed to employ Frank Dowthwaite to supervise the work mid-week from December. At the beginning of November PCC were told that plasterwork in the flat was complete and decoration had started, internal plumbing was underway, and trenches had been dug outside for the drains. On the 6th of December PCC was advised that delays in completing internal work meant that Frank and Judy Dowthwaite would not be able to move into the flat before mid-January, and that based on current work levels the first floor should be completed in the Spring and the whole building completed in September 1983.

In an effort to speed up the project, in January 1983 PCC accepted the Renewal Centre sub-committee's recommendation that six members of the church - who "would be released from other church obligations for the time" - should work two evenings a week and Saturdays. PCC also discussed the best date for another Gift Weekend, leaving the Vicar to choose between the 6th and the 13th of March. In February PCC heard that the evening work was proving a great benefit.

Some final decisions about the ground floor were made by PCC mid March, including not fitting a partition across the main room, the desirability of equipping the kitchen to provide hot and cold meals for large numbers, the main entrance to be at the side of the building behind the church, and a fire door to installed in the main room leading out onto Marton Street.

A major milestone in the project was reached on the 28th of March, when it was reported to the Annual Church Meeting that "Mr and Mrs Dowthwaite had now moved into the flat and all major work on the first floor was now complete. The focus of the work would now switch to the ground floor."

A month later PCC was told that "the bulk of the labour force had now been moved downstairs. Plastering on the ground floor was 25 percent complete." The Council was asked to pray about the suspended ceiling for the ground floor, which would cost £4,000 [£10,500] if done by a contractor but only £1,500 [£3,900] if members of the church did the work. The savings would be considerable, but so would the workload for a project-weary team of volunteers. PCC was advised that "at present the intention was to put a ceiling in one small room ourselves and consider the rest of the rooms then."

In the end the decision was forced by financial considerations - PCC was told in early June that "around £1,500 [£3,700] in cash was left to complete the work. With this in mind the ground floor suspended ceiling would have to be built by us as a contractor would prove too expensive." No one at the time foresaw quite how long it would take to complete the ceiling. "The severe shortage of labour from church members was once again emphasised" to PCC.

Work continued despite the shortage of money and labour. Landscaping of the area between the church and Renewal Centre had started in June and was almost complete by the beginning of July 1983. The front windows had been glazed and the frame for the main entrance was being constructed. By early July there was £13,100 [£32,500] in the Renewal Centre account, a major increase on the month before, but bills continued to come in and money continued to flow out.

By early September the first floor carpets had been laid and furniture was being installed, and "plans for the ground floor had had to be revised due to the planned opening of the Lancaster Christian Bookshop to sell TEAR Fund [Traidcraft] products. The desperate shortage of labour on Saturdays was again emphasised."

A month later PCC was told that "there was £9,400 [£23,200] left in cash.... the numbers working on a Saturday had increased but more were needed." Work in the centre had slowed down because the plasterers "had gone off the job" (presumably to work elsewhere) and "Mr Dowthwaite asked for prayer that they would return"; they did return but left again soon after.

PCC agreed in October that "the Centre would be administered as part of the church. The church would fund it.... Visitors would be invited to contribute towards expenses with the church providing the short-fall. Students in residence would be expected to pay a fixed contribution." It was told that the building had been insured for £265,000 [£657,500], with the contents upstairs insured for £10,000 [£24,800] and materials downstairs for £4,750 [£11,800].

The Renewal Centre sub-committee had sourced a local supply of second-hand tiles for the ground floor suspended ceiling, and in September Frank Dowthwaite had asked PCC to pray that "the second-hand ceiling available would pass the fire regulations."

PCC was advised in early November that "many of the ceiling tiles obtained from Morecambe were unusable but there was enough framework for all the rooms on the ground floor except for the main lounge. A fire certificate would be needed for it. A large amount of fibreglass insulation had also been obtained." The following month it was reported that fire certificates had been obtained for the ceiling tiles and the framework.

Towards completion

The slow progress of the project, and the number of workers involved, was discussed at length by PCC in December 1983.

Inevitably the available options were constrained by available funding; there was then £7,326 [£18,200] left in the project fund. Different views were expressed; one member "objected to temporarily employing a joiner if this would exceed the budget", while another argued that "the skilled and semi-skilled workers would need to return if the work was to be speeded up. The Vicar encouraged this, even if it meant them just working half a Saturday."

When asked by Frank Livesey (one of the elders) at PCC in December when the Renewal Centre would be open for ministry, the Vicar said that "he did not envisage this happening until the building was complete."

The February 1984 PCC meeting also had a serious discussion about the slow speed at which the project was moving forward and the reasons for that. It was told that "no accurate figure could be given for the completion of the work due to labour problems.... the work was behind schedule because of lack of labour.... it was necessary to re-engage the commitment of the church." The matter was viewed as both a practical and a spiritual one, it being argued that "if good commitment to the physical work was not apparent then general commitment to the spiritual ministries in the building would not be there either."

Members of Council suggested a number of things that might help speed up the work, including "setting aside other church meetings etc to work on the building, as with the month of prayer.... breaking down the work left into man-hours and which skills would be needed, and posting this publicly so that the church was informed and could sign up for some parts of the week.... a less elaborate and more basic design might speed up the work."

The matter was also turning into one of trust and obedience. The Vicar said that "the leadership of the church were divided about the work and that the PCC should take more of a lead. The leadership were disobedient in not submitting to the Building Sub-committee which was of one mind on the work."

Things picked up and further progress was reported to PCC in March - the print room was nearly complete, the ceiling was now well under way, and the ladies' toilets were complete. More labour was available but even more would be needed once work began on decorating the ground floor. Ken Mansley reported that "some students had expressed an interest in working on the Renewal Centre after their exams." The project account then contained £6,477 [£15,400] but a tax refund of about £6,000 [£14,200] was due shortly.

PCC was told at the end of April that "work was progressing well" and it agreed "to investigate the possibility of purchasing the rest of the existing toilet block [on the former school playground] from Mayfair Ltd [which owned the building now used as the Pre-School, as well as the access ramp to what is now the church car park]."

With the end of the project in sight, PCC was pleased to be informed by the Vicar in early June that the Renewal Centre would be officially opened on Wednesday the 24th of October 1984 by the Bishop of Blackburn, and a celebration service led by the Bishop of Lancaster would be held in church on the following Sunday evening.

With those dates fixed minds could be focussed on getting the remaining work on the building completed. By early July the downstairs lounge - by then being referred to as the Coffee Bar - was almost complete, ceiling tiles had not yet been fixed in the foyer, and the whole ground floor needed carpeting. There was £11,132 [£26,400] remaining in the Renewal Centre account.

PCC agreed that "Messrs Dowthwaite, Mansley and Livesey [three of the elders] would have oversight of the running of the Renewal Centre. Mr Mansley would be responsible for the administration and there would probably be a full-time secretary." It was acknowledged that income would have to increase to pay for the running of the Centre. The upstairs ministry was also taking shape, and the Vicar reported that "Miss A Gawith had moved into the Renewal Centre, to live in community, for a six month period."

As the opening day drew near the pressure mounted to have all the work completed, particularly after PCC was told on the 3rd of September that "a good deal of work remained [to be done] on the ceiling and floors and a lot of cleaning and decorating. Much of this work would need to be done before the end of the month and volunteers were needed to work in the evenings. If this work was not completed either the carpet laying would have to be delayed at some expense, or if laid it could be damaged by remaining work." PCC was advised on the 1st of October that "housegroups had been asked to be involved in the final cleaning and painting. Invitations for the Opening Ceremony had been issued."

The building was opened as planned on the 24th of October 1984, and in early November PCC was advised that "the Vicar and Messrs Mansley and Newsham are at present working out the practical arrangements for downstairs and hope to have made progress by Christmas." PCC was told on the 10th of December that "the sum of £120,000 [£284,600] had been spent so far. The sub-committee would be disbanded as its function was now completed."

Cyril Ashton opened the 1985 Annual Church Meeting by reporting on what he saw as "a difficult and sometimes confusing year [1984] in respect of changes within the church. He felt that there had been a sense of anticlimax after the opening of the Renewal Centre. It was now, however, a time for moving forward again and re-affirming the vision given to us by the Lord, looking to Him to stir us up again. The Vicar re-emphasised the main aims of the church as being evangelism, renewal and healing."

The final piece in the Renewal Centre building jigsaw was the provision of a garage for those who lived in the flat upstairs. In January 1986 Frank Livesey reminded PCC about the need for one, and in March the cost was estimated at between £900 [£2,000] and £1,000 [£2,170]. By early June planning permission had been obtained to erect a pre-fabricated garage on the car park adjacent to the Mayfair building. PCC was told in March 1987 that the garage was complete.

It was clear from the outset that the new ministries made possible by the Renewal Centre project would benefit from administrative support of some form, and as early as February 1983 the Vicar had asked PCC to "pray about the need for a person to do secretarial work in the Renewal Centre when it was open." That October PCC was told that "Mr William Bradshaw would be starting off the administration work in the Renewal Centre and would be approaching individuals to discover their needs in this area." Irene Quinn worked in the church office three days a week as the Vicar's personal assistant from September 1985 to February 1987, and she was replaced on a part-time basis by Muriel Ashton until July 1990, when Anne Mansley took over as Church Secretary.

The Renewal Centre project had taken four years and required a huge sustained input from members of the church, financially and practically, but the building work was now done. It was an answer to prayer and confirmation of the vision. It had tested many people's faith and patience, but it also increased the bonds of fellowship and friendship and opened up new prospects for ministry and outreach.

With the building complete thought could now be given to making best use of it to support and enhance the work of the church. As with the building work, this chapter in the life of the centre would not all be plain sailing.

Craft Aid Shop and bookshop

From early on in the planning of the Renewal Centre it had been intended to include a Craft Aid Shop, with space for storage and display of TEAR Fund products. In March 1985 PCC agreed that it fully supported the "extension of the TEAR Fund ministry, irrespective of any change in rateable value of the Renewal Centre which may result." Part of the foyer on the ground floor was adapted for this purpose, as a cost of around £600 [£1,350]. The Craft Aid shop was officially opened on the 5th of October 1985 by Ian Harland, the Bishop of Lancaster, on his first visit to St Thomas'.

Recall that a bookstall had been set up in the lower lounge in church after the church conversion project in the mid seventies, but it was small and had limited potential to reach out beyond the church. The question of providing an accessible outlet for Christian literature in Lancaster resurfaced at PCC in May 1982 when Dennis Tate gave a report on a recent meeting between local church people at which it was agreed that "there was a need for an outlet for Christian books in Lancaster. Such an outlet would need co-operation amongst the churches, and with the bookshops in Carnforth and Preston. A possible site for this book outlet was the Renewal Centre."

He asked PCC to pray about this so a decision could be reached quickly, posing the question "Did the PCC want a bookstall or bookshop to cater for more than the church's own pastoral needs?" The following month, "after considerable discussion" by PCC, he was "asked to investigate the costs of running a bookshop in the Renewal Centre." He reported back in October advising that, after a meeting of local Christians investigating the possibility of an outlet for Christian literature in Lancaster, he believed that "a future outlet in the Renewal Centre was at present the only option open."

Space for such a bookshop was built into the ground floor plans approved by PCC in March 1983, but those plans had to be revised in September "due to the planned opening of the Lancaster Christian Bookshop" [now the Christian Book Centre] in Mary Street. There is no record of a separate bookstall ever being run in the Renewal Centre.

Playground and car park

When Cyril Ashton arrived in St Thomas' in 1974 the church owned part of the former school playground, where it had been hoped (before the church conversion project) to build a new church hall. The church did not then own the school building.

PCC was told that September that "the wardens were expecting to be offered the chance of buying the other part of the playground and the classrooms." In December PCC was told that the Vicar and Churchwardens had "met the architect and representatives of the firm which had bought the school, about the boundaries. It was reported that the church would need planning permission in order to use the playground as a car park. Access would have to be made." It was agreed that "the toilets [on land owned by the church] should be flattened when the firm knocked their part [containing two former school rooms] down."

Planning permission was applied for in January 1975 to use the playground as a car park for church members, but PCC was told in October that it had been turned down because of access issues. PCC then considered selling the site, which by then was no longer required for a new church hall and could not be used as a car park. It was advised in March 1976 that it could be worth between £8,000 and 10,000 [£43,500-54,400] for industrial use but only £1,000-2,000 [£5,400-10,900] with no planning permission.

Eight months later, in November 1976, PCC agreed "to negotiate a price with Atkinson's Garage for the use of part of the playground for storing cars." Presumably the access issues which had made it unsuitable as a church car park centred on a regular flow of vehicles in and out of the site, whereas a car storage depot would have much less traffic. In January 1977 PCC agreed to rent a third of its part of the playground (furthest from the ramp) to Atkinson's for £500 [£2,400] a year, and Atkinson's agreed to fence off their space. At that time permission to use the ramp for access was still awaited from the owner of the eastern part of the playground (where the Pre-School now is).

A new contract to rent the space to Glanfield Lawrence was signed in April 1978, and by July they had erected the fence and were storing cars there. Glanfield Lawrence used their part of the playground for at least four years, accepting rent rises set by PCC. In 1978 the rent was £500 [£2,400] a year; by 1981 it had risen to £600 [£1680] a year; in 1982 it was £1,000 [£2,600] a year.

By the mid 1980s the church's need for accessible car parking was increasing and part of the playground was no longer being used to store vehicles. Mayfair North Ltd (a wholesale supplier of cigarettes and tobacco) owned the ramp, the eastern half of the playground, and the single-storey building that would become the Pre-School, where they stored their products. They used their end of the playground - which church members had to drive across to reach the car park beyond it - to load, park and turn their delivery vans.

In November 1986 PCC was advised that "a new ramp to the car park would cost £600 [£1,570], but Mayfair North Ltd would hopefully meet 50 percent of this." The new ramp was eventually ordered in February 1988.

Concerns over the use of the church car park by non-members were raised in PCC in December 1986, and as a deterrent it was agreed to periodically check that all cars parked there had valid permit stickers, to put 'friendly' warning stickers on the windscreens of those without, and to change the 'private car park' to 'private property'. In January 1987 PCC agreed to mark out the car park into bays to make more efficient use of the available space.

By February 1988 PCC was concerned about congestion and safety in both ends of the former playground, particularly on Thursdays and Fridays when Mayfair loaded and unloaded goods. It also noted that some cars park all day without permission, and that Mayfair was wrongly giving permission for some people to park in the church car park.

PCC returned to the matter of unauthorised parking in November 1989 and, after considering wheel clamping but considering it too drastic and possibly illegal, agreed to consult the diocesan solicitors. There is no further mention of the playground and car park in the minutes of church meetings during Cyril Ashton's time.

Developing new ministries

A number of new ministries developed after the church conversion project and the Renewal Centre project, arising either directly or indirectly from them. The extra space and better facilities these projects offered were a catalyst for new ways of both serving church members and reaching out to those outside the church. Renewal was making the church more outward-facing and mission-oriented, and there was a real sense of momentum and expectation within St Thomas' that this new season would be fruitful and bring real growth, both numerically and spiritually.

Coffee Bar ministry

Recall that in the late seventies the lower lounge at the back of church had been opened mid-week as a coffee bar. With more space, better facilities and a more prominent and accessible location, the ground floor of the new Renewal Centre offered better prospects, and in March 1985 PCC gave its full support to "the further development of the coffee bar ministry" there, and agreed "to purchase a coffee-making machine costing approximately £180 [£400]."
The new coffee bar in the Renewal Centre opened in April 1985, and Rosemary Dobson (then in charge) reported to PCC on "an encouraging start on the opening day". Members of the PCC were asked to promote it, especially among their non-Christian friends, and it was agreed that the church Finance Committee would oversee the accounts. The April PCC meeting also approved expenditure of up to £1,500 [£3,250] on more suitable cookers. In June PCC agreed to run a competition to find a name for the coffee bar, and in September they discussed two names (The Granary and The Vineyard) and selected The Granary as most suitable. An external sign to promote the coffee bar, visible from Penny Street, was erected in December.

As the popularity of the coffee bar increased and more people started to use it, the need arose to review workloads and supervision of the team of volunteers. In November PCC gave Rosemary Dobson permission to recruit paid help to supervise the volunteers, particularly on Thursdays, Fridays and Saturdays which were the busiest days; the cost would be covered by the coffee bar. At the beginning of September PCC were told that Alison Kendal "had taken on the responsibility for Saturdays, also that a shopping rota had been arranged. Help was still required for Thursdays and Fridays." With an eye on increasing its 'kerb appeal', Rosemary Dobson asked PCC in April 1988 "if it might be possible to consider getting the outside of the Renewal Centre sand-blasted to improve its appearance. It was decided not to take the matter further at this stage."

By late 1989 the Granary Coffee Bar was well established, much appreciated, and providing good opportunities for attracting and engaging non-church people. It was then being managed by Dot Gosling, was open on weekdays and Saturdays, and served hot meals as well as drinks and snacks. On Sundays and evenings the room could be used for Junior Church, youth groups, large meetings and other church activities.

But the financial viability of the coffee bar was uncertain, and further questions were raised about its future after "an informal health inspection" in November, in response to which PCC was told in December that "the menu has been shortened... and [its future] will be discussed at the next meeting." At the January 1990 meeting PCC approved a budget of £15 [£25] to enable Dot Gosling to attend a course for a Basic Food Hygiene Certificate, and agreed that three of the elders should meet with her to discuss the future of the coffee bar. One option was to close it and use the room for other purposes, but PCC "re-affirmed the importance of the Coffee Bar and its valuable ministry." Other options for discussion were - "(a) better use of the kitchen, with the possibility of consulting a professional caterer; (b) consideration of a paid team (to be looked at, at a later stage); (c) possibility of putting up prices."

In February PCC had "a wide-ranging discussion about the future scale and ministry of the Coffee Bar" and agreed that "comments and questions should be directed to Mr Mansley [one of the elders] who will carefully consider the balance of ministry and commercial concerns."

Option (a) was preferred and David Ash (catering manager at St Martin's College) was invited to look at the premises and offer suggestions on better use of space and ways of improving the service. His report, which was considered by PCC in June, identified three possible ways forward - "1. Do nothing. 2. Make big changes as recommended in the report to produce a commercial venture. 3. Make sufficient changes to offer a wider menu." David Ash favoured Option 2, but PCC saw it as costly and likely to detract from the church's ministry. The Council focussed on Option 3, which would cost about £4,000 [£6,700] for new equipment (fridge, tables, dishwasher etc) and modifications to the kitchen and Room 1.

After discussing the prospects of the Coffee Bar breaking even and meeting new health regulations, it was agreed that "the planning group should seek a meeting with local officials about health regulations and then implement the 'middle way' solution as appropriate." PCC was told in July that the health officials had advised that "new regulations will be available in the autumn and also that the preparation of food is the main health issue at present. This issue can be tackled best by buying a dishwasher."

The manager outlined her vision for the Coffee Bar as "a professional activity which builds bridges with the community", but PCC agreed to put big decisions on hold until the new health regulations were known. Dot resigned in July, and PCC agreed to appoint Ann Needham to manage the coffee bar from the 12th of September 1990, emphasising that "there is no intention to downgrade the ministry offered in the Coffee Bar."

Healing Ministry

The development of ministries based in the Renewal Centre closely reflects the emerging sense of God's calling on St Thomas', as discerned particularly through the faith and vision of the Vicar and the elders.

Two specific dimensions of that vision come together clearly in the Renewal Centre project - the formation of a Christian community, and emerging ideas about a healing ministry. Both arose directly as a result of the renewal of the church and its people; both called upon key individuals to step out in faith and trust in God's guidance and provision, living out their faith by putting it into practice; and both reflect the church's sense of being called "to love and serve the Lord."

Frank and Judy Dowthwaite had moved into the upstairs flat early in 1983, while the building work was still going on, and in November PCC agreed that the church should employ Frank as a caretaker-cum-maintenance man "to give the flexibility for [him] to exercise his ministries in the Renewal Centre." Much of his time and energy during 1983 was devoted to the building project, but Frank and Judy marinaded the building in prayer over this time, preparing the ground in which effective ministries (particularly the healing ministry) could be nurtured and flourish.

In February 1984 PCC discussed the question of ministries within the Centre, and the Vicar pointed out that "there was a need to grow into ministries. Ministries would grow over a time. The next stage would pray in those to join Mr and Mrs Dowthwaite in community. This would be before the healing ministry started in earnest in the building. Rev May and Mr Livesey disagreed and said that regular ministry could start before the completion of the building and before others joined the community. This caused considerable discussion. The Vicar said that this idea was an entirely new emphasis, and not part of the original vision for the scheme as outlined in the booklet he circulated in the summer. No decisions were made."

A few months later the Vicar emphasised to the Annual Church Meeting that "there was a need to develop the healing ministry as part of the church's work." But things were to grind to a halt on that front at the beginning of October when the Vicar informed PCC that the Dowthwaites were leaving the church, before the Renewal Centre building was fully completed and before the ministries upstairs had even fully begun.

After this false start, which was a major disappointment to the church and its leadership, it would have been easy to question the vision of establishing a healing ministry in the Renewal Centre, but that did not happen. Cyril Ashton lead from the front and in mid January 1985 he proposed to PCC that he "and his family [including their four children] will move into the Renewal Centre and begin to establish the ministry there." He had thought long and hard about the idea, and spelled out the advantages and the disadvantages.

Advantages would include the fact that "ministries available within the church could be recognised and used in the Renewal Centre as the Vicar would be unable to take on any extra workload"; he could identify and deal with any problems; it would provide a platform for future ministry; and Muriel Ashton could possibly act as full-time secretary. It would also allow the new Curate and his wife to live in the Vicarage for the duration of their time here (2½ to 3 years). The main disadvantages would be that the Renewal Centre is not really suitable for the family; the healing ministry would be limited because most of the rooms would already be occupied; and extra support would be needed for tasks like washing, cleaning, and cooking.

No definite decisions were made, and PCC was asked to pray about the proposals. PCC discussed the proposals further at the beginning of February (1985) and a vote was taken, as a result of which "it was decided that the proposed move would not take place."

But that was not the end of the matter, because Frank Livesey (an ) told PCC that he and his wife Grace "were praying about the possibility of moving into the Renewal Centre themselves in September for one year. He invited prayer support from the PCC to seek the Lord's will in this matter. A day of prayer and fasting for the future work of the Renewal Centre was set aside for Wednesday 13th February [1985]."

They did move in, probably in September, but there is no record in the PCC minutes of the date. It must have been before mid 1987, because in May that year PCC agreed to reimburse the Liveseys £504 [£1,000] for the cost of installing secondary double-glazing in the upstairs rooms in the Centre, and at the beginning of June they answered questions from PCC about their developing ministry. They reported that "the upstairs rooms are a family home with three adults at present living with them. Occasionally there are other over-night visitors. At present the emphasis is on a prayer ministry." The Vicar thanked them and the PCC prayed for them and their ministry, which by then had grown into a mixture of community, caring, praying and healing.

The healing ministry was not confined to the Renewal Centre. At the Annual Church Meeting in 1985 the Vicar had "encouraged the use of the gifts of the Spirit when visiting in the parish, particularly praying for healing where opportunities arose. With the opening of Manna House [described below] the healing ministry to mentally handicapped children and their families would be developing further."

In March 1986 PCC had "a useful time of open discussion on the ministry of healing in the church. Out of this it was generally felt that the church needed to grow in the exercise of the gift of healing, particularly to the use of words of knowledge which needed to be more specific." The Vicar told the Annual Church Meeting in 1987 that

" _healing through the services and the development and growth of individuals is pleasing, people being more ready to pray with one another. The ministry upstairs in the Renewal Centre is different to what was expected but more a ministry of daily prayer and praying for the ministry of the church."_

The Christian healing ministry in the Lancaster area at this time was not confined to St Thomas'.

PCC was told in April 1986 that "Ellel Grange was about to be developed as a centre for healing ministry." Ellel Grange is an imposing country house and garden just south of Galgate, which was built in 1860 by a wealthy Liverpool merchant whose family lived there until 1980. It was then run as a health farm for six years, before being bought in October 1986 for nearly half a million pounds [£1 million] and turned into Ellel Ministries, a non-denominational healing retreat headed by Peter Horrobin. In July PCC had invited Peter Horrobin, who had previously worshipped at St Thomas', "to talk about the initiative to provide a Centre for Christian healing, counselling and training at Ellel Grange. He explained something of the progress of the project, finance, vision and future plans." The project was to be financed through gifts and loans, and in October PCC agreed to hold a Gift Day for Ellel Grange on Sunday the 26th of October. PCC was told in November that the retiring collection had raised nearly £800 [£1,740]. Through time Ellel Ministries expanded and became the nucleus of an international healing ministry (Ellel Ministries), with centres in twenty countries.

By the beginning of 1989 Chris Dobson (the Anglican chaplain at the Royal Lancaster Infirmary) and his wife Rosemary had joined the Liveseys in the upstairs flat. At the PCC meeting on the 30th of January Rosemary "shared the exciting developments in the Renewal Centre ministry and how the Lord has been changing lives." She reported that the Centre was then relatively full, prayer was needed for wisdom over who comes in, and donations of clothing and books would be appreciated. PCC prayed for the visitors, leaders and helpers in the Centre.

The ministry faced a second serious setback when PCC was told at the beginning of March 1989 that "Frank and Grace Livesey have left the Centre. Chris and Rosemary Dobson will continue there for another year. They urgently need others to share the ministry with them. It was agreed that those who participate in this ministry would not be asked to pay rent, with immediate effect."

A further season of team rebuilding began, and in late April Chris Dobson told PCC that "the Renewal Centre staff [Chris and Rosemary Dobson and Sue Hunt] are looking to expand their team of helpers. The Dobsons have offered to live in the Centre until Spring 1990." For reasons that are not recorded the Dobsons must have moved out of the Centre some time after April, because the minutes of the October 1989 PCC meeting state that they "are once more living in the Centre and would appreciate our prayers and commitment. The church needs to pray for a couple to take over next Easter."

A number of factors lay behind the decisions of the first three 'host' couples to move out of the Renewal Centre, including fatigue (which the Vicar referred to in the January 1990 PCC meeting as "the run-down of workers"), the shortage of resident co-workers, and in at least one case (the Dowthwaites) a sense that the process of charismatic renewal was not being allowed to develop far enough and fast enough. There may also have been a sense that the healing ministry was, for whatever reasons, not evolving as some had initially hoped and prayed it would.

By the end of 1989 things were coming to a head, and that December the Vicar asked PCC "to pray about the direction of the ministry upstairs before the next meeting. The original vision had been for long- and short-term care. Other possibilities now are meeting gaps in the provision of community needs and further space for children's work." There is more than a hint in this of 'mission drift', by which a project progressively drifts away from its original core purpose as it adapts to changing circumstances. This prospect is underlined by the fact that the Vicar pointed out that "the development of the [healing] ministry at Ellel Grange may be relevant when we review our priorities."

In January PCC was informed that the Dobsons would be leaving the Centre at Easter, and after much discussion "the general feeling was that the practicalities of running upstairs - ie weekend cover, expenses - should be considered more fully before placing another couple or couples." Notwithstanding the heavy burdens placed on the key leaders of the Centre ministry, PCC noted that "the past year had been very fruitful and the work done amazing. Prayer and continued reflection was decided upon..."

The need to resolve some of these issues was underlined to PCC in early February, when it was reported that the Centre would possibly be empty from Easter. One issue discussed then was the need "to make a choice between either responding to all who came or deciding on a specific ministry. A possible way forward is to have a couple or family live upstairs, with pastoral care provided by others. Students interested in learning about ministry could also live in." PCC agreed on the need for further prayer, reflection and discussion about the Renewal Centre ministry.

By the end of the 1980s the Renewal Centre ministry was having to adapt to changing circumstances. There was pressure on space because the needs for office space in the building had changed since it was designed. By March 1990 an office was needed for the newly appointed Youth Pastor Brian McConkey, and PCC agreed to allocate one of the upstairs rooms for that purpose. One or two of the rooms were also made available on Sundays for use by the Pathfinders (youth ministry for 10-13 year olds). By this time, too, thought was being given to taking on two or three postgraduate students who would live in the Centre and work part-time for the church but, as PCC noted, "it was felt unwise to put them in without a host family", the Dobsons having left and the Centre by then only being staffed at certain periods of the day and night.

The need was also recognised to provide appropriate training in support of the ministries envisaged in the Centre, and to that end the Vicar and Sally Pidd (a professional psychologist) had started to explore "the possibility of offering counselling courses after Easter to those intending to be involved in the upstairs ministry."

Interest was growing in engaging students in the upstairs ministry, and PCC was told in April that "the Vicar is following up various possibilities and has talked to a few students about being involved. Plans for training courses are being developed." In early June it was informed that "two students have accepted invitations to share in the ministry for a year from October, with the church paying subsistence costs and pocket money. Mr McConkey [the Youth Pastor] will prepare a budget and training programme for the July meeting."

The two students were Esther Wright and Paul Sweeting, and it was agreed in July that they would start their voluntary work in the Centre in October. Paul went on to be ordained and served as Priest in Charge at Christ Church Cathedral (2003-06) in the Falkland Islands before returning to the UK in 2006 as teacher-chaplain at Sedbergh School.

Just when the healing ministry appeared to be on the verge of major change if not total collapse, an American couple - Steve and Rujon Morrison - with extensive experience of the healing ministry contacted Cyril Ashton and told him they sensed that God was calling them to come and minister at St Thomas'.

PCC was told on the 4th of June 1990 that the Morrisons had recently visited Lancaster and met the elders and Renewal Centre leaders, and the Vicar "had discussed their possible contribution to our church with their pastor. Their work would probably be to train others to care for people with addiction problems, using the Renewal Centre. The American church will meet before long to decide about funding Steve and Rujon."

PCC unanimously agreed that the church, through the Vicar, should invite them to come and work with us. The invitation was sent and accepted, their American church agreed to cover most of their costs, and PCC was advised in July that the Morrisons were expected to arrive in Lancaster some time during August.

PCC had also agreed in June that "it is desirable for Rev and Mrs Ashton, and possibly a third person of their choice, to visit the American church. A retiring collection could be used to raise their fares", although the Council was told the following month that "there are no plans at present for our representatives to visit."

Despite the numerous changes in personnel over the previous four years, PCC noted in July 1990 that it "sees the Lord's guidance in the many recent changes in the Renewal Centre building, both upstairs and downstairs." PCC also heard at that meeting that Frank and Grace Livesey had expressed an interest in returning to the Centre (though there is no evidence that they actually did return), and was advised that "the management of the Centre continues to be the responsibility of the elders, who will take decisions as necessary." The minutes of the October 1990 PCC meeting record that "a small group is working with Steve and Rujon" Morrison; this included Paul and Esther, and three recent graduates, on a short-term basis.

By early 1991 progress was being made in developing the training programme for those involved in the upstairs ministry, including Paul and Esther. PCC was told in February that "this is going forward in stages and encouraging progress has been made. The initial stages have been directed towards women. Addiction issues will follow. A report by Rujon Morrison is under preparation and it is expected that the PCC will appreciate reading it."

PCC was given an update on the healing ministry in the Renewal Centre in March, which noted that "a number of groups have started. Training for counselling and Ministry Gift Days both continue. Rujon Morrison is encouraged by progress. Roger and Gwen have left the Centre. A new host couple would enhance the Centre's ministry." Brian McConkey reminded PCC in July that Paul and Esther were about to complete their training, and it was agreed "to make gifts to show our appreciation of their many contributions to parish life.... [and] that Brian and the elders would take all decisions about training volunteers for 1991-2."

Prayer ministry

As the church was increasingly touched and blessed by renewal its leaders and members were increasingly aware of their dependence on prayer. The building projects and the new and emerging ministries (particularly evangelism, renewal and healing) were underpinned by regular corporate and personal prayer.

At the PCC meeting in October 1983 "several members... underlined the essential nature of prayer. The Vicar said that it was his intention to go ahead with the month of prayer in January. During this time the whole church would meet at least twice a week for prayer. All the church organisations would close down for the month to enable this to occur. Regular morning prayer meetings would also be introduced." In December the Vicar said that "the month of prayer would begin on 9th January and end on the 1st February. There would be a prayer meeting five nights a week." He emphasised his belief "that the blessings would stop if prayer was not evident in the church's life."

After the 1984 Month of Prayer the Vicar told PCC in February that "it was his intention to hold a similar event each year." Some members of PCC felt that "weeks of prayer at several times during the year would be a good idea", and in December the Vicar told PCC that he and the elders had agreed that "three separate weeks of prayer would be better than a full month." PCC agreed, and weeks of prayer in 1985 were planned to start on the 7th of January, 15th of April and 2nd of September.

Subsequent PCC minutes record that weeks of prayer were held in January 1986, April 1986, September 1988, January 1989, and January 1990. A special Day of Prayer for the Decade of Evangelism was arranged for the 30th of November 1990, when the church was open all day and three short services were held.

Ministry to children

St Thomas' had had a Sunday School long before Cyril Ashton arrived, but children's work was one of the areas of new ministry that flourished under his leadership. In November 1978 PCC was told that there were about fifty children in the primary department and thirty in the junior department of Junior Church, with one leader for each.

The Vicar was keen to increase the number of families who worshipped at and were ministered to by the church, and he saw Baptism and Confirmation as important 'rites of passage' for individuals. As he spelled out to PCC in June 1978

" _there is no problem about Baptism for children of Christians who are members of our church. Others who ask for Baptism for their children are encouraged to come to services for a period. Careful Baptism instruction is given in the home. After the Baptism, regular visits are made and the family encouraged to worship together. Some families who have shown little commitment with the first child have asked for Baptism of a second child. They are encouraged to come for a 'thanksgiving' service and to attend over a period in order to show some readiness to work out in practical terms the promises they want to make. Confirmation again provides no problem for Christian families. But for others it is to be encouraged at an age when the person concerned has made his or her own commitment to Christ and in adults who are regular members of our fellowship even though they came originally from another denomination."_

The first book Cyril Ashton wrote, in 1986, was called _Baptism: The Promise of God_ , which underlines the importance he attached to it.

A commitment to catering for the needs of young families is also evident in the agreement by PCC in January 1980 "to set up a crèche in the [downstairs] lounge [in church] on Sunday mornings for the duration of the sermon."

Young child-care opportunities were later extended to mid-week days; PCC was told in December 1986 that on "Mondays and Thursdays crèche was open for children of families who were church members, Wednesdays crèche was open for any child but with the proviso that the parent attended the 'downstairs' fellowship meeting. There were at present eighteen children attending on a regular basis and seven on the waiting list."

The forerunner of today's children's holiday activities was the Holiday Club, first proposed to PCC in June 1980 by Mike Pidd and planned for the last week in August. He said the aims were "to bring children to Christ, feed them into Junior Church where their faith could be encouraged, to reach their families and to provide an enjoyable time for the children." Despite practical challenges, particularly with the constraints of the venue, "the Vicar promised the church's backing for the scheme and finance for advertising etc was agreed to."

In early September Mike reported back to PCC that "ninety-five children had attended and been involved in a range of activities run by a team of twenty. Things had gone very well but improvements for future attempts were certainly possible. Eleven children had asked for Bible Study Notes at the end of the week. Over a third of the children attending had not been from Junior Church and they were being followed up by Junior Church and the Visitors. The total cost had been less than £50 [£156]." In March 1981 PCC agreed to run another Holiday Club during the last week of August, but there was no Club in 1982 and no trace of any during the rest of the eighties.

The successful Children's Missions in 1987 and 1991 were described earlier.

Ministry to youth

St Thomas' also had a long history of youth ministry, stretching back at least as far as 1937 when John Dart was welcomed by the Vicar of the day (Samuel Latham) as "a great help and [for] his enthusiasm for his work amongst the young people".

Cyril Ashton led a discussion in PCC about youth work in October 1978, in which he stressed "the importance of the family unit in young people's work." Mid-week youth ministry was buoyant - about fifteen youngsters, mostly Christians, attended the Young People's Fellowship (YPF) regularly, led by four leaders, and it was hoped to integrate them into housegroups. There were Boys' Brigade and Girl Guides groups meeting weekly. On Sundays there were about twelve regulars attending the first year Pathfinder group and twenty in the second year group. Frank Dowthwaite reported to PCC in May 1979 that "nearly all the YPF were now attending church, and he asked for them to be made especially welcome."

Youth work continued to develop, although there are few references to it in the minutes of PCC meetings over the next four years.

The growth of youth ministries was facilitated by volunteers from church, but in November 1983 the Vicar asked PCC "to pray about employing Miss Tina Long as a full-time Youth Worker in the church. She would be interviewed by the elders in the near future." The following month PCC agreed that the church should employ her for a renewable period of one year; "her board and lodging would be paid by the church and she would be given a sum for spending money." These were similar terms to those under which Veronica Nobbs had been employed as Parish Worker nearly eight years earlier. The Vicar was able to tell the Annual Church Meeting in April 1984 that Tina Long was by then working full-time in St Thomas' as a Youth Worker.

The need to make it possible for the youth to experience ministry beyond church was recognised, and PCC was happy to subsidise trips to a number of events around the country. For example, in June 1982 it agreed that several of the Youth Leaders should take part the Deanery Youth Weekend in September, and that October it agreed to subsidise the price of tickets to allow youth from church to attend a performance by the Riding Lights drama company (based in David Watson's church in York) in St Martin's College in November. In June 1984 it agreed to subsidise a Pathfinders' trip to hear Billy Graham at Anfield in July, as part of his _Mission England_ crusade, and in March 1986 it agreed to subsidise the cost of a number of young people going to the Kingdom Faith Christian camp in Peterborough that summer.

PCC also agreed to subsidise a Youth Weekend in May 1986 at Kinmel Hall - a Grade II listed chateau-style building near Abergele in North Wales which at the time was a Christian conference and retreat centre, where (as we shall see) three St Thomas' Church Weekends Away were based between 1989 and 1991. PCC was told later in May that "the fellowship had been very good, several youngsters had made commitments." In March 1987 PCC agreed to give financial support to another Youth Weekend at Kinmel Hall and a youth group to attend Kingdom Faith, as in 1986, and in January 1990 it agreed to pay for seven of the youth to attend Riding Lights performances at Morecambe Superbowl, where they volunteered to be stewards.

Outreach was another important part of the youth ministry, and Richard Eglese gave an update on youth work to PCC in September 1986 in which he emphasised "the growing popularity of the Saturday night coffee bar [in the Renewal Centre] and its potential for outreach to the teenagers in the city" and PCC voiced concern about "the large number of children wandering the streets of the town, especially at weekends, and our need to form some links and contacts with them. Various ideas were suggested including - outside help from Capernwray Hall, special events every month, school missions."

The church also supported a member of the congregation, Steve Donald, who was employed by The Warehouse Centre (a charity based in Carnforth) to do evangelism in local schools. This was the forerunner of the NISCU (Northern Inter-School Christian Union) school worker system.

In July 1982 PCC were told that "The Warehouse were in some financial difficulty and the Vicar suggested that the church contribute towards paying Mr Donald. [It was agreed] that the church pay the Warehouse a minimum of £500 [£1,300] per annum in monthly Standing Orders towards the cost of employing Mr Donald." When PCC was told in April 1983 that "no other church in Lancaster supports Mr Donald" it agreed to increase its giving to support Steve Donald to £1,750 [£4,340] a year, to be reviewed annually. In April 1987 it agreed to send a gift of £250 [£510] to Steve and his wife Gloria; no reason is given in the minutes, but it looks like a farewell gift.

Youth Pastor

As the youth work expanded and new opportunities opened up, the Vicar reported to PCC in November 1987 that "the elders believe the church should seek to appoint a full-time youth leader able to train other youth workers and to develop an evangelistic ministry. This idea was greeted with enthusiasm by the PCC." PCC was reminded that expanding youth activities would require more space, and was told the following month that a Youth Pastor would probably cost more than £10,000 [£20,600] a year.

Undaunted by the challenges, PCC pressed ahead with making plans. In March 1988 it prayed about "the decision to have and the ministry of a Youth Pastor", agreed to make an appointment that year and to ask the church to pray about the person and finances, and agreed that whilst youth activities would have first call on the person's time they would also be involved in evangelism. The following month PCC was told that a job description had been circulated in church and the church was now praying about the situation. Questions were raised about "how the Curate's responsibilities related to outreach and whether the money might not better be used for mission support" but "there was general agreement that the Youth Pastor post is high priority."

In June PCC had a lengthy discussion about what the Youth Pastor would do, and "concern was expressed that too much might be expected of the person appointed - leading activities for children of all ages and training other leaders might be too much. It was agreed that priority would be given to youth work, with the hope that the Youth Pastor would also contribute to Junior Church and training." A job description had been drawn up, and it was agreed to advertise the post locally and not spend money on national adverts "without further discussion at the PCC."

No suitable local candidates had emerged by early July, when PCC agreed "to place an advertisement early in August in the _Church of England Newsletter_ , and one in _21_ st _Century Christian_ , closing date for applications mid-September." The ads were not placed, because the Vicar told PCC in early September that "he had spoken to a promising candidate. It was agreed that the elders and youth leaders would meet the person and that the church would be reminded to pray about the selection of the right person for the post." At the beginning of October PCC was told that "the elders had met a potential candidate and reported favourably on the person's vision and experience. It was agreed that the next step would be an interview... The interview panel will report back to the PCC who would be the employer if an appointment is made. The salary could be linked to the scale for Curates. It may be possible to appoint for three years from Spring 1989."

Within a month the person was interviewed and most of the panel was happy to recommend appointment. In early November PCC noted that timing and unanimity were important and "a calling to the ministry of Youth Pastor is necessary, although this could come from the PCC." PCC was told that "the person interviewed has impressive skills, some would be unique within our church" although "it might not be easy to fit into our present pattern of youth activities." PCC was clearly not of one mind about appointing that person, and it agreed that the Vicar would "report on the PCC's discussion to the interviewee and discuss the post further", and the church "should advertise if that seemed best."

Advertisements for the Youth Pastor post were placed in the national Christian press, and by late January 1989 applications were starting to be received. In early March PCC agreed to draw up a short-list for interview, and to pay the person appointed "an annual salary of £8,000 [£14,450] plus a housing allowance of £2,000 [£3,600]." In mid April PCC were told that four people had been interviewed and were asked to pray about the final choice.

At the Annual Church Meeting in late April 1989 the Vicar reported that "a Youth Pastor, Brian McConkey, has just been appointed. He will come to Lancaster in October with his wife Sue." PCC was told in May that the search committee had been unanimous in selecting Brian, who would start work on the 1st of October. They discussed housing options "given that they [Brian and Sue] have no property to sell but want to get into the housing market." In June PCC agreed to pay relocation fees and legal expenses for the McConkeys to purchase a house in Lancaster, and the following month, having heard that they had bought a house in Garnett Street, agreed to offer Brian the opportunity to start on the 1st of September.

Funding for the post was also discussed and PCC was told that "the church will need to give about an extra £12,000 [£21,650] per annum to finance the post". It agreed to publicise this through the church newsletter and housegroups, encouraging church members to revise and covenant their regular giving.

Brian McConkey set to work without delay, and at the beginning of October PCC were told that he had "formed a small youth liaison group. He is helping our younger members to organise a lunch on Sunday 3rdDecember in the Renewal Centre to raise funds for Third World Development." The following month PCC was advised that "it now seems likely that the Bishop of Blackburn will 'licence' our Youth Pastor, and then the Church Commissioners will take on the responsibility for his pension."

PCC agreed to a request from Brian to send some young people to a diocesan weekend, and to fund the cost of him attending a national conference of evangelists in December. The following November (1990) PCC agreed a budget of £45 [£75] to allow young people to attend another diocesan weekend at Scargill.

In February 1990 PCC gave Brian permission to arrange an evangelistic youth concert in church, with a band playing; it was told in June that 250 people had attended and the event had covered its costs.

Late Evening Service

In the early 1990s some Anglican Churches in the UK were starting to experiment with the format of their services, seeking ways of reaching out and engaging young people in particular. One such church was St Thomas' Crookes in Sheffield, where a youth pastor named Chris Drain had started a late Sunday evening service - the 9 O'clock Service - with an emphasis on different audio-visual experiences (including light shows and club-type music), using icons (like lighted candles) as focal points for silent prayer and reflection, and sermons on themes relevant to young people. That service was proving very popular and it attracted a growing number of previously unchurched people into church; some observers saw it as a possible model for the future.

Brian McConkey was interested in starting a late evening service at St Thomas' and he visited the Sheffield service at the beginning of 1991. He described it to PCC in February as "impressive", told them about meetings he had had "with people who run late services", and reassured PCC that "our priority must be to keep the whole church informed about our own plans and activities."

He reported back to PCC at the beginning of June on progress with planning a Late Evening Service at St Thomas', "asked for prayer about the musical contributions", and announced that a trial run in church was planned for the 9th of June. On the 1st of July he told PCC that the trial "had been satisfactory and another was planned. Information had been circulated to other churches in Lancaster and to the Bishop of Blackburn. The first service will be held on September 8th."

Cyril Ashton left St Thomas' in Easter 1991, and the rest of the Late Evening Service story is told in the next chapter.

While he was still working full-time at St Thomas' Brian McConkey trained part-time for the ministry at the Carlisle Diocese Training Institute (1992-95). He was ordained deacon in 1995 and priest in 1996, and served as Curate at St Gabriel's, Blackburn (1995-98) and Diocesan Youth Officer (1999-2004) before becoming Vicar of Christ Church, Fulwood (2004-present) and Diocesan Vocations Team Co-ordinator (2006 to present) and Chaplain of Preston College (2005-09).

Ministry to students

Recall that the church had tried to reach out to students in the mid-sixties, when the University of Lancaster and St Martin's College were established, with apparently little success. By the late seventies it had started a student hospitality scheme, which amongst other things involved organising a meal in the Renewal Centre for students at the start of each academic year.

In January 1980 the Vicar told PCC that "whilst retaining the students' welcome back meal at the beginning of the academic year in September, it would be a good idea to replace the welcome meal in subsequent terms with another scheme. Instead of the students being entertained en masseat the church they would be invited in groups of two or three into family homes for a meal." That new pattern seemed to continue for a number of years. PCC was told in September 1987 that "many people have befriended students without recourse to the organised activities... [and] students might be able to contribute to various activities such as Pathfinders."

The church was also keen to support the student's own ministries, and in November 1986 it responded positively to a request for prayer and financial support for "an outreach mission" being planned at the university. It did the same for a mission held at the end of January 1991.

Ministries to people on the margins

Like most churches, St Thomas' has long acknowledged its responsibility to look out for and minister to people on the margins of society, and we see examples of this during Cyril Ashton's time.

A concern for the poor lies at the heart of the gospel, and the church has long been committed to playing its part, locally, nationally and internationally. The Vicar discussed ways of helping the poor with PCC in October 1987, including through "twinning with deprived urban churches, helping the Third World via Trade Craft, using the Vicar's Discretionary Fund for welfare purposes, and encouraging individuals within the church to share their resources. Various things were decided - 1. To possibly increase the Sick and Poor Fund; 2. To encourage people to buy through Trade Craft; 3. To encourage people who can take short-term visitors (eg of sick relatives) to place their name on the hospital list via Rev Chris Dobson; 4. That [the Vicar] be given the names of anyone felt to be in need of material help (financial or otherwise)."

The following month PCC agreed "not to change the sum allocated to the Sick and Poor Fund, instead the Vicar will request any funds from [the Church Treasurer]." By then the idea of twinning St Thomas' with a parish in Blackburn was being actively explored, as we saw in Faith in the City earlier in this chapter.

Although it was never a core ministry at St Thomas', the church was happy to support an Unemployed Project Scheme that was launched in Lancaster in May 1982. PCC was told in November 1981 that it would be based at Westham Street Mission (a Methodist building situated in the parish), overseen by Rev John Mullineaux, and provide "a centre for the unemployed... to give advice, information on legal rights, and recreation." They were looking for financial support and volunteers to help in the scheme, and PCC welcomed it and asked to be kept informed developments.

Lancaster has long had a shortage of accommodation for homeless people, and at times the church explored ways of helping to meet that need. In November 1980, for example, PCC considered setting aside a room in the Renewal Centre for what the minutes described as "vagrants", and when in December 1984 it considered converting the disused school toilet block on Victoria Place as "a Night Shelter for 'gentlemen of the road'" it agreed that "prayer is needed to see whether it is right for the church to undertake such a project."

Other opportunities to support the homeless opened up elsewhere in town, and in December 1986 PCC was advised that a house on Portland Street was about to open for this purpose. Further details were given to PCC in January - Lancaster City Council had provided the house (52 Portland Street) and £3,000 [£6,180] towards the cost of refurbishing it, and a further £2,000 [£4,150] would be needed and would have to be raised from other sources. The Night Shelter Committee was seeking individuals to become involved in the project in a support role, and Peter Hopwood agreed to liaise with them and offer the church's support and its gift of £200 [£410]. The donation was gratefully received and PCC was told in early February that a total of £1,000 [£2,060] had been raised and work on the building was progressing.

Some individuals from church also visited prisoners in the Castle Prison. In June 1980 PCC was told that two members of the church "had met with the governor and Rev [Chris] Sparks the prison chaplain, and there were no objections.... The Vicar asked everyone to pray about the work."

Manna House - Ministry to people with disabilities

A new ministry began at St Thomas' in 1984 when Andrew and Linda Hancock, two members of the congregation who had a son with physical disability, sensed a call to set up a ministry in Lancaster with "mentally handicapped" children. They outlined their vision of establishing "a residential home for the Christian care of the mentally handicapped" to PCC in July 1984. The minutes of that meeting record that "the PCC was interested but posed many practical questions concerning finance, insurance, staffing, medical cover, housing and links with social services."

Things moved quickly, and in September PCC were told that "the Hancocks were in the midst of selling their house and buying another on Westbourne Road." The following month PCC "welcomed the scheme in general and agreed to consider the matter further after a meeting of the Finance Committee." To help the church better understand what "the Christian care of the mentally handicapped" would involve, David Potter - a specialist in the field - gave a talk about it on the 10th of October, which PCC was advised in November "had been useful and well attended." The Hancocks completed the purchase of what they would call Manna House at the end of November 1984.

PCC was willing to help with the cost of buying, converting and running Manna House. In January 1985 the Vicar proposed that "the money held in trust for the purchase of a Curate's House should be released and given to Manna House to pay off the mortgage, probably in the form of a three-year loan." As we have seen, a new Curate's House was bought early that year (for Grant Ashton) making the money unavailable for the Manna House project. In February PCC discussed offering the Hancocks an interest-free loan of £2,000 [£4,480], £1,000 [£2,240] to be paid immediately and £1,000 to be paid on or after 5 April. It was told that "a gift of £500 [£1,120] had been given to the church for Manna House" and agreed to hold a Gift Day to raise funds for the project later in the year.

In March PCC was told that the cost of converting Manna House was estimated at between £3,500 [£7,850] and £4,000 [£8,970], and it agreed with the Vicar that "the three-year interest-free loan be made available in one payment, rather than two as previously decided." PCC also agreed to hold a Gift Day on the 19th of May, covering both Manna House and the Curate's House Fund. It set a target of £10,000 [£22,400], of which £4,000 [£8,970] would be guaranteed for the Manna House alterations (although the sum would be reduced if grants were won for the work) and £6,000 [£13,450] would be added to the £16,000 [£35,860] already available for the purchase of a Curate's House.

The vision for Manna House was that it would become a significant part of the church's growing healing ministry, and Cyril Ashton told the 1985 Annual Church Meeting that "with the opening of Manna House the healing ministry to mentally handicapped children and their families would be developing further." Two years later he told the same meeting in 1987 that "in terms of healing Manna House is a very important ministry." PCC was given an update in June 1987, noting that "Andrew and Linda Hancock are providing short-term Christian care, without charge, for four to five children during the day and two to three overnight from a group of fourteen or so children." PCC was also told that the Manna House Trust then had more than £3,000 [£6,170] in assets and was aiming to move to a larger property.

In December 1988, after Manna House had been running for four years, PCC reviewed its needs and agreed to give the Hancocks £200 [£390] as a Christmas gift and to pray about its future support and commitment.

There is more than a hint in the minutes of its January 1989 meeting that PCC was not entirely comfortable with the way in which Manna House was developing. The minutes record that "there was a lengthy discussion of how the church could help Andrew and Linda Hancock with their ministry at Manna House. Support can be provided by the church, and probably Social Services. Concern was expressed that Social Services resources were not being accepted.

It was agreed that the Vicar would communicate three decisions to the Hancocks - 1. That the PCC does not consider it right to give total financial support to the Hancocks. 2. That the PCC wishes Manna House to move closer to the Social Services. 3. A request for written details of the assistance they would like to receive from the PCC." This sense of discomfort was confirmed by the fact that PCC were told in December 1989 that "the Vicar and Messrs Dawson and Parker were no longer trustees."

There is no further mention of Manna House, the ministry, or the Hancocks in any minutes of church meetings.

Church governance and leadership

The Blackburn Diocese had been established in 1926 and was scheduled to celebrate its 50th anniversary in 1976. In October 1975 PCC was asked to consider "how this could be marked in the parish", and the following February was told that "the period of activity in the Diocese was to be from November 1976 to June 1977. In this deanery, door-to-door visitation had been suggested, with churches with more personnel helping out in other parishes."

At the beginning of November PCC was advised that "there would be a service of dedication in every church in the Diocese on November 12th", although the Vicar told PCC at the end of November that he "had been disappointed at the poor attendance at the Jubilee Service."

Women in leadership

One issue that exercised the Church of England over this period was the question of women in leadership, and the particularly thorny matter of the ordination of women. We saw at the start of this chapter that General Synod had accepted in 1975 that there were no fundamental objections to women priests, but progress in legislating for that was painfully slow. Recall that Edwin Towndrow had told the Easter Vestry Meeting in 1927 "that ladies were eligible for all offices in the church except that of clergy... and that would come".

Whilst, according to the minutes of meetings, women had been members of PCC at St Thomas' since 1929 (when Samuel Latham co-opted his wife) there is no evidence of any women preaching or leading services. Their role had largely been the traditional one of arranging the flowers, sewing kneelers and cushions, making tea and cakes, looking after stalls at the regular sales of work, leading Sunday School classes, running the choir, and providing hospitality to visitors. In 1979 the Annual Church Meeting agreed that henceforth women were eligible to serve as sidesmen.

Progress on the ordination front continued to be slow. In March 1987 John Dart summarised for PCC "the different opinions that were voiced" on the matter at a recent meeting of the General Synod, of which he was then a member. Three years later, as the debate gathered pace, in March 1990 PCC agreed to invite two women deacons "to come and share their thoughts with the church and establish an evening of debate."

Patronage

Another historic aspect of governance was patronage, the right of an individual or organisation to nominate the next incumbent for a vacant living. Recall that the patronage of St Thomas' was originally owned by Elizabeth Salisbury (1841-51), then bought by Colin Campbell (1851-56), inherited by his son Colin Campbell (1856-1896), and given in 1896 to the Church Pastoral Aid Society (CPAS) who have retained it since.

In July 1979 PCC was told that "there was a Benefices Measure currently going through Synod which would alter the system. Each parish would have the chance to keep its present patron or to have a new system whereby the PCC chose two representatives who would, along with the Bishop, select the next incumbent. This would give the Bishop a lot of power. If CPAS patronage was abandoned then it would be irreversible. Rev Ashton said the Bishops would change but the CPAS provided continuity and safeguarded the evangelical tradition.... It was stated that the decision on whether to retain the CPAS patronage would have to be made by a meeting of all on the electoral roll within four months of the Measure being passed at Synod."

The trail then goes cold for more than two years, until January 1982 when PCC was given further details of the possible changes associated with the Benefices Measure, which would -

" _scrap the patronage system and replace it with two alternative options, known as Scheme A and Scheme B. Scheme A is a much-reformed version of the present system. When a vacancy occurs the selection of the person to be presented to the benefice would still be made by the Patron but the role of the PCC is extended. They submit a report on the conditions, needs and traditions of the parish and submit this to the Patron and Bishop. The PCC then appoints two lay representatives who meet with the Patron and the Bishop. Both Bishop and PCC have to agree to the Patron's nomination if he is to receive the living. Scheme B is very different. As with Scheme A the PCC submit a report to the Bishop and select two representatives. However those representatives then meet with the Bishop or his representative, and a fourth selector from the Diocesan Pastoral Committee or Diocesan Synod. All four selectors must agree before an offer of presentation can be made. If the Benefices Measure is passed, each parish must decide within 12 months which scheme to adopt. The decision should be made by all lay persons on the electoral roll, and clergy beneficed or licensed to the parish. A simple majority would be needed to choose Scheme A, but a 2/3 majority needed to choose Scheme B. The choice of Scheme can be reconsidered after five years."_

PCC was advised that CPAS, the church's patrons, "hold a list of evangelical clergy from across the country, and endeavour to place them in the right parish. The Vicar said that the benefit of CPAS was that they worked nationally, whilst the Bishop tended only to know clergy within his own diocese. The choice of a new incumbent was therefore limited." After a discussion of the pros and cons of each Scheme "the PCC were generally in favour of Scheme A."

The following month PCC was told that "Deanery Synod had rejected all proposals to alter patronage in the Church of England."

Leadership

As the church grew busier, with its outreach and evangelism programme, major building programmes, and emerging ideas about other new ministries, it became clear that it need more and better leadership, and more full-time workers.

In March 1977 Cyril Ashton shared with PCC "his thoughts about the part of leaders in the ministry of the church." He stressed the importance of praying together and of contacting and caring for new people coming into church, floated the idea of an eldership scheme and discipleship groups, and suggested that families might share the cost of full-time workers. He told PCC that "the pressure on him had led him to realise that the leadership needed to be extended, possibly with an eldership scheme."

Elders neither were nor are common in the Anglican Church, and at this time neither was the idea of housegroups or local discipleship groups. Both suggestions were breaking new ground but both were adopted - the first housegroups began that November, and the eldership scheme was launched in 1978 after a year of prayer and discussion.

In March 1979 "after a lengthy discussion [PCC] agreed unanimously that extra ministry was needed in the parish." As we have seen, Dawn Backhouse was employed as a full-time Parish Worker between September 1979 and March 1982, after a two year gap after Rebecca Kenyon worked as a lay assistance for a year.

There was great sadness in church at the beginning of 1981 on the death of Mark Airey, who had served as a Churchwarden for nearly thirty years. In early January the Vicar shared with PCC "his gratefulness to God for the life of Mark Airey.... He would be greatly missed. Members of the PCC joined the Vicar in deep gratitude to God for his work in the church and for his witness as a person." His widow gifted to the church a portable font in his memory.

PCC continued to be the primary decision-making body within the church, and in April 1975 it agreed to increased its membership to twenty-two the following year. In April 1983 it discussed restricting the period that individuals could hold a specific office in the church, such as Churchwarden or member of PCC, to three years on the grounds that "this would give the opportunity to spread experience and develop the talents of others. It would also enable office holders to have a break from office." That was generally thought to be a good idea, but there is no record of it being adopted around that time.

Recall that in April 1950 PCC did not accept the Vicar Harold Wallwork's suggestion of a three year term for PCC members.

The Vicar and PCC placed great store of praying through important matters before making decisions and on spending time together both socially and in fellowship, and PCC Quiet Days were organised at Capernwray Hall near Carnforth or Littledale Hall near Quernmore in June many years; minutes of PCC meetings record such Quiet Days in 1975, 1976 (June and October), 1977, 1978, and 1980. PCC reviewed the June 1978 Quiet Day the following month, and "among matters mentioned was the openness and caring which was possible on the day. There had been discussion about worship, eldership, and what it meant to have 'peace' in spite of the challenge to go on with the Lord."

Eldership

Cyril Ashton first shared his ideas with PCC for an eldership scheme in April 1967 and two weeks later, at the Annual Church Meeting, he explained "in some detail the duties of elders in the church. He stated that the wardens and probably the deputy wardens would be in the eldership team."

In March 1979 Cyril Ashton outlined to PCC "the history of the development of leadership in the church and how this had led on to the present eldership scheme. There was some discussion about the outworking of this, and how the eldership could be developed further. Later it would be necessary to decide whether elders would continue to be elected by the church, or chosen by some other method. The relationship between the PCC and the elders would need to be worked out."

The following month he "reviewed the situation to date and stated that so far eldership had been linked with administrative office (eg wardens). At this stage more elders were needed, and it was suggested this time they would be distinct from office. Elders would be appointed by the Vicar with the concurrence of the present eldership and with the approval of the PCC. At this stage elders would be from the PCC and so appointments would be made after the Annual Parochial Meeting. This would be a stage in the development of the system and should be reviewed annually. The team of elders would have the Vicar presiding and could include women. The following points were to be considered by PCC -

_1._ Responsibility of elders _:_

(1) Oversight: Acts 20: 28

(2) Rule: 1 Timothy 5: 17 and 1 Peter 5: 2

(3) Preaching and teaching: 1 Timothy 5: 17 and 1 Timothy 3: 2

(4) Evangelism: 2 Timothy 4: 5 and 1 Timothy 3: 7

(5) Pastoral care: 1 Peter 5: 2 and Hebrews 13: 17

(6) Defending the truth: Titus 1: 9 and 2 Timothy 1: 14

(7) Healing: James 5: 14.

_2._ Women elders _: see Ephesians 5, Genesis 2 and 1 Corinthians 11: 9. See also Let My People Grow by Michael Harper; I Believe in the Church by David Watson; Romans 16: 1-6 and 1 Timothy 3: 11._

_3._ Maturity and age _: 1 Timothy 3_

The scheme was approved by the PCC for discussion at the Annual Parochial Meeting after teaching in the church."

Cyril Ashton had clear views about how the eldership system should work, as he explained to PCC in early May 1979. When choosing new elders, for example, "he believed that both the elders and the PCC should be unanimous of their identity" after much prayer. He said he was comfortable with "some overlap between the elders and the PCC because both had spiritual and administrative sides", pointing out that "the emphasis of the PCC tends to be on administrative matters while the elders concentrate on spiritual matters. [He] described how the elders discussed areas of tension in the church and the teaching and preaching needs." He then moved on to "the question of unanimity amongst the elders. Whilst this should be expected on basic doctrine there was room for disagreement on secondary matters.... the elders were unanimous after deciding on a matter."

The matter of unity of mind when appointing new elders was very important. In June 1979, for example, after pointing out the need for more elders, the Vicar told PCC that they "should wait on the Lord together so that all would be led to recognising two individuals", and although "the elders had two names on their hearts as possibilities... the time was not yet right to reveal them or decide on them."

As the eldership system evolved, the Vicar told PCC in June 1979 that it was "moving to a closer relationship in which one particular elder would have oversight over a particular group in the church. This would not necessarily involve him in the activities of the group but would involve ministry in relationships in the group."

The novelty of eldership in an Anglican Church is underlined by the fact that the St Thomas' experience is described by John Gunstone in his 1982 book _Pentecostal Anglicans_. He wrote (p.194) of how the church -

" _has a leadership team based on eldership, which has grown up over the last few years.... The nine elders, including the clergy and the full-time parish worker, have been appointed with the approval of the parochial church council to oversee various aspects of the congregation's life. One elder supervises the children's work; another elder the educational projects; other elders visit two or three housegroups each. The whole team meets each week to pray together and to plan their work. The elders are also members of the parochial church council."_

The system started with two elders, and as it grew the Vicar was insistent that PCC and the existing elders should pray to seek God's guidance on who should be added. Thus, for example, in July 1979 he told PCC that he had two names on his mind but the people had not yet been approached, and he "called on the PCC to continue to pray about the matter so that all would concur with the names when they were presented."

In September he proposed two people - Peter Mason and Don Binstead - to PCC as new elders, and said that "the existing eldership were unanimous on the matter and... they believed this was the mind of God on the matter." But he still suggested that PCC should have a month to pray about and talk with the individuals before coming to a decision. The PCC minutes record that "there was a suggestion that agreement on the names could be reached on the spot, but the Vicar emphasised that it was important not to hurry such an important step."

In October 1981 the Vicar called on PCC to pray about two or three new elders, after which Frank Livesey, Frank Dowthwaite and Ken Mansley were appointed. He was more direct in asking PCC to pray about two particular individuals (Mike Pidd and Jim Needham) in October 1984, after he had reported that Frank and Judy Dowthwaite were leaving the church; the two were appointed elders the following month. In September 1989 he asked PCC to pray about the selection of up to three additional elders, after which it was agreed to appoint Muriel Ashton, Peter-John Davies and Mike Norbury.

The eldership provided the Vicar with advice and wisdom, helped shaped the vision and ministry of the church, and supported the Vicar in prayer. PCC minutes are silent on the matter, but it is worth noting that there is no record of the meetings held by the eldership team or what decisions they reached, the elders were unelected by church members and were not accountable to either the PCC or the church members, and there was no time limit on how long they served. The first elders were selected from those who held church posts (such as Churchwarden) and were members of the PCC. Appointments continued to be from among the PCC, but in April 1986 the Council agreed that "for existing eldership there should be the option not to stand for PCC."

Questions had been raised in PCC in November 1981 about whether PCC was necessary with the eldership in place, and the Vicar pointed out that "the elders and the PCC had different roles in the church. Whilst the elders had general spiritual oversight, they would not have the time for the everyday running of the church. The PCC was the decision-making organisation in the church, and it would remain so."

Although the matter is not mentioned in the minutes of PCC meetings, it was possible that some members of the church (and possibly also the PCC) saw in the eldership system a spiritual hierarchy of leaders, with the elders above PCC members and the rest of the church. This is evident, for example, in the minute of the PCC meeting held in September 1979 at which Peter May and Don Binstead were proposed as new elders, after the Vicar had stated that the existing elders "believed this was the mind of God on the matter."

It is also apparent in numerous situations in which the elders, having met to discuss and pray about the matter at hand, offered PCC a firm steer in their decision-making. Examples include the fact that it was the elders who had met with the firm who owned the old school in June 1980; the elders interviewed Tina Long for the post of full-time Youth Worker in November 1983; in December 1984 the elders had agreed that three separate weeks of prayer would be better than a full month; PCC was told in December 1984 that the elders had met to discuss the question of Renewal Weekends; in October 1987 the Vicar proposed that "people seeking... financial support [to train for Christian ministry] should be encouraged to convince six of the church elders of their case to help PCC to decide who to support"; in November 1987 he told PCC that "the elders believe the church should seek to appoint a full-time youth leader able to train other youth workers and to develop an evangelistic ministry"; in November 1990 he told PCC, in a discussion about possibly having two Sunday morning services, that "a majority of the elders had concluded that it would be unwise, at present"; and in July 1991 PCC agreed that "any plans for a 1992 weekend away should be initiated by the elders."

One area where there is little doubt the eldership played an important role was in supporting and nurturing renewal. At a recent elders' weekend, the Vicar told PCC in October 1982, "the vision that developed was one of unity and the desire for more collective prayers and more evangelism." Within a month PCC was told that "the elders were meeting with Nigel Wright of Ansdale Baptist Church to further pursue the possibility of inviting a team from Yorba Linda [Vineyard Fellowship] to minister to the church." As we have seen, the visit of the Vineyard team and others would be highly influential in teaching St Thomas' about renewal, ministering to the church and its leaders, and helping shape the vision for the Renewal Ministry and Renewal Weekends and for normalising renewal within the life of the church.

Many of the elders were members of the teams that Cyril Ashton took to other churches as part of the Renewal Ministry.

Lay leadership

Cyril Ashton was a strong believer in and supporter of lay leadership in the church. He trusted, empowered and supported lay members of the congregation in taking on leadership roles, at a time when many Anglican Vicars held much more traditional views of lay members as helpers and supporters of the clergy. We see this most clearly in the elders, each of whom oversaw significant ministries at St Thomas', but we see it also in the appointment of lay Parish Workers and Youth Leaders/Pastor. It is also evident in the lay leadership of key ministries (such as the healing, visiting and outreach ministries), and in the use of elders and other lay people to preach and lead services.

Church unity

Recall that attempts to foster ecumenical co-operation, particularly between the Church of England and the Methodist Church, had been made nationally during the 1960s, back in Stanley Duthie's time as Vicar.

Whilst those had had limited success the underlying ambition had not been diminished, and the theme resurfaced in September 1977 when PCC was told that "there was to be a meeting of all church councillors in the deanery at Ripley St Thomas School on Thursday 15th September when the 'Ten Propositions for Christian Unity' would be discussed." At PCC that November, Cyril Ashton "requested sensitivity and love in our dealings with other churches' about which PCC agreed to pray and return to discuss at a later date.

The Ten Propositions for Christian Unity was proposed by the Churches Unity Commission which was set up in 1974 after the failure in 1972 of the Anglican-Methodist Unity Scheme. The Commission had eight member churches - Baptist, Church of England, Churches of Christ, Congregational Federation, Methodist, Moravian, Roman Catholic, United Reformed. The Ten Propositions were -

1. We reaffirm our belief that the visible unity in life and mission of all Christ's people is the will of God.

2. We therefore declare our willingness to join in a covenant actively to seek that visible unity.

3. We believe that this search requires action both locally and nationally.

4. We agree to recognise, as from an accepted date, the communicant members in good standing of the other covenanting churches as true members of the Body of Christ and welcome them to Holy Communion without condition.

5. We agree that, as from an accepted date, initiation in the covenanting Churches shall be by mutually acceptable rites.

6. We agree to recognise, as from an accepted date, the ordained ministries of the other covenanting churches, as true ministries of word and sacraments in the holy Catholic Church, and we agree that all subsequent ordinations to the ministries of the covenanting churches shall be according to a common ordinal which will properly incorporate the episcopal, presbyterial and lay roles in ordination.

7. We agree within the fellowship of the covenanting churches to respect the rights of conscience, and to continue to accord to all our members such freedom of thought and action as is consistent with the visible unity of the Church.

8. We agree to continue to give every possible encouragement to local ecumenical projects and to develop methods of decision-making in common.

9. We agree to explore such further steps as will be necessary to make more clearly visible the unity of all Christ's people.

10. We agree to remain in close fellowship and consultation with all the churches represented in the Churches' Unity Commission.

The Roman Catholic Church nationally only endorsed propositions 3, 8 and 9 but it supported the formation of local covenants. Discussions continued and The English Churches Covenant \- which recognised that the churches needed time to grow together before any uniting of structures might be possible - was presented to the governing bodies of each church in 1982. The General Synod of the Church of England did not vote in favour of the proposal.

PCC did return to the question of church unity, four years after the Ten Propositions were first mentioned, when in October 1981 Denis Tate (PCC Secretary) explained the background to the debate. He spoke about how

" _the present scheme envisaged eventually a covenant or contract with the Methodists, United Reformed Church, Moravians and Churches of Christ. This would involve recognising each other's ministers, and membership. There would also be joint ordinations. Two particular problems had been voiced regarding the covenant. Firstly, the high church party had disliked the violation of Episcopal ordination. None of the ministers of the other four denominations had been ordained by bishops because they do not have bishops. However, they will in future. The matter is not a major one except for those of the high church. The other problem related to women ministers. All of the other four denominations had women ministers and part of the scheme involved recognising them as equal to male ministers. This did not mean that the Church of England had to have female ministers, but it was one more move towards it. [He] pointed out that the Bible was clearly against women priests, and it might cause problems with the Catholics. However, should differences over a non-essential piece of doctrine prevent us from unity? If we feel as one in charismatic circles with Catholics who believe in papal infallibility, the problem of women priests should be a minor matter. [He] said the scheme was a poor imitation of the Spirit's work in bringing believers together, but the Spirit could use it to being real unity."_

John Dart said that "if the scheme was rejected, attempts at unity would fail for the foreseeable future", but the Vicar said that "we already have unity in the Spirit and deep fellowship with all denominations. Emphasis needs to be placed on what unity means." The PCC Secretary was asked to prepare a report on the church's view on unity and present it to the Deanery Synod, and two months later in December 1981 PCC was told that its resolution "on Unity in the Spirit had been passed [by Deanery Synod] and there was scope for further discussion of the matter."

The trail then goes cold and there is no further mention of church unity in minutes of church meetings at St Thomas' for the rest of Cyril Ashton's time.

Finance

It should be clear by now that there were great changes at St Thomas' during Cyril Ashton's time, some of which - the two big building projects in particular - required significant financial investment. That inevitably put great pressure on the church budgets, but with careful management, a great deal of prayer, and a sense of God's blessing and affirmation, all bills got paid and the church grew spiritually as well as physically over that period.

Budget

Key to the successful financial management was careful budget setting and book-keeping, and account management.

The need for better planning and more strategic decision-making is reflected in the decision by PCC in July 1977 to form a Finance Committee (the finance work had up to then having been done by the Church Treasurer) whose purpose would be "to pray about finance and to plan ahead and for specific items of expenditure, and thereby assist the Council in money matters." Three months later the PCC agreed "to pray about our giving and the church's giving. Teaching about giving would be included in the teaching programme."

Planned expenditure rose significantly over this period. There is no record in PCC minutes of what the overall spend was in the budgets or accounts during Stanley Duthie's final years, but according to the minutes of the December 1979 PCC meeting total expenditure that year was £34,398 [£128,700]. Within a decade planned expenditure for 1988, as reported to PCC in December 1987, had risen by more than half to £74,000 [£152,200]. The minutes of that meeting record that "some members commented on their difficulty in deciding how much to spend on the activities we support. The Vicar reminded the PCC that all past decisions have been taken in faith, and have been honoured by the Lord."

As we shall see, it was not uncommon for end-of-year accounts (summaries of what had actually happened) to turn out rather different to the budget agreed for the year (based on what was expected and planned). A great deal of faith was often required for the church to "keep calm and carry on", and PCC was prepared to approve deficit budgets where it was felt appropriate. We see this for example in the budget for 1989, which PCC agreed in November 1988, with an estimated income of £84,000 [£162,600] but projected expenditure of £102,750 [£199,000]. Budgeted expenditure was up nearly 40 percent on the previous year because of "special items" including repairs to the church and Vicarage, and the installation of a new sound system. In December 1989 PCC was told that the accounts for 1989 were likely to show that income covered expenditure; confident that "the Lord will provide", PCC then approved a budget for 1990 with projected expenditure of £109,460 [£197,400] against an estimated income of £86,000 [£155,000].

Balancing the budget each year was particularly challenging during a period of high inflation, as happened during the latter years of the 1970s. The Treasurer told PCC in April 1977 that income from collections "had again risen but that inflation had helped to cause a £600 [£2,900] deficit on the year".

Income

The accounts for the year ending the 31st of December 1980 give a snapshot of how things looked then. Total income was £34,398 [£128,700], which included £17,816 [£66,680] from collections in the Sunday Services, £3,753 [£14,050] from collections for Missionary Societies, and a £5,131 [£19,200] deficit made good by transfer in from PCC Reserves.

The figures for 1982 were - total income around £37,000 [£96,900] comprising £25,000 [£65,450] from Sunday collections, £5,000 [£13,100] from Standing Orders, £2,000 [£5,240] from tax refunds on covenants, £4,000 [£10,500] from special collections, and £1,000 [£2,600] from hire of the school playground.

Half the total income in 1980, and two-thirds in 1982, came through direct giving by members of the church, typically through the Sunday collections, and giving remained vitally important to the state of the church finances. Whilst the amount given usually rose from one year to the next - for example, the Annual Church Meeting in April 1976 was told that the collections had doubled over the past year - it often rose by less than expected in the budget. PCC was told in April 1982 that "giving had not increased to the degree expected", in March 1983 that it had increased by ten percent ("the best year, financially, for some time") and in March 1984 that it had more than doubled.

Sales of work, which had in previous decades provided a significant income stream, were quickly phased out after Cyril Ashton took over as Vicar. In December 1974 PCC agreed to book the Lower Town Hall for a Sale of Work planned for the following October 1975, but in March 1975 it had a change of heart and agreed "that there should be no sale of work this year but that it should be held next year." The following January "it was felt generally that it would not be right to hold a Sale of Work", and nothing more is hear about sales of work at St Thomas'. Their season had come to a close.

Although hiring out the former school playground as a vehicle storage area for a local garage produced a small income (£1,000 in 1982), in June 1988 PCC agreed "to continue its policy of not charging for the use of any part of the church premises including the Renewal Centre and the [parish] hall in Aldcliffe Road."

Raising funds for the two major building projects - the new church hall/church conversion project, and the Renewal Centre project - was a major challenge, but one the PCC and church members were willing to face. The challenge began soon after Cyril Ashton arrived, when in January 1975 fund-raising began for the church conversion project. It was to continue almost non-stop right through to 1984 when the Renewal Centre project was completed.

Stewardship and Gift Days

Key to raising such large sums of money - literally the key to unlocking financial resources within the congregation - was a Christian Stewardship

Roger Lloyd (1966 p.536) explains how this form of stewardship is based on the Parable of the Talents and an understanding that "God gives to his people all they have and all they are. To him they are responsible, and to him they must one day account for their use of his gifts. They are in fact his stewards." As Lloyd points out, a stewardship campaign - in which

" _the necessary sum of money must be found, and would be found if all of them... gave really sacrificially of what God had bestowed on them... [is] much more than an elaborate effort to raise money. It was the church becoming the Church first in the sacramental field of finance, and then in the sphere of evangelism."_

We have already seen how significant sums of money were raised by the congregation for the church conversion and Renewal Centre projects, through Christian Stewardship that involved great personal sacrifice and in many cases was a real test of faith. Gift Days and Weekends, underpinned by prayer, preparation and teaching, were the focal point of both stewardship campaigns, and both were hugely successful.

For the church conversion project, in May 1976 PCC agreed to hold a special Gift Weekend that June with a target of £12,000 [£65,300]. Members of PCC had personally pledged a total of £6,050 [£33,000], PCC was told in July that the weekend "had been a time of blessing and joy", and in September that the total amount raised had reached £14,000 [£76,200].

For the Renewal Centre project, the Annual Church Meeting in March 1983 was told that "the target of £80,000 [£198,500] for 2 years giving was being exceeded by £6,000 [£14,900]. With the recent Gift Weekend of £24,000 [£59,550] the total amount of cash available for the Renewal Centre would be in the region of £110,000 [£273,000]."

Fund raising for those two projects alone came to more than a third of a million pounds at 2010 prices. But financial planning for the church conversion project was nearly knocked off course when an Emergency Meeting of PCC in early February 1976 was told that "the promised donation [of £10,000; £62,750] in a Trust Fund had not yet materialised and neither was there concrete evidence of it yet", and PCC was told at the beginning of March 1976 that "the promised donation... had now completely fallen through and would not be available."

The value of the stewardship campaign was not just monetary. As Roger Lloyd (1966 p.536) has noted, many churches have found that

" _by a good stewardship campaign, done on the right lines, the whole corporate and spiritual life of the church was quickened, and that the campaign had all the evangelistic effects of the one-time parochial mission. It was a great power of conversion."_

This was certainly true at St Thomas' where many people gave sacrificially of their money and time, but in return found their faith deepened and strengthened as they stepped out in faith and trusted that what they were doing in the two projects was part of God's plan and was receiving God's blessings.

One important lesson from the Gift Weekends for major projects is that the money they raise probably inevitably has an impact on general regular giving, particularly given that it is mostly the same people who are contributing to both. The Treasurer (Jim Wilson) drew the attention of PCC to this in February 1982, when it agreed a deficit budget for 1982 with an expected shortfall of £10,000 [£26,200]. He pointed out that, "in cash terms this actually meant that the church reserves had had to be used to meet costs. The cause of the problem was that giving in the church was well below what had been expected. It was probable that individuals were giving to the Renewal Centre rather than to the church accounts."

From the beginning of the 1980s members of the church were encouraged to covenant their giving, by pledging a given amount per year over an agreed period (typically four years). This was a tax efficient way of giving because it allowed the church to claim back income tax that had been paid at source on the amount given. In March 1980 PCC agreed to encourage greater use of the Covenant Scheme that had been introduced at St Thomas' in 1962. It paid off, literally, because the Annual Church Meeting in April 1981 was told that the number of covenants had risen 87 percent over the year. The rate of rise was impressive but the absolute numbers remained low; PCC was told in February 1982 that "only 10 percent of giving was in covenants. If this was increased to 50 percent the church would have an extra £5,000 [£13,000] per year."

Whilst most of the income each year was raised within the church, PCC had on occasions to resort to borrowing money from the Church Commissioners. This was the case in July 1991 when they took out a loan of £14,000 from the Church Commissioners towards the cost of Vicarage repairs. Naturally loans have to be repaid and with interest, so this solution effectively simply spreads the cost of major unforeseen expenditure over a longer period.

Expenditure

Levels and patterns of spend were often quite unusual during the Cyril Ashton years because of the major building projects, which in many years put quite a strain on the budgets, but there were also regular items to be paid for.

One such item that was non-negotiable was the Diocesan Quota. In 1939 this had been £40 [£1,340] and year and by 1962 it had risen to £135 [£2,200]. By 1991, after the introduction of a new method for calculating each parish's quota, it had reached £7,800 [£12,260].

Running costs for the church buildings were difficult to forecast and budget for at times of high inflation, and as energy prices rose sharply during the late seventies and early eighties. The Treasurer told the Annual Church Meeting in 1978 that, whilst giving had risen over the previous year, the rising cost of heating had pushed up expenditure. PCC was told in April 1981 that giving had risen by 27 percent but electricity prices had gone up by 27 percent and oil by 40 percent.

Maintaining the church and Parish Hall was costly and needs were not always easy to predict and budget for. PCC was told in April 1981 that the high cost of repairs to the church roof and Parish Hall - £8,000 [£22,500] and £2,000 [£5,600] respectively - had made it necessary to 'borrow' £4,000 [£11,250] from the Renewal Centre funds to help pay for them. The budget for 1989, approved by PCC in November 1988, included sizeable sums for the cost of repairs to the Curate's House (£1,500 [£2,900]) and the Vicarage (£6,000 [£11,610]). Two years later PCC agreed the budget for 1991 which included £7,000 [£11,000] towards the cost of repairing the steeple and £10,000 [£15,720] for improvements to the Vicarage.

Once the Renewal Centre building project was completed funding was required for the ministries that would be developed within it. Thus in February 1984 PCC agreed to increase the previous year's budget by a quarter for 1984, from £40,000 [£94,900] to £52,000 [£123,300], "due largely to financing the running of the Renewal Centre." In April 1988 PCC "was pleased to hear that the Granary Coffee Bar is recovering all its costs and producing an operating surplus of £4,211 [£8,150], which goes towards the overall costs of running the Renewal Centre." There were also costs associated with the healing ministry based in the upstairs flat, mainly relating to expenses for Steve and Rujon Morrison; in July 1991 PCC agreed to give them £75 [£120] a month, backdated to January.

With its growing emphasis on outreach, mission and evangelism, PCC was generous in giving financial support to a number of initiatives beyond St Thomas'. It was keen to support the two Billy Graham national missions in England during the 1980s, agreeing in February 1983 to give £250 [£620] towards the expenses of Mission England (1984) and in December 1988 to give £1,000 [£1,940] towards the cost of the LiveLink satellite link to Billy Graham's London Mission (1989).

PCC also generously supported other churches in and beyond Lancaster. In July 1976 it agreed to hold a collection for St John's Church that raised £111.67 [£608]. St John's was closed in 1981 and much of its former parish became part of Christ Church, which also inherited St John's Hall. Christ Church asked St Thomas' to contribute to the cost of adapting the interior of the hall, but PCC agreed in February 1981 "to support their efforts in prayer."

Over the years PCC agreed to give financial gifts to a number of churches embarking on building projects - in 1985 it gave £100 [£220] to St Barnabas' Church in Blackburn; in 1987 it gave £250 [£510] to St Thomas' Crookes in Sheffield; in 1988 it gave £125 [£240] to Trinity College in Bristol (where Harold Wallwork had been Chaplain and Tutor, and Stanley Duthie and Peter May had trained).

St Thomas' also developed a relationship with Westgate in Morecambe, which began with a request from the Church of the Ascension in Torrisholme for money to help their outreach work in Westgate; in February 1980 PCC agreed to send £400 [£1,250]. Nine years later, in December 1989, the Vicar told PCC that "a new church is planned for Westgate" and they agreed to hold a Gift Day for the building in 1990. That June PCC was told that the new church would cost around £500,000 [£840,000], seat about 150 people, and be completed in the summer of 1991.

In January 1990 PCC agreed to send a donation of £1,000 [£1,670] to the Blackburn Cathedral Repairs Fund.

Mission Support

St Thomas' has a long tradition of supporting missionary work at home and overseas, through prayer and money, as previous chapters show. Few figures are available of the amounts given by the church to national and international missionary organisations before Cyril Ashton's time, but after his arrival we get some snapshots of the level of giving.

In 1976, for example, the Annual Church Meeting was told that £1,555 [£8,500] had been given in mission support during 1975. A later PCC meeting agreed a figure of £5,355 [£20,000] for mission work in its 1980 budget. In January 1986 it agreed to allocate £13,104 [£28,390] to missionary activities that year, in December 1987 it agreed to give about £19,000 [£39,100], but in January 1991 (when money was tight because of the cost of repairs to the steeple and improvements to the Vicarage) it only budgeted for £6,050 [£9,500].

The sums of money are impressive, but the proportion of total church income that was given to mission support is even more so. In 1980, for example, the £5,355 [£20,000] set aside for it in the budget is equivalent to about 16 percent of the previous year's income. The Annual Church Meeting in 1981 was told that missionary giving was about 30 percent of church income, and in March 1983 PCC was told it was 33 percent. In December 1987 PCC agreed to commit 25 percent of its planned expenditure for 1988 to mission support.

The overall level of giving and who received it were reviewed regularly. In January 1978 PCC had a long discussion about "how to increase interest in the various missionary societies.... [and it agreed] to collate information about the societies, link missionaries etc. so that the congregation could take more interest and give more realistic financial support and prayer." Three years later, in February 1981, the Vicar told PCC that they should "look at the number of societies the church supported, and how they supported them".

Mission support money had long been given to missionary organisations, but in Cyril Ashton's time there was significant growth in the funding of named individuals, as we shall see below.

PCC also kept under review the balance of support given to large and small missionary organisations and the balance between the amount given to organisations and to individuals. Thus, for example, in February 1981 PCC agreed "to 'peg' the missionary giving at the previous year's level whilst more consideration was given to the priorities of giving, the needs of the societies, and potential requirements of those leaving the church [to train for or engage in Christian ministry]." In January 1987 it agreed to increase the giving to smaller missionary societies by 10 percent to allow for inflation. In October 1987 it agreed that "in future support should be directed more towards the larger missionary societies" such as CMS (the Church Missionary Society), and two months later it agreed that "our preference is for people to volunteer to work for the larger societies, although we must recognise that some have a call to specific societies." In January 1991 the Vicar voiced his concern to PCC that "the proportion of our budget given away is decreasing.... [and PCC agreed that] The Finance Committee will consider the portion given away in due course."

As the number of people sent out by the church grew the need arose to be able to support them adequately, and in April 1981 the Vicar suggested to PCC that a special fund should be set up for the purpose. He called on PCC to pray about "how the scheme could be administered and what it could be called." The following month PCC agreed to set up a separate account called the Training Support Fund "into which people could pay and which would be used to support individuals leaving the church for training... such a fund might help people give more wisely, and... the congregation would have direct control of where the cash was going."

In June the PCC changed the name to the Mission and Training Fund. PCC was also concerned to use the available funds effectively, and in October 1987 it discussed "the general issue of funding people going to Bible College or carrying out Christian work. It was generally agreed that we have a financial responsibility to support such people when they enter ministry (esp abroad), but not during their training at home. [the Vicar] proposed that people seeking such financial support should be encouraged to convince six of the church elders of their case to help PCC to decide who to support."

After income fell well below expectations in 1981, the Vicar told PCC in February 1982 that "a possible cause of the lack of income was that the church had shown a lack of generosity in not increasing the amount given to some of the smaller charities the church supported", but he was reminded that "a definite decision had been taken by the PCC last year to put more emphasis on supporting individuals rather than on societies." PCC agreed that "a wider look at the reasons for this general lack of commitment was necessary", but it should be remembered that this was right in the middle of the Renewal Centre project, when many members of the church were giving sacrificially of their time and money.

Missionary Societies

During Cyril Ashton's time the church gave regularly to a broad range of national and international missionary societies, many of which it had been supporting for many decades. Most of the following received some funding each year -

BCMS - Bible Churchman's Missionary Society;

BFBS - British and Foreign Bible Society;

C&CCS - Commonwealth and Continental Church Society;

CMJ - Church Mission to Jews;

CMS - Church Missionary Society;

CPAS - Church Pastoral Aid Society;

SAMS - South American Mission Society;

SU - Scripture Union;

TEAR Fund - The Evangelical Alliance Relief Fund;

UCCF - Universities and Colleges Christian Fellowship; and

Wycliffe Bible Translators.

Occasionally the church also gifted money on a one-off basis, as it did to the Church of England Children's Society (to whom it gave £30 [£80] in 1982 and £50 [£110] in 1986) and Open Doors (an organisation which supported the persecuted church).

Agreed amounts for some societies - particularly BCMS, BFBS, C&CCS, CMS, CPAS, SAMS, TEAR Fund and Wycliffe - were built into the annual budgets. In May 1975, for example, PCC agreed to give each of them "a whole day's collections but to be made up if necessary to a minimum of £100 [£540] each society"; in 1977 it raised the minimum to £125 [£600], and in 1978 it raised it again to £150 [£640]. The following year it raised the minimum for BCMS, BFBS, CMS, CPAS, SAMS and Open Doors to £250 [£940], and it raised it again in 1982 to £330 [£860]. In 1975 PCC agreed to give SU and UCCF "one collection each to be made up to a minimum of £50 [£270]." In 1977 it raised the minimum to £75 [£360] and raised it again in 1979 to £125 [£470], to £175 [£460] in 1982, to £225 [£490] in 1986

The church had a particular commitment to TEAR Fund, which it supported generously. PCC was told in January 1978 that a special collection for TEAR Fund over Christmas had raised about £114 [£490], and the following January it agreed to raise its minimum giving to them to £1,100 [£4,100]. The minimum was raised to £2,000 [£5,620] in February 1981 and to £2,400 [£6,300] in December 1982. In January 1986 PCC agreed to discontinue the guaranteed funding to TEAR Fund, which then stood at £3,000 [£6,500] a year, and instead have a Gift Day in March and retiring collections at Christmas, continue to issue emergency appeals, and encourage more use of the shop in the Renewal Centre.

Named individuals

As well as giving regularly and generously to missionary societies, St Thomas' was generous in its financial support to particular individuals engaged in mission work at home or overseas who had some link with the church. The focus of much of this was the long-term support of a small number of mission partners working overseas.

One such person was Martin Leigh whose work for Wycliffe Bible Translators had been supported by PCC since at least 1966. It is not recorded but it is fair to assume that Martin and his wife Pat had worshipped at St Thomas' before heading out as missionaries. In May 1977 PCC agreed to send Wycliffe £1,200 [£5700] a year "plus the proceeds of Wycliffe Sunday" for their support. In future years it agreed to continue with the designated day's collection but increase the direct giving, to £1,600 [£6,850] in 1978, £2,200 [£8,200] in 1979, £2,800 [£7,870] in 1981, £3,100 [£8,100] in 1982, and £3,300 [£8,600] in 1983. PCC was told in October 1985 that "Martin and Pat Leigh resigned from Wycliffe Bible Translators on 30th September 1985 and would therefore no longer require financial support."

Linda Sykes also received long-term support, which started in June 1984 when PCC agreed to hold a Gift Day to help fund her year's training at All Nations Bible College in Hertfordshire. In September 1985 PCC was told that she had joined the Regions Beyond Missionary Union (RBMU) to work overseas as a missionary and would require £5,000 [£11,200] a year for the next five years, and at the beginning of October it agreed to support her for those five years. In January 1986 it agreed to give her £4,550 [£9,900] for the year, and in July 1987 it learned that it had provided seventy percent of her overall support. She needed a car for her work in Peru, and in October 1987 PCC agreed to send her £2,300 [£4,730] for herself and £500 [£1,030] towards the cost of buying a car, from a collection that month which raised a total of £3,800 [£7,820]. A second collection in February 1988 raised a further £2,000 [£3,870] towards the car, and that month PCC made a commitment to continue to meet seventy percent of the budget for her work with RBMU. In November 1988 PCC agreed to increase its support for Linda to £6,664, which would cover more than ninety percent of her costs.

Colin Marchment and his wife Helen also received long-term support from St Thomas' that was initially their home church. When PCC learned in July 1981 that they had been refused a grant for a missionary training course at Lebanon Bible College in Berwick-on-Tweed, it agreed to support them with a termly grant of £700 [£2,000] which it increased in February 1982 to £800 [£2,100]. Most of the money was raised through special collections, including one at Easter 1982. They started Bible College in April 1982, and in September 1984 PCC was told that in 1985 they would be going to work in India with the International Christian Fellowship (ICF). In September 1985 PCC was told that Colin and Helen would need £32,000 [£71,700] of funding over the next five years, half of which would come from ICF and the church would provide the other half - £3,200 [£7,170] a year.

PCC also gave smaller amounts to support other mission partners working overseas. In January 1979 it agreed to send at least £1,100 [£4,100] to CMS Ruanda for the direct support of Geoff and Hope Price. That April it agreed to link as mission partners with John and Christine Buckley who were going to Thailand with OMF (Overseas Missionary Fellowship, formerly China Inland Mission). Two months later it agreed to send them a personal gift of £50 [£190] before they went, and in March 1987 it agreed to send BCMS (who they were then working for) £300 [£620] towards the cost of a vehicle for them to use. In November 1988 PCC discussed financial support for Sue Kiernan, who had been working in the Philippines for OMF (Overseas Missionary Fellowship, previously the China Inland Mission) and was due to return to the UK. The following July PCC agreed to Sue's request to re-allocate its giving from OMF to her "so that we can more effectively support her work", and she returned to Lancaster late in 1990.

As well as giving regularly to the missionaries it was supporting, PCC agreed in January 1979 to give "personal gifts to the link missionaries when they came on furlough [leave] or if a specific need was mentioned."

In addition to supporting link missionaries, PCC gave some financial assistance to some individuals and couples from the church who were involved in mission work, usually in the form of one-off gifts. Thus, for example, in January 1978 it agreed to give £200 [£860] per family to David and Pam Barrett, Geoff and Hope Price, Hazel Collins and Barbara Kitchen, and in January 1986 it agreed to send £300 [£650] to Martha Welfing.

The following month it agreed to support Angie Smith, a St Martin's College student who worshipped at St Thomas' and was going to spend three months working as a Youth Evangelist in Bangladesh. Her housegroup gave her £200 [£450], a third of what she needed for the trip, and a retiring collection raised most of the rest.

In July 1985 PCC agreed to give £500 [£1,120] to David Shaw (another member of the congregation) who had been accepted by the African Inland Mission to lead a team building wells in the Central African Republic, and in October 1987 it sent him £1,000 [£2,060] from the £3,800 [£7,820] collected on the 4th of October. In June 1990 PCC agreed to give his father Geoff Shaw £700 [£1,170] towards the cost of a trip to Tanzania as part of a TEAR Fund well-drilling project. In December 1987 it agreed to give Shirley Cooper £100 [£205] a month during 1988 to support her work with Christian outreach organisation Horizons (now Global Horizons)

PCC also gave financial support to people from the church who were accepted for training in Christian ministry. This started in February 1982 when it agreed to "set aside... £500 [£1,300] as a contingency should those in training need it or should others be sent out." That September it agreed to send £105 [£275] to Peter and Juliet Donaldson who were studying at Birmingham Bible Institute (now Birmingham Christian College), to help meet their budget up until Christmas. In July 1987 PCC agreed to give Tim and Bev Dobson up to £1,200 [£2,470] towards their year's training at Ichthus in London, if requested. After Dave Shaw returned from Africa and told PCC in July 1989 that he intended to study for two years at All Nations College and then return to mission work in Africa, the Council agreed to transfer its £1,000 [£1,800] annual funding from the African Inland Mission directly to him. In June 1990 PCC agreed to give £1,000 [£1,670] to Ian and Diane Dewar while Ian was training for the ministry in Durham.

Church

As well as the two major building projects there were more routine building matters to take care of. Whilst these were on a much smaller scale than the two big building projects, they still absorbed time and money. For example, in January 1991 PCC applied to the Diocese for a faculty to redecorate the Vicar's Vestry, Choir Vestry, Lower Lounge, and the toilets in church. The walls were repainted with emulsion "in colours and tints approximately to the existing or lighter."

Roof repairs

The fabric of the church was in a sound condition through most of Cyril Ashton's time, although work was required on the roof.

PCC was told in November 1979 that the report of the Quinquennial Review - a survey of the state of the buildings carried out every five years by the Diocese - pointed out serious problems with the roof, "many slates were in a bad state of repair, slipping and crumbling, on two sections of the roof, and other parts of the roof would also need attention in the future." It agreed to get a complete survey of the roof and seek quotes for the repairs. The following month it was told that remedial work on the two south facing slopes of the church roof nearest to Marton Street would need to be carried out over the summer of 1980.

In February 1980 PCC agreed to use Marley concrete tiles rather than the more traditional Welsh slate given that concrete tiles are cheaper, just as durable but heavier than slate, although second-hand slate should last between fifty and eighty years whereas concrete tiles have a life of around fifty years. Early the next month PCC was told that planning permission would not be required for the roof repairs which would start in a month's time and take about four weeks to complete. Later that month it heard that the Diocese had objected to the use of concrete tiles and suggested that Burlington slate (which is even more expensive than second-hand Welsh slate) should be used. Gardners, the contractors, agreed to delay the work for eight weeks, pending a decision about what materials to use.

PCC still preferred to use concrete tiles on cost grounds, but they were told in May that the Diocesan Advisory Committee were opposed to them on grounds of durability and appearance. A standoff quickly developed, because PCC were keen to press ahead with the work without delay given that the price of concrete tiles was expected to rise by fifteen percent at the end of July. The Diocese arranged to hold a Consistory [ecclesiastical] Court meeting at St Thomas' on Friday the 6th of June, and "if the Court decision went against the church an emergency PCC meeting would have to be called to consider matters further." The decision did go against the church, but the Vicar told the Emergency Meeting of PCC in mid June that "while Chancellor's decision was regrettable, the PCC was faced with the question of obedience to authority.... The church would be faced with additional expenditure in the region of £2,000 [£6,260] using slates on the roof, and it was... [agreed] that a letter be sent to the Diocese regretting their rejection of the faculty application but outlining the church's obedience to the decision.'"

Work on the roof repairs, using second-hand Welsh slate, began in early July and was completed in October. At the beginning of December PCC was told that the bill had been paid, and the Diocese had made a £500 [£1,570] grant towards the cost of the work.

Further problems with the church roof emerged two years later when dry rot was discovered in a wall at the south-west corner of church, and in July 1982 PCC agreed to get the whole roof checked to determine where damp was getting into the stonework. In September PCC set aside up to £3,000 [£7,850] to pay for repairs, and in December it was advised that "re-slating the roof section above the affected wall, fibre-glassing the leaking gutter, removing all rot, and injecting dry rot treatment" would cost around £5,500 [£14,400]. By early February the stonework had been repaired and defective slates replaced, but PCC was informed that "the complete roof section would need re-slating within the next 18 months." The reslating was done that summer.

In January 1985 PCC discussed the next Quinquennial report on the church fabric, and was told that the estimated cost of work required over the next five years was £33,100 [£74,180] if done by contractors, but "using skills available in the church this could be reduced considerably." In March 1987 it was informed that repairs had been carried out to the north wall of the chancel, which would shortly be replastered, the overall cost being around £1,000 [£2,060].

More roof work was approved by PCC in September 1988 when, having received a quote of about £7,000 [£13,550] for the fourth of the six slopes, it agreed to seek a second quote and apply for a diocesan grant if possible. It applies for a faculty for that repair work in March 1989.

Steeple

The need for repairs to the upper section of the steeple became apparent in 1990, although the brief minute of the March 1990 PCC meeting - "Deterioration of church pinnacle - to be sorted out as soon as possible" - reveals nothing about the nature or seriousness of the problem. Whatever it was, PCC was told the following January that repairs were likely to cost £7,000 [£11,000], and in July it heard that the work was unlikely to be done before Spring 1992 because of lack of lack of money.

Church heating

We saw in Chapter 14 that in 1957 the church and school heating system was converted from coal to oil, which proved costly to run.

More than twenty years later PCC started to explore the cost of converting the heating system to gas, which would be more economical particularly in an era when oil prices often rose sharply. It was advised in October 1979 that it was "not possible, at present, to convert the church heating from oil to gas because the Gas Board were unable to supply the church due to the current load they had." Gas was still the fuel of choice, and the matter became more important after PCC was told in September 1980 that a large hole had been found in the oil tank (sabotage was not suspected!).

PCC's enthusiasm for switching from oil to gas was even greater after it was told in October 1980 that it would pay for itself in little over three years; converting would cost an estimated £1,400 [£4,380] and save £400 [£1,250] a year at current prices. PCC was in favour of transferring to gas but aware that "the current cash-flow problem could cause difficulties."

In September 1981 it accepted a quotation from Pottertons to convert the system from oil to gas, involving new pipe-work, and the work was completed by early January. The boiler had been stripped down and rebuilt, and by early February it was in a poor condition; PCC agreed to repair it at a cost of £280 [£540] rather than buy a new one for around £900 [£2,360].

Galleries

For many years, particularly since the large wooden pulpit was removed in 1909 and the West Gallery was converted in 1973, people who sat upstairs in church in the side galleries had difficulty in being able to see the floor of the chancel and thus the preacher and choir or music group.

PCC discussed the problem on a number of occasions, and a range of possible solutions were suggested including "moving the seats back" (November 1986) or altering the slope of the gallery by raising the back rows (April 1978).

By May 1978 PCC was told that "the seating problem was now considered urgent as the galleries were used nearly every Sunday morning" as a result of church growth, so it approved a trial involving closed-circuit TV, using borrowed equipment. In November it agreed to ask a local company (Kenneth Gardner) to provide an estimate of the cost of installing CCTV in the galleries, and three months later a member suggested that Granada TV be asked "if there was any equipment of use to the church following their re-equipment." Either the CCTV trial did not take place or it proved not to solve the problem; the PCC minutes are silent on the matter.

PCC's thinking turned once again to changing the layout of the galleries. In February 1980 it was told that it was not possible to lift the galleries high enough for those at the back to see; other suggestions included removing the balcony front and replacing it with bars or reinforced glass, keeping the wooden front but removing the panels, or installing mirrors. A different suggestion was made to PCC in March - keep a row of chairs on the lowest level of the galleries and put the pews recently discovered in the old school building in the space behind.

Other suggestions included raising the level of the chancel rather than altering the galleries (June 1980), and "turning all the pews sideways to help people in the galleries feel more involved in the services" (July 1980). In October 1983 PCC revisited the idea of replacing the wooden front of the galleries with wrought iron but decided against it because things could easily drop through.

Through most of the early 1980s the church's focus was fixed firmly on the Renewal Centre project, but PCC recognised in October 1983 that when that was finished "some major work, including carpeting, would be needed on the galleries." In June 1988 it agreed to fully carpet the galleries. Some floor repairs were done later that year, costing about £250 [£420], and by late November new carpets were laid at a cost of about £1,300 [£2,520].

Church insurance

The church had been insured for £10,000 [£313,300] in 1920, £22,000 [£360,000] in 1933, £63,000 [£1 million] in 1962, and £136,250 [£1.36 million] (including contents) in 1972. In 1988 PCC agreed to raise the value insured from £595,000 [£1.15 million] to £934,000 [£1.8 million], and to insure the Renewal Centre for £338,000 [£654,000] for the buildings and £6,000 [£11,600] for contents."

Organ

Recall that the first organ in St Thomas' had been installed in the West Gallery in 1852, and in 1932 it was removed and rebuilt at the eastern end of the North Gallery. Since then it had needed regular cleaning and maintenance to keep it in good working order. The huge dark wooden cabinet it was housed in dominated the chancel end of the church and the two-storey structure towered over the congregation.

When the church conversion project was launched in 1975 and grew to include a major remodelling of the chancel and front of church, PCC agreed to move the organ to a more suitable location for contemporary worship, which would also free up more space on the ground floor for pews. In September it was told that the Lancaster Organ Company advised that to move it would cost between £5,000 [£27,200] and £6,000 [£32,650].

In December PCC was told by the Diocesan Organ Advisor that "the organ is an historic organ and as such there was a Preservation Society which might aid in the finance and would want to see the organ was properly cared for." He told an Emergency Meeting of PCC in January 1976 that "the organ had some claim to be historic and might be eligible for a grant. It was thought desirable that the case should be left whatever other parts were removed.... [he] suggested a two manual organ with extension action on new sound boards with 25-30 stops." The estimated prices were £10,640 [£57,950] for a 7-rank organ, £9,140 [£49,730] for a 6-rank organ and £7,640 [£41,570] for a 5-rank organ.

PCC was advised by the Lancaster Organ Company in February 1975 to divide and restore the organ, but the following month it was told that the Diocesan Advisory Committee "were not prepared to recommend the Lancaster Organ Company's scheme" and agreed to defer making a decision about the organ until a later date. In April the Council was told that "there was an organ in a redundant church at Darwen which could be moved by the Lancaster Organ Company for £2,000 [£10,900] with allowance on the existing organ" and it agreed to remove the current organ but not make any decisions about what to do next until further thought and prayer had been given, particularly relating to fund-raising.

In June 1975 the Lancaster Organ Company presented to PCC a "new idea for a shallow and high organ on the new west wall. It would extend approximately 1 foot into the church and 2'6" back into the hall with the console (moveable) in the East End. It would be a two manual organ containing the best of the present organ. There would be additional cost for steelwork in the wall so the overall cost might be around £5,000 [£27,200]." This was broadly the scheme that was adopted. It meant rebuilding the organ pipes on the front of the West Gallery, in front of the new hall wall, and building a much smaller organ in light wood in the chancel at the front of church.

In September 1977 PCC agreed to ask the Bishop to rededicate the organ at the Confirmation Service on the 16th of October, and to arrange an organ recital at a later date.

Whilst the organ was playable for the Confirmation Service, PCC was told in early October that there was much work still to do on it. In March 1978 PCC heard that "the organ was expected to be completed by Easter", and in April it was told that "the organ builder had asked for a fortnight when the church was free in the evenings in order to finish the organ." It received updates in June, when "the organ was now virtually complete and the final account was to be paid... but further adjustments would be made during the 'settling-in' period" and September, when "the organ was in workable order".

But satisfaction with the rebuilt organ was short-lived, because PCC was told in early December (1978) that "the organ was not fully satisfactory." In June 1980 Derek Matthews, a member of the church with experience of building and repairing church organs, explained to PCC the nature of the problem which was caused partly by the pedal section (which could be fixed) and partly by humidity. Work on repairing the church roof during that summer had made it necessary to postpone work on the organ, but by September equipment to monitor humidity levels was ready to be installed in church.

Mr Taylor from the Lancaster Organ Company had insisted that the problems with the organ were caused by changes in humidity, but in January 1981 PCC was told that the humidity gauge in church had been in for several months and showed little change. PCC was losing confidence in and patience with the Organ Company, and in March it agreed to seek advice from an independent organ consultant. The following month it set up an Organ Sub-committee which was asked "to get an unprejudiced view of the organ, if necessary to obtain the services of the Liverpool expert, possibly to obtain quotations for the repair work" and get the problem sorted.

The "Liverpool expert" reported to PCC in July, identifying worn and warped windchests as the main source of the problem and pointing out "poor alignment of the pipes, poor workmanship, appalling wiring with a junction box hanging in mid-air, holes packed with newspaper and pipes held in position with pieces of string." He recommended that "Mr Taylor not be allowed to carry out any further work because of his crude workmanship" and suggested that "instead of purchasing a new organ this good equipment could form the major part of a new organ, to which might be added some new pipes and soundboards at a cost of around £9,000 [£25,300]."

Derek Matthews offered to "dismantle the present organ and build a smaller instrument to fulfil the task. The basic work would cost less than £500 [£1,400]." PCC agreed that Mr Taylor should carry out no further work and Derek Matthews should make the organ safe, remove the woodwormed pipe, and maintain the organ while he redesigned a new organ to be built using parts from the existing one as well as new and second-hand parts.

The church solicitor advised PCC in September 1981 that the Lancaster Organ Company had guaranteed the organ for twenty years so they could be sued for breach of contract, but two months later they agreed not to pursue any legal case against the company.

Derek Matthews began preparatory work on rebuilding the organ in early January 1982, and started the major demolition work in mid February. It ran to budget but took a long time. In early June PCC was told that nearly half of the organ was complete and working, but progress was slowed by the need to apply for a faculty for structural work associated with the rebuild. PCC was advised in early October that the work was almost complete, and at the start of November that the organ had been tuned and was working.

In April 1983 PCC agreed to upgrade the organ, a project that Derek Matthews would start after Christmas, take three months, and could be done without taking the organ out of service. In June it set a maximum budget for the upgrade of £750 [£1,860], and in mid December it was advised that the work was going well.

When Cyril Ashton started at St Thomas' in 1974 the organist was a Mr Bond, for whom PCC agreed that September a new cassock and surplice. He resigned in March 1976, and the following month PCC was told that "David Williams an organist and his family were now worshipping with us; he would play occasionally and see how his gifts fitted in with the other musical talents in the church." David served as organist until he left in April 1987, when PCC agreed to give him a leaving gift of £100 [£206].

Services

Making the services accessible and engaging for regulars and visitors was important, and an early priority for the new Vicar was to provide appropriate Bibles, hymn books and service books in the pews.

Bibles, hymn books and service books

In September 1974 PCC agreed to buy a hundred hardback copies of _Psalm Praise_ "with the gift Mr Duthie had given to the church on his retirement", and the following month they agreed to buy 50 paperback copies as well, and "to use _Psalm Praise_ every Sunday evening in term time." In February 1978 it agreed to buy 50 more copies of _Psalm Praise_ and 50 copies of _Hymns of Faith_ for use in the services.

Pew Bibles were important too, and in February 1975 PCC agreed to buy 50 _Revised Standard Version (RSV) Bibles_ , although in July 1979 they discussed "whether having Bibles in the pews dissuaded people from bringing their own, and also whether it was advisable to have a mixture of the _RSV_ s and _Good News Bibles_ in the pews." That summer Roland Lowden (Treasurer) and his wife Edith kindly donated a hundred _Good News Bibles_ in memory of her parents, and sixty more were donated by an anonymous donor in February 1988.

In January 1975 PCC approved the idea of duplicating "a chorus book for use at meetings", which had a red cardboard cover and was covered with clear plastic to make them more durable. It quickly became known as _The Red Book_ , was used in the church services, and in June 1978 PCC agreed to make a hundred more copies. To support particular types of service, in October 1979 PCC agreed to buy thirty copies of the _Alternative Service Book Series 3_ booklets for marriage (at 25p each) and thirty copies of the large-print _Series 3_ booklets for funerals (at 40p each).

After renewal started in church PCC discussed "the form of services and the question of a new hymn book" after it was raised in June 1979 by Don Binstead, a prominent member of Council. He recommended "the _Redemption Hymnal_ which in his experience was one used by renewed churches. He also questioned whether the form of service, especially early on, was consistent with the preaching. The Vicar declared that the early part of the service was not out of step with the rest of the service and that repentance was an essential part of the service." The discussion centred on whether a structured service which followed the conventional liturgy constrained freedom of worship and ministry, although the Vicar felt that "it was an advantage to have a form of service as a starting point for informal worship. The use of the _Prayer Book_ had not hindered free worship, although there was a good case to be made for a more modern translation such as _Series 3_."

PCC continued the discussion at its September meeting and, whilst it did not support the idea of a new hymn book, "there was general concurrence... that the form of service could be better if certain language anomalies were sorted out."

PCC agreed to tackle the problem of "certain language anomalies" by producing "a simplified form of service... on the church printing equipment at far less cost" and then inserting the printed sheets into _The Red Books_. In March 1980 PCC agreed to print an extra 100 copies of _The Red Book_ , and to use this home-made service book rather than the _Prayer Book_ in the morning and evening services "on an experimental basis, for three months." Four months later, in July, PCC reviewed the experiment; one member felt that _The Red Book_ "was not meaty enough" but it was suggested this was probably because "the service was shorter and in simple language." The idea was floated of including the responses in _The Red Book_ and making more extensive use of the collects.

In December 1980 a suggestion was made to PCC that "a single worship book, amalgamating _Series 3_ and _The Red Book_ and incorporating the best of _Psalm Praise_ , was desirable." Three years later in October 1983 the Vicar told PCC that he intended "to rationalise the number of books in the pews so that there was one Service Book and the Hymn Book.... the new service book would be in the _ASB_ [ _Alternative Service Book_ ] form."

The minute of the discussion that followed is given here in full because it illustrates a tension between moving forward in renewal by allowing greater informality and flexibility in the services, and not moving forward so far and so fast that the church's Anglican identity and tradition would be compromised -

" _Several members of the PCC questioned the need to abandon the Red Book service. The Vicar said that there was little difference between the ASB and the Red Book service. Mr Tate said that the ASB had extra liturgy including the Venite, Nunc Dimittis, Jubilate, Benedictus, Te Deum and Magnificat. This would mean more structured services. The Vicar said that although they would be on the same service sheet they would not always be used. Mr Binsted asked why they should be on the service sheet if they were not used. The Vicar said it was not a step back but having the freedom to use parts of the liturgy and said there was a need to identify with the rest of the Anglican Church. Mr Onyon said that there would be a substantial minority in the church that would not appreciate or understand the change in service. He suggested the Vicar gave a talk to the church on liturgy."_

PCC agreed to pray about all this and consider it again at its next meeting.

At the next meeting in November 1983 the Vicar told PCC that "everyone recognised the need to reduce the number of books in the pews to one hymn book and one service book, to include communion and baptism services. [He] said that his belief was that the current service had insufficient scriptural content. Additional material from the _ASB_ would improve this. Greater use of the _ASB_ would bring the church into line with the rest of the Church of England.... [the service] would be no longer and very little of the existing material would be omitted." Mr Binsted said that "he had fundamental disagreements with certain parts of the proposed service. These parts, including sections of the confession and collects, he considered to be unscriptural. The service was 100 percent scriptural already so scriptural content could not be increased without the service being longer." After a lengthy discussion PCC agreed to ask the Vicar and Denis Tate to draft the service, based on the _ASB_ , "which had the most optional material in it", for their approval at a later date.

The revised service was approved by PCC but there is no record of when. The next we hear about it is in September 1984 when PCC was told that "the new service books were being held up by the problem of establishing copyright on the song content", then in March 1985 PCC agreed to print 750 copies. Curiously, long after the decision had already been made to produce a service book in-house, in July 1985 PCC set up a study group "to consider the question of printing our own service books or whether to purchase copies of the ASB." Uncertainty continued for many months, and at PCC in February 1986, in response to a query over the amount of _Psalm Praise_ material that would be included in the new Service Books, the Vicar said that he felt "it was important to have a variety in music used in the services and that the witness of the Psalms was needed as part of that. A selection would therefore be included."

With some relief, after numerous delays, PCC was told in May 1986 that "the proof [copy] of the new service book containing Morning Prayers, Evening Prayer, Holy Communion Rite A, Baptist and Confirmation with Holy Communion, had been accepted."

But the project continued to move forward very slowly, and it wasn't until early December that PCC agreed to produce 1,000 copies. Six months later, in June 1987, the new service books had been printed, bound and covered in plastic, and PCC was told that "only the Service Book and the Hymn Book will now be needed for the services." In early July PCC agreed to dedicate the new Service Books, which had cost £1,840 [£3,790], on Sunday 12th July and to use them from that date. The following month it was told that "the church is very happy with the new Service Book."

Other churches had expressed an interest in purchasing copies but St Thomas' did not own the copyright and could not produce copies for them.

Format of services

The format of the services were also important, as well as the materials used in them. With a view to making Family Services more attractive to outsiders, the Vicar told PCC in September 1982 that they would "in future be more like a morning Guest Service."

As the services became more accessible and popular, and the number of people attending increased, in March 1989 PCC turned its mind to planning for further growth given that the church was often full during the morning service. The idea of holding two morning services received little support at that time, and a decision about it was deferred in October 1990 when PCC was told that "in the evening there continues to be a need to encourage teenagers."

The following month PCC was told that "a majority of the elders had concluded that it would be unwise, at present, to add a second morning service, particularly because of the added pressure on some of the [Junior Church] leaders... [although they] accept that another morning service will eventually be needed, but await guidance about the right time."

PCC was also told that the new Youth Pastor Brian McConkey "is looking for a nucleus of people willing to help develop a late-evening service for younger people and involving new forms of worship." In December Brian told PCC that he hoped to start the Late Evening Service (described earlier in this chapter) after Easter.

As well as the morning services and the Late Evening Service, PCC gave thought to the Communion Services. In November 1976 it agreed to hold a full Communion Service on the fifth Sunday in the month in the evening, instead of Evening Praise followed by Holy Communion. Just over a year later, when the Church of England introduced the new _Series 3_ Communion Service, PCC agreed in February 1978 "to use _Series 3_ for 'a trial period'." In January 1989 Edith Lowden presented new communion silver to the church in memory of her husband Roland (former Church Treasurer); it was dedicated at the evening Communion Service on Palm Sunday.

Cyril Ashton was keen to promote lay leadership in the church, and in December 1974 he asked the Bishop "for permission for Mr [John] Dart to administer the bread and Mr Smith the wine at Communion". In February 1986 he told PCC that the Bishop had given permission for all the clergy, lay readers and Muriel Ashton (the Vicar's wife) to serve as communion assistants, and in April 1991 the list was extended to include Peter-John Davies, Judith Grundy (the Curate's wife) and Mike Norbury.

Other services were also held. In December 1985 PCC was told that the traditional Carol Service would "be by candle-light" for the first time, and a Christmas tree would be bought to decorate the church. In September 1978 PCC agreed "to hold lunch hour services possibly on a Friday", although they did not start until the following June.

Worship

A robed choir had been a central feature of worship in the services since the earliest days of St Thomas' and Cyril Ashton inherited one from Stanley Duthie.

The number of young people - always boys - willing to sing in the choir varied, but in March 1975 PCC was told that "there were to be new choir boys shortly" and it agreed to allocate up to £10 [£63] for the purchase of new collars and books. Two months later it agreed to allocate £25 [£158] for a choir outing, and to pay young members 4p [£0.25] for attending choir practice and 3p [£0.20] for singing at each service.

The church services were held in Ripley St Thomas School chapel while the church conversion was carried out, and in June 1976 PCC was advised that "the choir had been suspended while at Ripley in order to rebuild it. A special choir for the Gift Weekend was being formed." That is the last we hear of the church choir... its season was clearly coming to a close.

The demise of the choir coincided with the emergence of new styles of sung worship in churches that were experiencing charismatic renewal, and this is when the modern worship song was born. Cyril Ashton was keen for St Thomas' to embrace this change, and in January 1976 he suggested to PCC the appointment of "a Director of Music when God led us to a man or woman with the gifts for this. All the musical talent could then be co-ordinated." Within months the right man had been found, and in June PCC was told that "Roland Fudge had accepted overall responsibility for the music. David Williams would have responsibility for the choir and would also be an organist."

The change in style of worship had resource implications. In January 1977 PCC agreed a budget of £150 [£720] a year each for the musical director and organist, and that September it agreed the purchase of a second-hand 'baby grand' piano for £250 [£1,200]. The music went electric in 1978 - in September £30 [£130] was spent on a rhythm guitar and amplifier, and the following month a base guitar and amplifier were bought for £75 [£320]. In March 1985 PCC agreed a budget of £350 [£780] "to meet the cost of obtaining permission to use copyrighted songs both in the form of acetates [for the overhead projector] and printed in the new Service Book."

Roland Fudge stepped down as Director of Music in mid 1985 and left the church, and in July PCC agreed to give him and his wife a gift of £100 [£220] "to thank them for their ministry to the church." Phil Onyon replaced him, and in March 1988 PCC agreed to let him replace the bass guitar at a cost of £320 [£620]. The following March PCC agreed a budget of £100 [£180] to cover the cost of Dave Fellingham (a pioneer song writer and worship leader) running some worship seminars in St Thomas' that month.

The 'baby grand' was an asset in worship for some years, but by late 1988 its best years were behind it. PCC was told in January 1989 of an opportunity to buy a second-hand electronic piano for about £1,000 [£1,800], and the Music Group was asked to advise. In March PCC agreed to move the 'baby grand' upstairs in the Renewal Centre, but the following month it agreed to sell it and replace it with "a Roland piano RD300, two Cobra Keyboard Amplifiers, and other necessary equipment" at a cost of about £1,800 [£3,250].

The growth of new forms of worship in church was assisted by the installation in 1977 of a sound system that would amplify and balance the instruments and voices in the Music Group. It was put in by Will Towers of Reel Life Recordings.

PCC was concerned in March that year that "the original estimate had been about £600 [£2,870] but on completion the account received was for over £1,100 [£5,260]", but it was told that "better equipment had been installed than originally planned." PCC agreed to settle the bill but held back £100 [£480] until all of the equipment had arrived. In September PCC was informed that "supplementary speakers had been fitted in the lounge and the 'direct recording' unit had arrived", so the system was complete and the account was settled. In November PCC agreed to "train about a dozen sidesmen in the use of the [amplification] system."

After two years problems were experienced with the sound system. The amplifier had to be repaired in June 1979, and that November PCC was told that there had been complaints that the system was not loud enough. Roland Fudge, who had assumed responsibility for the system, told PCC in January 1980 that "he had recruited helpers to make adjustments before and during services, and [he] believed that with properly-briefed helpers the system could work adequately."

In March 1982 PCC agreed to purchase the cheapest suitable overhead projector for use in church, to allow the words of songs to be projected in front of the congregation and remove the need for hymn books.

That solution worked fine for nearly eight years but in February 1988 PCC agreed that the sound system was not working properly and agreed to get quotations for a new system that would include a tape recording facility and ideally an induction loop for those with hearing aids.

In July the Council agreed to accept a quotation from William Towers which included four new speakers under the galleries, a 16-channel mixer and cassette deck, and a loop system in the church building; that would cost £3,338 [£6,460] and be completed by mid-September (after a faculty for the work was obtained), with a new sound desk placed in the centre of the back row of the downstairs pews. The work was completed in December at a total cost of about £3,500 [£6,750]. In January 1991 PCC agreed to buy two radio microphones which had been on loan to the church, at a cost of £600 [£950]. The new sound system worked well, but in September 1991 PCC was told that the 16-channel mixer had been stolen. It agreed to buy a 24-channel mixer to replace, it costing £1,600 [£2,520], £1,200 [£1,890] of which would be recouped from the church insurers. It also agreed that the Churchwardens will review the security of the church, and that all mid-week users of the church should be "exhorted to keep the doors closed during their activities".

Sermons had been recorded since the early 1980s so that people who had missed a service could borrow the tape to hear them. In October 1983 PCC was told that plans were afoot to start a Tape Library, which was initially overseen by Denis Tate. After the new sound system was installed, in December 1988 PCC asked Roger Oliver to develop a tape ministry, and the following month it agreed that tapes of the services may be sold.

Church equipment

The updating of equipment was not confined to the Music Group and sound system, and during Cyril Ashton's time the church adopted a number of new technologies to support and enable its ministries.

There was a growing need to be able to print material on-site, including things required for services and Renewal Weekends, as well as the Parish Newsletter. In December 1974 PCC agreed to buy a second-hand duplicator for £50 [£400] after trying it out for a month. In November 1978 it agreed to buy a second-hand offset litho printing machine to print the 2,000 copies of the newsletter. The machine cost £1,500 [£6,440] to buy and £330 [£860] a year to print the magazine, but PCC was reminded in January 1982 that "it would cost £80 [£210] per month if it was done commercially." In October 1988 PCC agreed that new printing equipment was urgently required, and that December it agreed to buy a photocopier with a colour unit at a cost of about £1,780 [£3,450].

Another important item of office equipment was a typewriter, and PCC was told in November 1979 that a second-hand electric typewriter had been given to the church, although it needed servicing. Seven years later, in October 1986, PCC discussed "the possibility of purchasing a word-processor rather than a new typewriter", but the following month it agreed to buy a second-hand electric typewriter for £30 [£65].

The idea of investing in a word-processor was not abandoned; in March 1987 PCC agreed to fund five people (including the Curate and Muriel Ashton, then the Church Secretary) to attend a course on the use of word processors, and two months later it agreed buy an Amstrad 1512 word-processor and a printer.

Harvest celebrations

Harvest Festival events continued through Cyril Ashton's time. In October 1974 PCC discussed sending a harvest donation to TEAR Fund and asking people to donate less perishable goods for distribution locally.

An annual collection for TEAR Fund started in September 1975, when £330 [£2,080] was given by the congregation and an anonymous donor added £100 [£627]. The Priory Hall [now Atkinson's coffee shop The Hall] was booked for the Harvest Tea that year, while the church conversion work was under way. The Harvest Festival in 1976, held on the 2nd of October, raised £220 [£945], of which £178 [£765] was given to the Church Missionary Society (CMS).

In subsequent years the Harvest Festivals were held on TEAR Fund Sundays in early October, with an emphasis on the giving of cash to TEAR Fund. The Harvest Day collection in 1986 raised £3,600 [£7,800], which was sent to support link missionary Linda Sykes.

Congregation

Electoral Roll

Recall from Chapter 15 that more than 300 people were listed on the St Thomas' Electoral Roll throughout Stanley Duthie's time, an estimated 200 of whom were active church members. The numbers remained high through the Cyril Ashton years (Table 10), never dropping below 270.

Church-going still played a big part in everyday life in Britain in Duthie's time, but from the early 1970s onwards most churches experienced falling numbers, so keeping the numbers up was a major achievement at St Thomas'. The number of people listed on the Electoral Roll during Cyril Ashton's time varied between 287 (in 1979) and 423 (1977), starting at 308 in 1974 and remaining mostly in the low 300s.

The point has been made in earlier chapters that the Electoral Roll numbers are not a good indicator of the number of people attending church services, so they by no means tell the whole story. The numbers given in the table are net of known deaths, departures and arrivals, and there are dramatic drops every six years when the roll had to be rebuilt from scratch. Through time the numbers include more and more 'ghost' members, who have died or left but not been removed from the list. The continuous rise in numbers through each six-year cycle, and the large drop every time a new roll was compiled, suggests a steady throughput of people passing through St Thomas' over these years.

Growth appears to have been particularly marked during the mid-1970s and early- and mid-1980s.

Groups and organisations

We get a feel for the wide variety of groups within the church that catered for the needs of different groups of people through the annual reports of organisations published for the Annual Church Meetings.

In 1975 there were reports from the Young People's Fellowship, the Discoverers, Boys' Brigade, Girls' Guides, Brownies, Women's Guild, Mother's Union, Meeting Point, Sunday School, Junior Church, and the choir.

Three other groups were added in 1977 - Melody Makers, Afternoon Fellowship, and Afterthought. Four more were added in 1978 - Music, Dance, and Drama Groups, Students, and Pathfinders. Scripture Union, Young Mothers Study Group, and Flower Group were added in 1980; and Banner Group and Missionary Prayer Group were added in 1983.

There is also mention in PCC minutes of a church football team. In January 1989 PCC agreed to support the team by giving it up to £50 [£90] provided it matched the PCC donation and had appropriate insurance cover. In April the following year the Council approved expenditure of £50 on clothing for the team.

Fellowship

St Thomas' has a long tradition of providing opportunities for members of the church to meet together in fellowship outside the church services.

Wednesday evening Parish Fellowship meetings had been held during Stanley Duthie's time and, although they are rarely mentioned in PCC minutes during Cyril Ashton's time, they appear to have continued.

PCC discussed the Parish Fellowship in December 1983 and the view was offered that "it was on occasions too long, due frequently to the length of the [Bible] study. The division into smaller groups for prayer was praised, and there was a suggestion that the meeting end with worship." Four years later, in November 1987, PCC concluded that "the monthly fellowship meetings are good but not well attended. Some members favoured fortnightly meetings, others did not. The Vicar stressed the importance of a greater commitment to having fellowship with the whole church."

Opportunities were also provided for families to share time together, particularly through what was originally called the 'Church Day' but later renamed the 'Family Day'. The first of the Church Days was held in October 1975, when seven adults and twenty eight children spent a day together at Capernwray Hall, and in May 1977 PCC agreed to hold another one that September, probably including sports and outdoor activities and an open-air service. It is not known if the 1977 Church Day went ahead as planned, but that June PCC agreed to hold a Family Day in the grounds of Ripley St Thomas' School in early July, to replace the previous Sunday School Anniversary, in which "the children would participate in the morning service, there would be a picnic in Ripley grounds. At the evening service there would be dedication of the teachers."

Two years later in December 1979 PCC discussed the idea of holding a Parish Family Day at Caperwray Hall some time during 1980. In February 1986 PCC agreed to hold a Family Day early in July.

Church weekend away

PCC was keen to explore the possibility of extending the Family Day over a weekend, to give more time for people to interact socially, share in fellowship together, and minister to one another.

In February 1984 it agreed to hold a local non-residential Church Weekend in early May, which the Vicar emphasised in April would be "a trial run. Residential weekends away would prove extremely expensive." After the event, PCC was told in early June that comments on the weekend had been favourable.

We hear nothing more about Church Weekends for four years, when in December 1988 PCC agreed to arrange a church weekend away the following year and set aside £500 [£970] as contingency funds for it. The idea of a weekend away grew out of discussions that PCC had had two months earlier about running Renewal Days for church members.

Stephen Potter agreed to organise the weekend, to be held in mid-June at Kinmel Hall near Abergele in North Wales. He outlined the plans to PCC in January 1989 - the theme would be 'The Church Family', teaching would be given by an outside speaker (Rev D Hughes), and the aims were "to encourage personal growth, especially for new members of the church, and growth in the relationships among us." There would be space for up to two hundred people. After the weekend, PCC was told in early July that it had been "very successful... enjoyable and relaxing.... It had been a turning point in the lives of several church members."

The weekend made a small loss of £20 [£36] but PCC were very keen to book Kinmel Hall again for the following year, again for a weekend in mid-June. Rooms would be reserved for up to 250 people. By early June 192 people had booked for the weekend and PCC agreed to underwrite any loss up to a maximum of £150 [£250]. A total of 128 adults and 58 children went on the 1990 weekend, and the £150 contingency just covered the shortfall in the budget. John Finney was the speaker and after the weekend PCC was told in July 1990 that his "teaching on evangelism was very valuable and had been shared with many people who had not attended."

In July PCC discussed holding another Church Weekend in late June 1991. Members spoke of the "considerable benefit from meeting together in a relaxed environment" and it was noted that "cost deters some people, although the general view was that the benefits outweigh the costs." One member felt that "such weekends are extravagant".

Nonetheless most members of PCC were in favour of continuing the annual weekends away, so PCC agreed to plan one for 1991 at Kinmel Hall with a charge per adult of between £30 [£50] and £35 [£60]. Bookings came in very slowly, probably partly due to uncertainty after Cyril Ashton had announced in October 1990 his intention to leave St Thomas' at Easter 1991 (of which more later).

PCC was told in April 1991 that former Curate Grant Ashton had agreed to be the speaker for the weekend, agreed to reduce the adult price to £30 [£50], and heard that "donations will be essential to balance the holiday account." Two months later it was told that "bookings had improved but were still well below the figure agreed with Kinmel Hall. It was agreed that financial help could be given to anyone unable to pay the full cost." Grant Ashton spoke on 'Pressing on towards the goal', and in July 1991 PCC was told that "the weekend had been much enjoyed. Due to the generosity of the Kinmel Hall managers the deficit was less than feared at £423 [£665]. There was a general consensus not to return to Kinmel Hall in 1992."

There were no more Church Weekends away over the next twenty years. In 2012 Kinmel Hall was sold at auction for £1.5 million, the purchaser planning to turn it into a quality hotel - Kinmel Manor Hotel.

Housegroups

Many of the churches that were experiencing renewal during the 1970s and 80s set up housegroups, some later being renamed home groups. These are small groups led by lay members of the church that meet regularly on a mid-week evening in a home within the parish for fellowship, bible study, prayer, and sharing in ministry.

The first mention of this in St Thomas' comes in the minutes of the PCC meeting held on the 13th of June 1977, when the Vicar said that "he thought housegroups were needed to provide the smaller units to link 'fringe members' into the mainstream of church life.... He asked for prayer and thought about housegroups... before the next meeting." The first set of nine housegroups started in early November, and "PCC members were asked to participate in these.... The groups were based on geographical areas and were expected to expand and later to split into more groups."

Within a month the housegroups - described as 'Area Groups' in the minutes of the December 1977 PCC meeting - "were thought to be fulfilling a need" with more than eighty people participating in them. The housegroup system at St Thomas' continued to flourish through the rest of Cyril Ashton's time and beyond. It remains a central part of the life and ministry of the church, and an effective way for members to gain confidence and experience in being part of an active Christian community at the local level.

Junior Church

In April 1977 PCC agreed to rename Sunday School as Junior Church. A key part of the growth at St Thomas' during the late 1970s was the increase in the number of families attending services and Junior Church increased the size and number of its classes to cater for the increased numbers. That in turn created the need for more helpers and lay leaders to run the classes, but also - as PCC was told in April 1978 - to support the work of the Girl Guides, the Brownies and the youth work.

By this time the church conversion project was complete, but that alone did not provide enough space to meet the growing needs and the Renewal Centre project had not yet begun. Confronted with the pressing challenge of how to provide enough rooms for Junior Church to function effectively at a time of unprecedented growth, PCC came up with a novel solution - buy some second-hand caravans and park them by the side of the church, on church land, at least as a stop-gap measure until such time as a more permanent solution could be found (which turned out to be the conversion of the former school building into the Renewal Centre).

PCC was told in October 1977 that "planning permission had been obtained for two caravans at the side of the church for three years. These were to house extra classes of Junior Church." In November it agreed a budget of up to £400 [£1,900] to buy two caravans and transport them to the church site, and in December was told that "one side of the church [probably the south side, away from Marton Street] had been prepared ready". In the absence of any suitable caravans at an affordable price, in February 1978 PCC considered the idea of buying builders' site huts instead. In the end two second-hand caravans were bought during 1978, and screens were erected around them in late 1979.

Parish Hall

Although the church conversion project had created valuable additional space for church-related activities inside the church, the Parish Hall in Aldcliffe Road was still an important part of the estate, although it had long been a drain on resources because of relatively high running costs and maintenance costs.

The roof and exterior walls of the Parish Hall were covered with corrugated iron sheeting that by 1978 needed replacing and painting. PCC was told that June that the cost would be around £1,200 [£5,150], which could be reduced to about £1,000 [£4,290] "if the materials were bought and the work done by men of the church". Although a working party cleared rubbish from around the hall in September, and chairs and a piano were removed from inside the hall in January, PCC was advised in June 1979 that the hall itself was "in a considerable state of disrepair."

Rather than spend money on upgrading it PCC looked into the possibility of replacing it, perhaps with "a large hall [that] was available from the Blind Centre in Queen Street if it could be moved." The idea was to re-locate that hall on the church car park on the former school playground - this was before the Renewal Centre project - which would need planning permission. In July PCC was told that the hall was not movable but they would try to borrow it while repairs were done to the Parish Hall. The Blind Centre was originally built as a Congregational Chapel, and the building is now home to Lancaster Free Methodist (LFM) Church.

The viability of the Parish Hall was questioned again in September 1979 when PCC was told that its heating system was beyond repair. Council weighed up four options -

1. Repair the existing hall in Aldcliffe Road;

2. Pull it down and take up a long-term lease on the Queen Street building;

3. Keep the existing building and lease the Queen Street building; and

4. Use the Westham Street Mission when the Primrose estate became part of St Thomas' enlarged parish (but it was a Methodist hall and changes to the parish boundary were then still some way in the future).

The preferred solution was to seek a long-term lease on the Queen Street Hall, which was larger and had better facilities than the existing Parish Hall. Plan B was to repair the existing hall. The following month PCC was told that "the Blind Centre were not willing to consider a long-term lease of their hall but would welcome a short-term lease of three months." It questioned "whether it was necessary to lease the Queen Street Hall at all because it would need work on it to make it useable", and agreed to seek estimates for the cost of repairing the Parish Hall. The Vicar said he "wondered whether it would be more economic to consider another building or even, in the long term, to build one on the present car park."

At this point the Parish Hall project converges with the Renewal Centre project, and from late 1979 onwards the main focus became buying and converting the former school building behind the church, as we have already seen.

After that discussions about the Parish Hall were less ambitious, and they focussed on getting the building repaired rather than replaced. In July 1980 PCC agreed to get the building re-sheeted; most of that had been completed by mid September at a cost of about £900 [£2,820], and the exterior was painted in October. PCC was told in June 1981 that the heating system in the hall was being improved, and volunteers from church had agreed to paint the interior of the building. The total cost of the repairs and improvements came to £2,000 [£5,620].

In March 1982 PCC agreed to rename the Parish Hall the St Thomas' Youth Centre and to put up a sign outside the building with that new name on it. That September it agreed "to allow the playing of badminton in the Parish Hall by members of the congregation", and five years later it agreed to allow the Lancaster Table Tennis Club and the Salvation Army to use the hall over the coming year. In February 1987 PCC agreed to insure the Hall for £9,000 [£18,500] and the contents for £600 [£1,230].

Vicarage

Months after the Ashton family had moved into the Vicarage on Higher Greaves, PCC was told in November 1974 that CPAS had given it permission to buy a strip of land behind the house next door - number 35 - in order to provide access for vehicles. In March 1975 the owners of number 35 agreed to share the cost of an access road, and that was completed by late May.

In February 1976 work began on preparing a site for a pre-cast concrete garage at the top of the Vicarage garden. PCC was told in September 1977 that Marshall's Charity had offered a grant of £500 [£2,400] towards the cost of the work, which they later increased by £133 [£570]. It heard the following February that plans were ready which included laying on water and electricity, at a total estimated cost of £1,900 [£8,150]. In November 1978 PCC agreed to accept a quotation of £1,408 [£6,000] for the work from the Northern Building Company (the same company that did the church conversion). The groundwork was finished by early February 1979 and the garage was complete by early April.

Work was also done on the Vicarage. PCC was told in June 1975 that the Vicarage had been sand-blasted at a cost expected to be between £70 [£440] and £90 [£560], although the following month it was reported to have cost £120 [£750] including sanding and re-sealing the dormer windows.

PCC was advised in November 1986 that "the Diocese had written offering funds for the purchase of a new house, at no cost to the parish." In January 1987 it was told that the Diocese had confirmed that they would meet any shortfall between the sale of the current Vicarage and purchase of a new one, and in April was told that "the Diocesan Adviser was investigating possible land purchase on Aldcliffe Road and at St Martin's College." But these tempting exploratory steps came to nothing.

In September 1988, after a detailed inspection by the Diocesan Surveyor, PCC was told that the recommended repairs to the Vicarage would cost an estimated £10,000 [£19,350], and improvements a further £4,000 [£7,750]. PCC noted that an architect had been appointed to produce a priority order for the repairs and was once again "asked to look for another property or a new site, to replace the present Vicarage." When PCC met in November it set aside £6,000 [£11,600] for 1989 for repairs to the Vicarage, and the following June it agreed to invite tenders for the repairs and improvements recommended by the Diocesan Survey. But it also noted that "there remains a possibility about acquiring a site for a new Vicarage."

PCC was shocked when the tenders came in for the Vicarage repairs. In early September 1989 it was told that the lowest tender was about £40,000 [£72,150], far higher than the rough estimate of £15,000 [£27,000] it had been given just a few months earlier. PCC would have to make a sizeable contribution to the cost of this project, and the Church Commissioners would match it. PCC was told that "the Diocese... has already recommended that we seek another site for the Vicarage. The cost of a new Vicarage could well be similar to the value of the present property plus the improvement costs.... It was decided to make the essential repairs, in particular to the roof light."

PCC was given a full financial breakdown of the project in December 1990. Repairs were likely to cost around £6,700 [£11,200] and improvements around £32,600 [£54,580]. The Diocese was likely to give a grant of around £2,200 [£3,680] towards the cost of repairs, £3,252 [£5,450] would come from an account held by the PCC in the Diocese, and the other £1,200 [£2000] from an interest-free loan for five years. The Finance Committee had advised that a £12,000 [£20,000] contribution from the PCC might trigger contributions for the remainder of the costs from the Church Commissioners, Marshall's Charity and the Diocesan Patronage Board. The £12,000 that PCC was willing to put towards the Vicarage repairs would use up a large proportion of the church's financial reserves. The minutes of the meeting record that "the Vicar advised the PCC to postpone all non-essential work."

PCC was disappointed to hear at that December meeting that "buying another Vicarage is not practical at the moment, since the Commissioners are unable to help; this would well change in the next decade." The disappointment deepened when it was told in February 1991 that the offers of funding by the Church Commissioners and Marshall's Trust had been withdrawn because "both [of] these organisations have no funds for Vicarage improvements at present."

The architects went back to the drawing board and reviewed the priority list for the work to be done. They reported back to PCC in March 1991, distinguishing between "repairs (£10,000) [£15,700], essential improvements (£7,300) [£11,480] and less essential improvements (£22,000) [£34,600]." PCC accepted the recommendation of the Finance Committee that "about £20,900 [£32,860] is spent on all items in the repairs and essential improvements lists and on a few of the remaining items." The following month the Diocesan Surveyor recommended to PCC that the repairs be done straight away and the improvements be put on hold until external grants become available again.

By this time Peter Guinness had been chosen to succeed Cyril Ashton as Vicar. He was keen to see improvements to the Vicarage kitchen given higher priority, which PCC was told in April would increase the church's costs from £14,000 [£22,000] to £17,000 [£26,750]. PCC was asked to pray about the possibility of holding a Gift Day to finance the work.

After the Ashtons moved out in April 1991, PCC looked into "the possibility of a short-term tenant living in the Vicarage to reduce risks to the property." Two months later it agreed to ask a team of volunteers to help maintain the gardens - which by early June were becoming "overgrown" - until the Guinesses arrived in September.

PCC returned to the question of funding in June 1991 when it was told that "the contractor's price for our latest specification is £31,070 [£48,850]... made up of £8,580 [£13,500] for repairs and £22,495 [£35,370] for improvements.... Our reserves are just about sufficient to pay for the Vicarage work, but it must be remembered that expenditure on the roof and steeple is also needed." PCC was reminded that the work needed to be completed by the end of August, before the Guinness family moved in.

The Standing Committee of PCC met in early June and was told by two representatives of the Blackburn Diocese Parsonages Board that they "were of the opinion that the parish has no choice but to bring the Vicarage up to standard for the foreseeable future.... [and] that there are no prospects of a new Vicarage within the next five years." At the beginning of July PCC was advised that repairs were well under way, a fireplace had been stolen from the lounge but was covered by insurance, and the project included painting the outside woodwork, gutters and pipework.

Peter Guinness asked about the PCC's commitment to the present site and was advised that it was "not satisfied but [is] committed in the medium term as there is no prospect of a new site." PCC agreed to ask the Finance Committee to recommend "an appropriate amount to be put aside regularly for the upkeep of the Vicarage."

Two months later PCC was told that the Vicarage repairs had been completed and the building was now structurally sound. The Guinness family was expected to move in on the 3rd of September.

**150** th **anniversary (1991)**

Recall that the church's centenary fell in 1941 but because of World War II celebrations were postponed until 1947. In November 1989, with the 150th anniversary coming up in 1991, PCC discussed how best to celebrate it, "with an emphasis on looking forward being preferred" and the possibility of linking it to the forthcoming Decade of Evangelism. The following month it agreed to set up a planning committee, of which John Dart was appointed chairman in January 1990.

The committee set to work and reported back to PCC in October 1990. It was planning a series of events between June and September 1991 including a Garden Party (which the housegroups were asked to organise), "a celebration concert reflecting patterns of worship over the last 150 years", and a birthday party in September. The committee also asked the Vicar to find a suitable speaker for a Sunday service in June, and reported that "a history of the church is being written". Over the coming months the plans were firmed up - the Garden Party would be held at Ripley St Thomas School on the 29th of June, special services would be held in church on the 7th of July, and a musical event was being planned. The 'church history' turned out to be an eleven page pamphlet with some black and white photographs, a list of past Vicars, a message from Cyril Ashton, three pages of church history and two pages on 'current activities'.

It was unfortunate that the celebrations took place during the interregnum between Cyril Ashton (who left in April) and Peter Guinness (who started in September), which must have affected the momentum, enthusiasm and commitment of church members. A large number of special commemorative mugs had been ordered, many of which remained unsold after the event.

Parish Audit

In January 1990 PCC discussed a suggestion from the Bishop of Blackburn that every the church in the Diocese should perform a Parish Audit to help it look objectively at itself and guide planning for the future. Council approved the idea in principle but wanted time to think it through before definitely committing to do it. The following month it agreed to do it and it recognised that it would "involve a considerable number of church members preparing information about our church and parish."

Stage One of the audit - in which more than four hundred completed questionnaires of the views of church members were returned and analysed - was carried out in late October. Stage Two, based on Parish Walks designed to find out about the parish, was completed in April 1991. Stage Three, Listening to the Parish, had not started when Cyril Ashton left in April 1991.

Resignation and departure

In October 1990 Cyril Ashton announced to PCC that, after seventeen years at St Thomas, he would be leaving at Easter 1991 to take up a new post in the Diocese, training clergy and lay leaders. He asked PCC to pray about where he and Muriel would live and worship, and how the new work would start.

The minutes of that meeting record that "the elders believe this new calling to a new ministry to be a step forward for the church, as well as for Cyril, and there will be new opportunities for the church to contribute to the growth of the diocese. Ideally, the next Vicar will share the elders' commitment to the diocese."

Cyril Ashton chaired his last Annual Church Meeting in late March 1991. He said that

" _he was delighted by the commitment of the church and the atmosphere of love and encouragement within it. He... looked forward to new challenges in his Diocesan post, with many happy memories although he was sad to leave his pastoral role at St Thomas'. The past seventeen years had been an immensely rich time for himself, Muriel and the children. He requested prayer for his new ministry of clergy training, particularly for patience, insight and correct priorities. The Vicar reminded the church that uncertainty had and would again lead to growth. He had complete confidence in the church's leadership. The future will be exciting and includes the development of the [Late Evening] service, involvement in the Decade of Evangelism, and new activities in the Renewal Centre."_

John Dart, on behalf of the church, gave a vote of thanks "to God for all that Cyril and Muriel have given us, for their love, and for all that we have personally received from them."

The process of choosing a successor was the same as that which brought Cyril Ashton to St Thomas' in 1974, and it started in late 1990 - PCC would need to agree a profile of what was required in the next incumbent to send to the church patrons (CPAS), and the decision on who to appoint would be taken by CPAS in consultation with the Churchwardens and the Bishop, with each having the right of veto.

PCC was told in November 1990 that "the CPAS Patronage Secretary has agreed to attend the next PCC meeting and will talk to us about a profile for the next incumbent." PCC also noted that "repairing the Vicarage could delay making an appointment. It is thus desirable to make plans now which will allow repairs to commence after Easter. The PCC will have to make a significant contribution towards the repairs, which could cost in the region of £40,000 [£67,000]."

Canon Ian Saville from CPAS attended the December meeting of PCC where he emphasised how important the letter is that the church sends to the Bishop and the patron "about the parish and its tradition and needs... This letter is seen by an interested applicant. He encouraged us to use the letter to describe our churchmanship carefully, particularly the meaning of 'renewal'; also to describe what the church has been doing, the form of our services, characteristics sought in the new Vicar." He pointed out that "a new Vicar needs to be chosen by January 1992, otherwise all decisions are taken by our Archbishop", confirmed that advertising could start as soon as the letter had been submitted.

Canon Saville asked for the characteristics that St Thomas' might look for in a person appointed, and the following were mentioned

[a] Willing to support: Decade of Evangelism; Music and Worship Ministries; Shared leadership with elders and laity; informal services.

[b] Open to: gifts and work of the Holy Spirit; developing women's ministries.

[c] Will encourage: renewal; sharing of our resources with other churches and denominations.

[d] Conservative Evangelical. Ability to manage resources and to delegate.

PCC selected John Dart and Yvonne Phythian to be its two representatives for the selection process, and approved a small group to draft the letter to the patron and the Bishop.

In March 1991 PCC delegated authority to David Grundy (the Curate), Brian McConkey (Youth Pastor), John Dart and Yvonne Phythian to co-ordinate activities during the interregnum. The following month it was told that three applicants had been met and that "encouraging progress had been made." The appointment of Peter Guinness as the new Vicar was announced in church on the 16th of May.

After leaving St Thomas' Cyril Ashton served as Director of Training in the Blackburn Diocese (1991-2000) and an Honorary Canon of Blackburn Cathedral (1991-2000), before moving across the Pennines to become the Suffragan Bishop of Doncaster (2000-2011). Cyril retired in July 2011 with a farewell service at St George's Minster in Doncaster, at which his close friend Jack Nichols (former Bishop of Lancaster and Bishop of Sheffield) gave the address. He now serves as an Assistant Bishop in the Dioceses of Blackburn, Carlisle, and Liverpool, continuing on a part-time honorary basis his successful ministry as a preacher, teacher and spiritual director. He and Murial now live in Lancaster, where they first moved to over forty years ago.

During his seventeen years as Vicar of St Thomas' Cyril Ashton developed a distinctive ministry in the renewal movement, within and beyond the Church of England, and encouraged the open use of charismatic gifts in the church services. In addition to his books and writing, his legacy to the church was immense. It includes leading the development of the Renewal Centre and its ministries, promoting outreach and mission in Lancaster, providing valuable training opportunities for new Curates, promoting lay leadership, working with a novel eldership model of church leaders, and promoting greater dialogue and more effective sharing of ministries between denominations.

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17. Peter Guinness (1991-2010)

Peter Grattan Guinness - a great, great grandson of brewer Arthur Guinness - was born in 1949. He graduated from Manchester University with a BSc in 1971, trained as a school teacher and taught maths before going to St John's College in Nottingham in 1980 to train for the ministry. He was ordained deacon in 1982 and priest in 1983, and served his training Curacy in Normanton in Wakefield, West Yorkshire (1982-87). After four years as Vicar of Fletchamstead in Coventry (1987-91), he was appointed St Thomas's thirteenth Vicar in 1991.

Peter came to St Thomas' with his wife Michele (Shell) and children Joel and Abigail (Abby), who attended Ripley St Thomas' School before leaving for University. Michele had been brought up in a practising Jewish family and converted to Christianity, and she had a successful career as a radio presenter, communications manager and author. Her books include _Child of the covenant: a Jew completed by Christ_ (1986), _Tapestry of voices: meditations in celebration of women_ (1993), and _Chosen: an autobiography_ (2008), the latter two written during her time in Lancaster.

Appointment and arrival

Curate David Grundy looked after St Thomas' during the interregnum after Cyril Ashton left, and he was pleased to announce in church the appointment of Peter Guinness as the new Vicar on the 16th of May 1991. David told PCC on the 3rd of June that Peter and his family were expected to move to Lancaster early in September, although PCC was able to welcome Peter and Michele at their meeting on the 1st of July.

Peter was inducted in church on the 19th of September. After the service refreshments were served in the Ashton Hall because the Renewal Centre downstairs lounge was too small to accommodate the ninety or more people expected to attend. Standing Committee agreed to order cold drinks (fruit juice and wine), which would be quicker to serve than hot drinks, but in early September PCC agreed that they should "practice mutual love within the body of Christ and concern for the consciences of others by not serving wine."

Peter chaired his first PCC meeting in St Thomas' six weeks later, on the 7th of October. Looking back on his arrival six months later, at the Annual Church Meeting in April 1992, Peter thanked the church for their welcome and noted that "a vast team make a vital contribution to God's work in the parish and thanked them all."

The wider context

The Church of England faced a number of challenges during last decade of the 20th century, including falling attendances, declining income and increasing marginalisation. Sociologist Grace Davie (1994) described that period as years of

" _believing without belonging... [in which] both traditional institutions and traditional certainties struggle, in secular as well as religious life."_

One response to this was the Decade of Evangelism (1990-2000), which was set in motion when the 1988 Lambeth Conference - the world-wide assembly of Anglican Bishops which meets once every ten years - called on "each province and diocese of the Anglican Communion, in co-operation with other Christians, to make the closing years of this millennium a 'Decade of Evangelism' with a renewed and united emphasis on making Christ known to the people of his world."

The initiative had limited success, and most Dioceses had fewer church members at the end of the decade than they had had the start. Perhaps surprisingly, hardly any mention of the Decade of Evangelism can be found in the minutes of any meetings at St Thomas' over the decade itself.

Despite continued numerical decline across the Church as a whole, many churches grew both in strength and vibrancy during the 1990s. As Michael Austin (2001, p.306) put it, this period saw "the maturing of the charismatic renewal movement from the 'happy-clappy' stereo-type", and the Church of England at large started exploring more contemporary ways of 'doing church' through the Fresh Expressions movement.

The first women priests were ordained in the Church of England in 1994, and whilst some people left the Anglican Church or moved to other churches as a result, life carried on much as it had been before for most people in most churches.

Lancaster during his time

Whist the Anglican world was changing and adapting over these two decades, the church landscape closer to home was also far from static.

During the 1990s the United Methodist Chapel in Brock Street, which had closed around 1936 and was later used as an Elim Pentecostal Church, was converted into The Sultan Indian restaurant. In 2000 the Wesleyan Methodist Mission on Westham Street was converted into housing after being used for some years as a base for projects for the unemployed, and in the same year St George's Methodist Mission in Willow Lane on the Marsh was demolished after dry rot was discovered in it.

There was growth as well as loss. In the 1990s the Free Methodists bought the former Presbyterian Church in Queen Street, which had closed in 1972 with the formation of the United Reformed Church and was later used as a Centre for the Blind, and brought it back into use as a church. Christians Alive was founded in 1999 and met originally in the hall beside Sulyard Street Methodist Chapel; in 2005 they moved into the former Baptist Chapel on White Cross Street, which was founded in 1872 and had closed in 1896 when the congregation moved to the new larger chapel in Nelson Street.

Another charismatic evangelical group - King's Community Church (formerly Lancaster Christian Fellowship, a group that broke away from St Thomas's in the early 1980s) - bought the redundant King's Own Territorial Centre on Phoenix Street, redeveloped the inside and renamed it The King's House. In 2005 Moorlands Evangelical Church (established in 1930) moved their services from their original building on the corner of Balmoral and Dumbarton Roads to the Ripley St Thomas Sixth Form Centre.

Two other new churches were established in Lancaster between about 2008 and 2010. Father's House, an Elim Pentecostal church led by Clive Corfield (who, as we shall see, had at one time rented office space in the Renewal Centre), bought a disused Methodist chapel on Owen Road in Skerton and converted it for their own use. City Church, part of the New Frontiers family of churches founded by Terry Virgo, has since about 2010 met weekly at the Lancaster Boys' Grammar School on East Road. Another significant church event during Peter Guinness's time in Lancaster was the 1,000th anniversary in 1994 of the founding of the Priory, on the site of which St Mary's, the parish church, was built.

There were other changes to the Lancaster townscape over these years too, including the building of the Marketgate Shopping Centre in 1995, and the closure of the Royal Albert Hospital in 1996 (the buildings of which were later used as a residential school for Muslim girls, called Jamea Al Kauthar). The striking Lune Millennium [foot] Bridge opened in 2001 on the site of a medieval bridge which had been demolished in 1802. In 2007 St Martin's College became the nucleus of the new University of Cumbria.

Vicar's sabbatical leave

Peter Guinness served as Vicar of St Thomas' for eighteen years, during which he had two short spells of study leave.

The first was in 1994, three years after his arrival. In January that year he asked PCC to approval for him to stay in Israel for up to four weeks after a church trip he had organised in October, in order to do some studies. PCC discussed the matter again in September and there was some disquiet that the request was then for a period of three months. The minutes of that meeting record that "questions were raised regarding the timing, purpose, appropriateness and resource implications of the sabbatical at a time when the fellowship at St Thomas' is undergoing considerable changes and challenges." After some discussion PCC encouraged the Vicar to pursue his plans, which included attending a five-day course in Jerusalem on the origins of the New Testament from a Jewish perspective, and having time "to read and reflect on the issues of the Jewish origins of the New Testament."

This is the first tangible sign of Peter's interest in bringing some Old Testament traditions such as the Passover Festival into the services at St Thomas'. Peter told PCC that he was also "deeply concerned about... the subject of team leadership of churches" and he reminded them that, at that point in time "we are struggling about delegating responsibility to teams, anxious about fragmentation, and experiencing in a few areas the clash of different criteria about decision making, especially over finances. The issue of leadership and responsibility is all the more complex because the church is a voluntary organisation." He wanted time to visit two or three larger Anglican churches in the UK - including St Michael-le-Belfrey in York and St Thomas' Crookes in Sheffield - to learn more about their structures for management, administration and ministry.

That period of study leave was a fruitful one for Peter because it gave him much-needed time to learn, explore and reflect on his own ministry and his vision for St Thomas'. Looking back on it afterwards, he told the Annual Church Meeting in March 1995 that "one of the main conclusions that I have drawn from my Study Leave is that I must devote myself more to study and preparation, to prayer for the church, to teaching and nurturing faith, and to co-ordinating the planning process."

The second spell of study leave came in 2006, when Peter and Michele spent three months over the summer in France at their newly acquired holiday-cum-retirement home. In September 2005 PCC agreed unanimously to support his request to the Bishop of Blackburn for permission to have that study leave. PCC minutes contain no information about what he did or what lessons and conclusions he drew from the experience, although Michele's 2009 book _Autumn Leaves_ tells the story of the trials and tribulations of setting up a new home in a different culture.

Vicarage

As is normal during an interregnum the PCC was keen to make sure that the Vicarage was in a good condition for the incoming Vicar and his family to move into.

In late May 1991 the Standing Committee of PCC reviewed the list of recommended repairs and improvements, taking into account Peter Guinness's views and preferences. The list was long and the likely costs high, but after some discussion the Standing Committee agreed to recommend to PCC that the works should be done, even if it depleted the church's financial reserves completely. PCC was told at the beginning of July that the repairs were well under way, and that a fireplace had been stolen from the lounge but was covered by insurance.

As well as wanting to present the incoming Vicar with good quality accommodation, PCC was keenly aware that "the Vicarage after the repairs will be considered more suitable by the Parsonage Board and thus the church will have a priority for a new site", although it was told that "no help should be expected from the Parsonage Board in the foreseeable future." Peter asked the PCC about its commitment to the present site, and was told that "we are not satisfied but are committed in the medium term as there is no prospect of a new site."

PCC agreed to ask the Finance Committee to budget regularly sums for the upkeep of the Vicarage and the Curate's House, in order to reduce the likelihood of such a large backlog of repairs and improvements building up again in the future.

In early October 1991 Peter suggested to PCC that "more work needs to be done on the Vicarage. In particular the bathroom requires attention as an urgent priority. [He] shared about the strain on himself and his family when he arrived in the parish, caused by the condition of the Vicarage." This triggered an Extraordinary Meeting of PCC on the 21st of October, devoted solely to the matter of the Vicarage repairs. Mike Norbury, an elder who had overseen the work on the Vicarage and had earlier overseen the Renewal Centre project, pointed out that "many repairs and improvements were made during the summer. Repairs had been made to the external walls, roof, chimney stacks, external doors and timber floors, etc. A new kitchen was fitted, the heating installation modified, wiring renewed, new washbasins installed, etc. The work had cost £31,075 [£52,000] including fees and VAT. The PCC had borrowed £14,000 [£22,600] towards these costs. It had not been possible to perform work on the bathroom, window replacements, internal redecoration, etc." He then outlined various options for improving the bathroom, after which PCC agreed "to upgrade and remodel the bathroom (at a cost of about £2,700 [£4,400]) at a time dependent on the availability of funds."

It took some time for the funds to become available and for the work to be done. Peter told PCC in early November 1992 that the Diocese had promised £2,800 [£4,500] to refurbish the bathroom, and a further £200 [£320] towards the cost of repairing the study window in the Vicarage.

Despite the huge outlay in 1991 and 1992 and the clear improvements in the condition of the Vicarage, it still needed further investment. PCC was told in February 1996 that the Vicarage had recently been inspected as part of the Quinquennial Inspection of the church, and "recommended repairs would cost £22,000 [£33,000]. We have about £7,000 [£10,500] in the kitty [reserves]. There is still about £10,000 [£15,000] of work outstanding from the previous inspection."

The matter of the condition of the Vicarage did not go away. In February 1999 PCC was told that the Diocese regarded the Vicarage as 'inadequate', although PCC believed that "the house has been very well repaired, is in good shape and could be an asset in attracting incumbents, but the next incumbent would not have the security of his house. This would mean that if the present Vicar left, his successor would not be made Vicar but Priest in Charge until such time as he agrees to move into an 'appropriate' house. Due to the practical nature of housing available in Lancaster, this could make it difficult to find a successor." PCC agreed to ask the Diocese to remove St Thomas's Vicarage from its 'inadequate' list "until some viable alternative in the Parish is found, or at least that it be reviewed."

Curates

Peter was very successful at attracting Curates to St Thomas' and securing Diocesan funding for them. No less than seven Curates served alongside him during his time in Lancaster, in addition to David Grundy who was in post when he arrived and had been 'clergy in residence' during the interregnum.

At the first PCC meeting that he chaired in St Thomas', in early October 1991, Peter Guinness thanked David Grundy "for his care of the parish during the interregnum." David was to remain as Curate for a further seven months, and towards the end of which PCC expressed its grateful thanks to him "for his many contributions to the life of the church and the PCC meetings". PCC agreed to continue employing a Curate even though it would have to meet 100% of the salary from that summer onwards (rather than 75 percent currently) because of a shortage of Diocesan funds; the extra cost would be about £3,000 [£4,500] a year. It also agreed a budget for kitchen repairs, decoration, carpets and some general repairs to the Curate's House after the Grundy's left in May 1992.

David moved south to become Curate at Kensal Rise St Mark and St Martin (1992-95) and then Rector of Snettisham with Ingoldisthorpe and Fring (in the Norwich Diocese) (1995-2003). From 2008 he had Permission to Officiate in the Diocese of Ely. The year after they left Lancaster David's wife Judith was ordained deacon in 1993 (having trained at Trinity College Bristol in 1985), and priest in 1994. She worked in partnership with David as a Non-Stipendiary Minister at Kensal Rise (1993-95) and Snettisham (1995-2004) before becoming Rector of Denver and Ryston with Roxham and West Dereham (2004 to at least 2010).

Less than a month after the Grundy's vacated the Curate's House in Ulster Road the new Curate Trevor Mapstone and his wife Laura moved in, on the 9th of June 1992. In May PCC had agreed "to proceed as fast as possible with repairs, internal decoration, fitting a shower and a shed for bikes", and in early July it agreed to install telephones in the house and to purchase a shed for the back yard.

Trevor was born in 1963, graduated from Lancaster University with a BSc in 1984 (and an MA in 1996), and trained for the ministry at St John's College in Nottingham (1986-89). He was ordained deacon in 1989 and priest 1990. After a first Curacy in Hoole (Chester Diocese) (1989-1992) he was Curate at St Thomas' between 1992 and 1996. Trevor and his wife Laura and sons Daniel and Benjamin were greatly valued by church members. Trevor's last PCC meeting was in early December 1995, and his last Sunday in church was the second Sunday in January 1996. After leaving Lancaster he served as Vicar of Trinity St Michael in Harrow (1996-2003) and Director of Ordinands for the Willesden Area (1998-2003), before being appointed Vicar of Emmanuel Church in Croydon (2003 to at least 2010).

Although Trevor Mapstone was still in post as Curate in late 1994, the normal duration of a Curacy is three years so he could have left St Thomas' any time after that. The Vicar set wheels in motion to appoint a successor, but in October 1994 he told PCC that "in our application for a new Curate we are competing for eight persons with ten other parishes" so getting one was by no means guaranteed. At this point in time PCC was wrestling with the challenge of funding and finding a Youth Pastor, and it agreed that "if we do not have a new Youth Pastor after June 1995, then we would like the Curate to take some responsibility for Young People's work if he or she is gifted and willing for this work."

Despite the initial uncertainty over the availability of Curates, Peter was able to report to PCC in mid-November 1994 that "Dave Wheeler has been asked to join us next June." He was born in 1962, graduated from Birmingham University (BSc 1984) and Oak Hill Theological College (BA 1995), and was ordained deacon in 1995 and priest in 1996.

Dave Wheeler's appointment was good news, but it also created two problems - the church was not in a position to pay the salaries of two overlapping Curates, and the Mapstones were still living in the Curate's House in Ulster Road. On the salary side, PCC was pleased to hear in April 1995 that the Diocese had agreed to pay for Dave Wheeler until Trevor Mapstone found another post. On the housing side, PCC was told that "the options are either they [the Wheelers] are housed in the Renewal Centre flat or we may be able to rent the ex-Curate's House at St Paul's, Scotforth, from the Glebe Committee. This would cost £52 [£78] per week."

In May 1995 PCC agreed to rent and decorate 30 Connaught Road as the Curate's House for David Wheeler and his wife Jane, and their sons Adam and Jacob. Council was pleased to hear in July that the Diocese had made and paid for a number of improvements to that house - including installing a new boiler, fitting new thermostatic radiator valves, moving a radiator and repairing three wooden windows - with no increase in rent.

With the house in Connaught Road now in a good condition, PCC agreed in July 1995 that "the Ulster Road [house should] be placed on the market with a view to immediate sale." In September it was told that the decision to sell the house worried some members of the congregation who were concerned about the sudden decision and wrongly assumed that it was "a panic measure to bolster the Church finances." PCC members were reassured that "the sale of Ulster Road was to finance particular projects within the Church (as yet unspecified), and because it made economic sense to rent a house for the Curate." Two local estate agents valued the property at £53,500 [£80,200] and £49,950 [£74,900], and in May 1996 PCC agreed to place the house on the market at £49,950 [£73,150]. Two months later it agreed to accept an offer of £44,000 [£64,400] for the house.

Dave Wheeler's time as Curate ended suddenly and without warning. The Vicar reported to PCC on the 9th of September 1996 that "the employment of the Rev David Wheeler as Curate of St Thomas' had, sadly, been terminated. This action by the Vicar was supported by the Churchwardens and the Advisory Group and approved by the Bishops. An announcement about this would be made at all three Sunday services on Sunday 15thSeptember." Looking back on that chapter in the life of the church, Peter Guinness reminded the Annual Church Meeting in April 1997 that "in 1996 we also had the very sad departure of our other Curate, Dave Wheeler. As with all such events, there was some fall-out. Fortunately only very few were lost to our fellowship. I have already spoken to the church about the situation and we sought God in repentance because leadership and broken trust was involved. Because I believe the truth sets us free, my policy has always been one of openness as far as possible. What I have subsequently discovered convinces me we took the right action to protect the church, despite the pain such situations create." After he left St Thomas' Dave Wheeler moved immediately into secular employment in the south of England and did not return to ministerial work.

The PCC decision to sell Ulster Road in 1996 soon proved to be shortsighted, even though it did raise money for other projects. Only months later St Thomas' found itself without a Curate's House when the Diocese decided to sell the Connaught Road property "as it needs a lot of maintenance", as PCC was informed in mid-October. PCC agreed to postpone making any decisions about housing for the next Curate and his family until the situation and prospects became clearer.

Dave Wheeler's sudden departure left St Thomas' without a Curate for a year, until the arrival of Martin Kirkbride in September 1997. Martin was born in 1951, graduated from Oak Hill Theological College with a BA in 1997, was ordained deacon in September 1997 and priest in 1998. St Thomas' was his first Curacy, which he held between 1997 and 2000. PCC was told in early June 1977 that finding somewhere for Martin, his wife Sharon and his family to live "is an urgent priority" and it agreed that the Finance Committee should recommend "the best method of procuring a house" and the Standing Committee should make the final decision on what to buy. Within a month a suitable house was found in Abraham Heights at 6 Jackson Close; it was purchased for £67,000 [£95,100], funded by a £50,000 [£71,000] loan from the Church Commissioners, a loan of £8,500 [£12,000] and £8,500 [£12,000] drawn from PCC reserves. After leaving St Thomas' in June 2000 Martin served as Team Vicar at Hampreston near Wimbourne in Dorset (2000-05) and then as Vicar of Holy Trinity, Lenton in Nottingham (2005 to at least 2010), before becoming Assistant Training Officer in Coventry Diocese.

Peter Guinness told PCC in early November 1999 that he was making progress in securing another Curate, noting that "some candidates had applied, including a likely candidate who has visited St Thomas' with his wife and children, but no further action can be taken until he [Peter] has seen the Bishop."

That likely candidate turned out to be Gordon Crowther, who was appointed Curate on the 1st of July 2000. Gordon was born in 1963 and graduated from Rhodes University in South Africa with a BA in 1985 and an LLB (law degree) in 1987. He also graduated from Spurgeon's College in London with a BD (divinity degree) in 1997 and from St John's College in Durham with an MA in 1998. He was ordained deacon in 2000 and priest in 2001. St Thomas' was his first Curacy, which he held between 2000 and 2003.

Gordon and his wife Judy moved in to the Curate's House on Jackson Close in late June 2000, after the May PCC had approved a budget to create a door through the garage wall to make access to a utility room, and to retile the bathroom and decorate the house. The following May PCC was told that the Standing Committee had accepted an offer from the Diocese "to take over responsibility for the Curate's House in future", which led to a capital repayment to PCC of £17,000 [£21,950] and relieved the church of interest payments of more than £3,000 [£3,870] a year and the cost of upkeep. After leaving Lancaster in 2003 Gordon served as a Pioneer Missioner in Stoke-on-Trent (2003-08) and then moved back to South Africa to serve as Team Vicar at Church of the Holy Spirit in Kirstenhof, Cape Town (2009 to at least 2010).

Gordon's departure once again created a vacancy for a Curate, at a time of great competition for newly ordained deacons and with funding a major challenge. Peter told PCC in July 2003 that "the Bishop [of Blackburn] is very positive about us having a replacement but cannot provide one. We are unlikely to get a deacon in the foreseeable future, until at least 2005, and we will probably need to advertise for someone seeking a second Curacy."

In late September he reported that "there are no Deacons available – we may have to look at a Curate or Team Vicar." A month later he gave an update - "the Diocese still says that it is unlikely that we will have a Deacon for July 2005 as the quota of Deacons is already full. They expect us to try to find an experienced Curate and consequently to pay the £24,000 [£30,000] Diocesan costs through the Parish Share." It was agreed that, with the Bishop's permission, Peter should speak with the Director of Ordinands to try to resolve the matter as soon as possible.

Peter's discussion with the Director of Ordinands clearly paid off because only a month later, in November 2003, he told PCC that "we had received permission to approach Sam Corley regarding the vacancy." PCC agreed that he should formally offer the Curacy to Sam, to start in July 2004.

Sam Corley was born in 1976 and graduated from St Aidan's College in Durham with a BA (1997) and an MA (1998), after which he trained as a teacher at Hughes Hall in Cambridge, graduating with a PGCE (1999). He then taught for a few years before training for ordination at St John's College in Nottingham, graduating with an MA (2004). He was ordained deacon in 2004 and priest in 2005, and served his first Curacy in St Thomas' between 2004 and 2008. Sam already had links with the church before he was appointed; he had worked with Ruth Hassall (the Children's Worker, described later) on youth camps in Ledbury near Worcester, and led a camp in Ripon in 2003 that some young people from St Thomas' had participated in.

Ian McGrath (the Youth Pastor, described later) lived in the Curate's House in Abraham Heights after the Crowthers left, but in January 2004 PCC agreed that he should move out in time for the house to be decorated and necessary repairs (including new floor covering in the kitchen, and installation of a new cooker) done before Sam arrived with his wife Claire.

Sam quickly settled into his job as a Curate, and focussed particularly on youth work. He was keen to further his study and training and was encouraged to do so by the Bishop; in March 2006 PCC agreed to support him in that, starting in September, and at no cost to the church. Sam took over clergy duties and served as Acting Chair of PCC during Peter Guinness's sabbatical leave in 2006.

In January 2008, after completing his training Curacy at St Thomas', Sam moved on locally to serve as Assistant Diocesan Missioner and Priest-in-Charge at Ellel St John the Evangelist in Galgate (to at least 2010). This once again triggered the pursuit of a successor. Although PCC was advised in December 2007 that "we have already been told by the Bishop's Chaplain that we will not get a replacement for Sam", it was told in early January that "Bishop Geoff [Bishop of Lancaster] is very supportive of our need" and later the same month that "Bishop Nicholas [Bishop of Blackburn] had agreed that we could have a Curate to replace Sam Corley, if we could find one."

The Vicar was not left without clergy assistance when Sam Corley moved on because Debbie Peatman had been serving as a Curate on a half-time basis since 2002. Debbie's husband Mike was Senior Chaplain at St Martin's College (later the University of Cumbria) so the family was based locally, and Debbie brought a wealth of experience to her time at St Thomas'. She was born in 1962, graduated from St Hilda and Bede College in Durham with a BA (1983) and from St John's College also in Durham with a BA (1989). She was ordained deacon in 1990 and priest in 1994. She served as Curate at Old St Paul's Church in Edinburgh (1990-91) then as a Non-Stipendiary Minister in Greasley, Nottinghamshire (1992-94) and Whitley near Worcester (1994-2002). Debbie was a popular preacher and pastor and served at St Thomas' between 2002 and 2009. She resigned as Curate at Easter 2009 (covered below under Safeguarding Matters), and was appointed as the full-time Ecumenical Development Officer for Churches Together in Lancashire.

Sam Corley left in January 2008 and another Curate was quickly found. Peter Guinness announced to PCC in mid-May that "Saju Muthalaly will be replacing Sam Corley and will be made deacon at the end of June in Blackburn Cathedral, and his first Sunday with us will be July 6th. Changes in training will mean that he will spend more time outside the parish than Sam."

Saju - full name Verghese Mayalil Lukose Muthalaly - was born in India in 1979 and graduated from South Asia Bible College in Bangalore with a BTh (theology degree) in 2001, followed by a BTh from Wycliffe Hall in Oxford (2008). He was ordained deacon in 2008 and priest in 2009, and St Thomas' was his first Curacy. As Sam Corley had done during Peter Guinness's study leave, Saju took over clergy duties and served as Acting Chair of PCC during the interregnum after Peter left St Thomas'. He was still in post when Peter's successor, Jon Scamman, arrived in Lancaster in 2010.

Governance and leadership

Most of the leadership issues that were discussed within St Thomas' during Peter Guinness's time as Vicar were essentially domestic ones, relating to the role and operation of PCC and other leadership groups within the church. But the church still had to engage with leadership debates in the outside world.

One of these centred on the question of women priests, after the Church of England authorised the ordination of women in 1992 and began ordaining them in 1994. In January 1994 PCC was asked to vote on two resolutions relating to the Priest (Ordination of Women) Measure 1993, which would have a direct bearing on future clergy and incumbents at St Thomas'. It voted against both Resolution A, "that this PCC would not accept a woman as the minister who presides at or celebrates the Holy Communion or pronounces the Absolution in the parish", and Resolution B, "that this PCC would not accept a woman as the incumbent or the priest-in-charge of the benefice or as a Team Vicar for the benefice."

Five years later PCC turned its mind to the question of sexuality, and particularly the matter of sexuality within the Church of England, that was scheduled to be discussed at General Synod in July 1997. The month before that PCC discussed the matter so that it could send a letter outlining its views to the church's representative on General Synod. PCC agreed that "it was necessary for the Church of England to accept and welcome all who come to Church, but that those who became committed Christians should in all things uphold biblical morality, which condemns any sexual acts outside marriage, and that the same standards must apply to both lay and ordained. It was also acknowledged that implicit in this is a challenge to all leaders, both clergy and lay leaders, regarding their practice and teaching in all areas of life."

The question of ordination resurfaced in April 2004, when PCC discussed a request to invite a speaker from the Diocese to one of its meetings to discuss Ordained Local Ministry (OLM), in which "priests or deacons are called by, and from within, their local community, to hold the bishop's licence to serve specifically within and for that local community.... [and to] work in the context of a local ministry team and [be] an expression of the collaborative ministry of the whole local church." After discussing the request, PCC agreed that "as we already have so many lay people involved in the church ministry, having someone spend three years studying to, in effect, be able to take Holy Communion, would not be of benefit."

St Thomas' has long enjoyed good working relationships with the Bishops in the Diocese and, as well as much 'behind the scenes' contact especially by the clergy, it has been pleased to welcome them to the church on particular occasions. One such pastoral visit by the Bishop of Lancaster (Jack Nicholls) was planned for mid September 1993, when he was expecting to meet the Vicar and his family and meet with the PCC, and was open to visiting local schools, hospitals and community groups. PCC was advised that July that the visit would have to be rescheduled after the Bishop recovered from heart by-pass surgery. His pastoral visit took place on the 15th of February 1994, when he met the Late Evening Service Team as well as the Vicar and PCC. The Bishop of Blackburn (Alan Chesters) visited St Thomas on the 13th of November 2000 and joined PCC at its meeting that evening.

In terms of domestic leadership issues, Peter Guinness and the PCC invested a great deal of time, prayer, thought, energy and discussion over a number of years in three particular matters - leadership structures, planning for growth, and defining vision and purpose for the church.

When Peter arrived he inherited the leadership model that Cyril Ashton had developed, which included an eldership as well as the PCC. As noted in the previous chapter, an eldership within an Anglican church was and is unusual, and whilst it served St Thomas' well during the 1970s and 80s it was appropriate for Peter to review that approach in light of his experience of leadership and what he felt the needs of the church were at that point in time. In a general discussion of the role and responsibilities of PCC at the first PCC meeting he chaired in early October 1991, Peter drew a distinction between "the elders' role of spiritual leadership [which] overlaps the PCC's more administrative role", but over the following twelve months further thought was given to the ways in which both groups operated and interacted.

PCC

Peter shared his initial views about PCC at the October 1991 meeting, noting that it "has to discuss business matters and it is worthwhile discussing any other items to permit wide discussion of important issues."

He pointed out that "the PCC is rather large, although this does allow [it] to informally represent most groups within the church. The size can inhibit everyone joining in, particularly new members." He also noted that "few people stand down at the annual meetings, and perhaps our rules should be changed. [that] would need to be decided at an Annual Parochial Meeting." In addition, "there are few women on the PCC and changing the balance deserved more consideration. [and] The PCC usually reacts to problems rather than initiating action in response to its collective vision." He said he believed that "more use of sub-committees was... acceptable."

Two months later Peter said that he "saw the PCC in touch with the Lord and the congregation" and, following up the matter of allowing discussion of "any other items... [and] important issues", he invited PCC to suggest items that could be discussed. That stock-take showed a willingness to listen to and engage with the PCC, and it created a useful snapshot of things that might need attention in the coming months and years.

The PCC minutes for December 1991 record that "the following items were raised - morning service 'capacity' problems; evangelism; integration of new members into the church, especially the young; issues raised at Synod...; visiting speakers for PCC; Decade of Evangelism; involving a great proportion of the church in church activities; a rolling membership of the PCC; PCC relationships with elders and housegroups; size of PCC; the PCC as a church government, ie shared leadership; elders on time-limited membership; changing the form of the services."

The size and composition of PCC was discussed at several PCC meetings over the following year. In 1991 PCC had a total of 32 members - 10 ex officio (3 licensed staff, 2 Churchwardens, and 5 Deanery Synod members), 19 elected annually (3 Lay Readers, 2 Deputy Churchwardens, 1 Warden Emeritus, and 13 other members), and 3 co-opted - and there was broad agreement that it was too big. There was also no limit on how long elected members could serve, and there was broad agreement that a limit of three consecutive years, with a minimum of one year before standing again, would be appropriate.

In April 1992 PCC agreed to recommend to the Annual Church Meeting that PCC should be made up of the ex-officio members, two Lay Readers and twelve Electoral Roll members, and that "non-ex-officio members would be elected for one-year terms and could only serve three such terms consecutively." The 1992 Annual Church Meeting agreed the latter but approved a motion to appoint fourteen Electoral Roll members, some of whom might be Lay Readers. In December 1993 PCC agreed that "if eight or more of the current PCC are re-elected at the AGM, then four of these (non ex officio) would only be allowed one more year before standing down for a year, determined by the lowest votes. At the AGM all candidates [should be] publicly identified and their role in the church over the past year... described."

Other minor changes to PCC procedures were also agreed, including removing Any Other Business from the agendas to ensure proper discussion of items (December 1991), limiting meetings normally to two hours (July 1992), and publishing brief items of PCC news in the weekly church bulletin (October 1992).

PCC away days had proved useful in Cyril Ashton's time as a means of creating time and space for PCC to focus on particular matters of importance or concern, and these continued through Peter Guinness's time. PCC minutes record that away days were held (at Littledale Hall, Hyning Hall, or Brookhouse Methodist Church) in November 1993, October 1994, May 1995, October 1999, June 2001, July 2006 and June 2010. Matters discussed included corporate prayer and evangelism (November 1993); "lack of vision, concern for community, effectiveness of our evangelism and the quality of worship" (October 1994); "how St Thomas' might become a missionary church" (April 1995); and "developing and communicating vision" (October 1999).

Leadership - style and change

PCC had a lengthy and at times acrimonious discussion about leadership and change in September 1992.

It was triggered by a suggestion that "space be maintained on the PCC agenda itemised 'Church leadership', when members could raise questions, air conflicts and come to some agreement regarding the desirable form of leadership. Perhaps papers could be presented for discussion on issues such as 'What are our notions of shared leadership and how is this put into practice?' 'How do we perceive spiritual covering in the various areas of leadership in the church?'" That suggestion was made because of concerns amongst members of PCC about rumours that the eldership had been disbanded and about the lack of open discussion of leadership issues by PCC.

Amongst other points made, there was some disquiet about the direction and pace of change ("a feeling of uncertainty has been detected, with speculation on where we are going and how we are going to get there"), but there was also support for Peter and the challenges he faced, and recognition that he "has a different style of leadership [to his predecessor] and should not be cluttered with the previous structures; he needs the freedom to develop his own".

In response, Peter pointed out that "he would welcome discussion on the structures of leadership, which served well in the past but needs to be restructured to respond to the present situation. The model of personal relationships which was developed with such success under Cyril Ashton is not [his] style and St Thomas' is too big for dependence on that system alone now."

Eldership

On the subject of the eldership Peter told PCC in September 1992 that "it was made clear to him by the elders that they were willing to step down immediately. He asked that they would stay with him for a year until he got a feel of things.

In June 1993 the elders raised this matter again and Peter asked that it might be looked at in the autumn." After one member of PCC who was also an elder noted that "he feels the eldership has ceased to function as such [and] made a plea that shared leadership not be scrapped", Peter replied that "he had no intention of scrapping the concept of shared leadership, but that he cannot and will not abdicate the position of ultimate leadership that he has been given." Another member of PCC shared the view that "the PCC was not actually sharing in the leadership because the elders had already discussed matters beforehand and this had marginalised the PCC."

PCC had further discussions about the eldership at an Extraordinary Meeting in October 1992, where they were asked how they had seen the eldership in actions. A range of views were offered, including - "they were seen as a 'spiritual safety net'; they were a group committed to the Vicar, giving him personal support and attempting to discern God's will for the church, meeting often and regularly; they were a closed group, not open to inspection from outside, there was an air of mystery about it (though it was pointed out that the closed nature of the group meant that confidentiality over pastoral issues could be kept); it was male-dominated; they were an information and consensus body, not a decision-making body."

After some discussion of what might replace it, PCC agreed that "for some time at least, the eldership group shall cease to exist as such until the PCC has had time to review what kind of structure might be right for the fellowship in the future." David Carroll, the Deputy Chair of PCC, closed the meeting with a time of prayer, "thanking God for the elders who have served so faithfully over the years and given such great service to the church."

Consultative Group

The view was expressed in the October 1992 PCC meeting that "the 'gap' [between the current and planned systems] should not be too long until a new structure is in place" and Peter was encouraged to "get a group of people around him immediately, who will talk and pray through issues in the transition period."

Peter had circulated a working paper entitled 'Structure for Leadership', which envisaged setting up teams, effectively sub-groups of PCC, with responsibility over particular areas (such as Worship, Mission, Fellowship and Nurture), which would be overseen by a new 'consultancy leadership group' which would replace the eldership. PCC was happy with the framework Peter suggested, but some members preferred the term 'core group' to 'consultancy group'.

What became known as the Consultative Group was set up without delay. It was chaired by the Vicar (Peter Guinness), and its members were the Curate (Trevor Mapstone), Youth Pastor (Brian McConkey), Renewal Centre Administrator (Sue Kiernan), Emeritus Warden (John Dart), a former elder (Mike Pidd), and the PCC Deputy Chair and his wife (David and Dorothy Carroll). By early December 1992 it had met twice and it committed to meet for six months in the expectation that a new group would then be created in the light of PCC decisions about leadership.

Leadership teams were set up to oversee particular areas of the work and ministry of the church. A Welcome Team was proposed and a Renewal Centre Pastoral Care Team set up in December 1992; an Evangelism Team and a Worship Team were set up and a Preaching and Teaching Team proposed in January 1993; a Finance Team and a Coffee Bar Management Support Team were set up in February 1993; and a Buildings and Fabric Maintenance Team was set up in July 1995. Other teams were discussed, including ones devoted to Social Action, Fellowship, and Mission Support. By mid 1994 there were teams for Housegroups and Small Groups, Pastoral Visiting, Social Events, the Late Evening Service, and Junior Church. Most teams were led by people appointed by PCC for three years, under authority delegated by PCC.

The purpose of the teams was "to extend ministry and delegate the activity to others in the church", as PCC agreed in February 1993, but PCC recognised that creating and naming a team for a particular activity created "the danger [of suggesting] that no one else does it and this needed to be thought about. The issue of possible exclusivity removed the sense of responsibility we all had for each other. It should be possible to keep the teams open and developing." PCC was also aware that "some Church members were not clear how the teams were formed and felt left out". More fundamentally, PCC felt that "part of the confusion seemed to be about whether the teams were about delegated or shared leadership", and members commented that "a devolved line management style seemed to be the predominant model" but asked "where was the vision for this?"

The Vicar told the Annual Church Meeting in March 1995 that "the team structure sub-committees of PCC will need to be more trusting of each other, so that they can with consultation develop the work and plan targets that are compatible with the total vision of the church. I believe in freedom, within clear boundaries, so that initiative is not stifled. Budgets, linked to targets need urgently to be discussed. I hope that by the end of the year budgeting for 1996 will be completed for all teams currently in operation."

Leadership Team

In March 1993 Peter told PCC that he felt that "the Consultative Group had performed a useful function in enabling him to explore things more fully and to decide on who might be asked to lead teams, etc., but we now needed a more fully representative group with a pastoral 'watching brief' to be sensitive to the care of the whole church and to developing a self-critical view of what we do as a Church."

His proposed solution was to replace the Consultative Group with a Leadership Team, "subject to the authority of the PCC and the Incumbent, to direct and care for the Church. This group should be around ten people and should be made up of the four staff [Vicar, Curate, Youth Pastor, Coffee Bar Manager] plus six others all appointed on a fixed term (say up to three years) and meeting monthly." He proposed two possible ways of filling the "six other" places in the team - the Vicar appoints and PCC ratifies, or PCC elects and the Vicar ratifies - and pointed out that "normally, there should be a good overlap of the membership of the Leadership Team and the PCC."

PCC agreed to discuss the proposals further at its next meeting in May, when it agreed that key roles for the Proposed Leadership Team would be "to help define the priorities for the PCC" and "it should care for the leaders in the Church."

Peter sketched out what the Leadership team would look like and how it would operate in a discussion paper that PCC discussed in September 1993. The main points in the paper were

a. It should have approximately ten members.

b. The Vicar will choose the team; PCC will be invited to suggest possible names.

c. PCC will be able to approve the Vicar's list individually.

d. No non-staff members will serve for more than three consecutive years. Change-overs will be staggered.

e. Its membership should seek to reflect the interests and concerns of the whole church – men and women, young and old, married and unmarried.

f. It should meet monthly, except in August.

Job description

1. To keep an overview of the work of St Thomas's.

2. To be a forum for discussion about leadership and pastoral matters in the church.

3. To help define the priorities for PCC.

4. To help lead the church forward by listening to new ideas, by being constructively critical, and by being prayerful.

5. To exercise a pastoral 'watching brief' in the church as approachable, listening, responsive individuals. (In view of this, the membership of the team will need to be announced in our church's in-house literature)

6. It should care for the staff in matters of housing, refund of expenses, time off, workloads, and by regular appraisal. (Appraisal implies encouragement)

It was proposed that the Vicar would chair the Leadership Team, which would also include the Curate, Youth Pastor, Renewal Centre Administrator, and Deputy Chair of PCC and five named members of PCC.

PCC was keen to ensure that the Leadership Team had proper and effective links with the PCC and other teams, pointing out that "it should have a means by which they interact with the leaders of the other Teams in order to make sure we go ahead together in line with the Statement of Vision and Purpose. It was requested that there be added a statement of the Team's responsibility to PCC."

Advisory Group

At some date before early 1996 Peter had sent up an Advisory Group, which the few references to it in PCC minutes suggest was very much along the lines of the former Consultancy Group.

We find two mentions of the Advisory Group in PCC minutes. The first comes in February 1996, when PCC discussed "developments within the Music Group" which led several members of the group to leave. As well as discussing what happened and why, PCC discussed how it had been handled and asked "why PCC had not been informed and why the Advisory Group had been involved. It was recognised that Advisory Group deal with matters pastoral within the confines of the church, whereas the Pastoral Team are more concerned with external visiting. The relationship of Advisory Group to PCC was also explored, it being stated [by the Vicar] that they act as a sub-committee of PCC."

The second mention occurs more than two years later, when Peter told PCC in November 1998 that the Advisory Group had not met for some time because it had had little business to deal with. He "expressed the view that, as things are developing in the church, he is very aware of how co-operatively PCC has worked, and would like to devote meeting times as a PCC to the development of vision and aspects of policy etc., and perhaps using Standing Committee a lot more. Then the Advisory Group's role would change, and future structures may be streamlined." Six months later, in May 1999, PCC agreed to disband the Advisory Group as a non-executive group and that "its aims [should] be taken over by PCC and Standing Committee who have responsibility to the Church."

Particularly through the first half of Peter's time as Vicar, we see ongoing discussion of how best to structure leadership in the church, seeking the most appropriate balance between the requirements of transparency, accountability, and responsiveness. Several different models were tried but none proved entirely durable and sufficiently adaptable to cope with the range of changing circumstances and opportunities that the church was confronted with.

A similar picture emerges with the second major area that Peter and PCC tried to tackle, particularly during the early 1990s, which was the challenge of responding to and planning for church growth.

Church growth

Early in Peter's time PCC began discussing how best to cope with the fact that the Sunday morning services were effectively full and this was inhibiting further growth. This was not a new challenge; recall that similar discussions had taken place during Cyril Ashton's time.

The discussions began in March 1992 when PCC was presented with a report from the elders on the potential for church growth. The report concluded that "to increase our capacity we either have to start a congregation on a new site or have two morning congregations at the church. Any solution will encounter challenges and opportunities which need to be resolved. Progress towards two morning services will probably require two surveys of members' preferences." Whilst acknowledging that "some people would like the whole church to meet together", it pointed out that "new members can find it difficult to settle in and to use their gifts. [and] The development of two morning services would allow new styles of services to be developed."

PCC agreed "to keep this item on the agenda indefinitely, to agree a paper at the April PCC meeting for circulation at the AGM and to urge the whole church to pray through all the options. Decisions might be taken towards the end of this year and be implemented next year."

The Vicar drafted a paper on 'Growth at St Thomas', Lancaster' that PCC discussed the following month (April 1992). The paper outlined

[a] The present situation: "the numbers attending the 10.30 am services are now approaching 360-400 of whom half approximately are children or young people age 16 years or under";

[b] Consequences: "the capacity of the building has been reached; late-comers find it difficult to get seats and feel reticent about coming; the size of the congregation is creating a loss of a sense of intimacy; the busy-ness and congestion is or will put off new people coming, thus inhibiting growth"; "Gifted potential leadership in our congregation is not being used or growing. Spiritual gifting is being limited by lack of opportunity."

[c] Ministry and administrative support: "'Full-time' ministers must be seen at both services in proportion so that no one think that one service is 'second best'; we will need two music groups. A different approach may be needed if more young talent is to be employed; we may need to replicate all or part of the Junior Church structure, which may force some 'economies' eg broader age banding, and it may require a radical re-think of Junior Church as the approach to making young disciples; vergering and security and handing over of equipment will need to be thought through."

The report was discussed in small groups then by the whole PCC. The need for change was broadly agreed, and three options for increasing capacity were discussed

1. export part of the congregation with leaders outside the parish;

2. export part of the congregation with leaders to another location within the parish; and

3. run two morning services in our own church building.

There was a clear consensus in favour of option 3 which PCC agreed to recommend to the church, with a view to starting two morning services by September 1993.

In planning for the change PCC also agreed to [a] set up a small committee "to consider the practical problems which may arise, such as people switching between services and car parking"; [b] organise two surveys of the congregation, "to learn the preferences of church members"; and [c] have this as the main topic for the forthcoming Week of Prayer (11th to 15th of May).

PCC continued its discussions two month later at the start of June, when it agreed to set up a Church Growth Working Party whose tasks would include to "seek ways to catch the vision that lay behind the decision [to start two morning services] and to enthuse the Church membership for its implementation." After some discussion PCC agreed on the need "to separate the concept of Church growth from the possible change of arrangements for services", and Peter Guinness "encouraged those with misgivings about the plans for Church growth to continue to express them and to express the fears of the Church membership so that a full view of the whole Church's feelings could inform the PCC in its decision-making." The meeting was divided into three groups to suggest aims and objectives for the proposed Working Party, notes from which would be used by Peter to draft a report for discussion at the next PCC meeting.

Peter's draft report was discussed by PCC on the 6th of July and "re-drafted and re-ordered to the satisfaction of the meeting". The revised version is given in full below –

Working Party on Church Growth: terms of reference.

A. Aims of changes envisaged

1. To reconsider and discover the needs of all the church membership.

2. To consider the place of children and young people in our church life, and to plan ahead with them in mind.

3. To encourage and enable outreach to those who are presently non-church goers and to be responsive to their needs.

4. To draw those presently on the fringe of the church into a deeper commitment.

5. To love, support and encourage people during the changes in the church.

6. To encourage new ministry and leadership and give more opportunity for these to be exercised.

7. To create physical space for growth in attendance at Sunday worship.

B. The objectives of the Working Party

1. To help implement the PCC decision to have two morning services by September 1993.

2. To suggest the best times and duration of these two services.

3. To suggest solutions to practical problems such as car parking, crèche facilities, PA teams, etc. at change-over times.

4. To consider afresh how best to involve all members in the activities of the church.

5. To suggest methods of outreach. What kind of new church members are we trying to attract?

6. To devise methods of welcoming people into the church.

7. To suggest the means of encouraging new leadership and ministry.

8. To consult by spoken and written means, through notices, articles, questionnaires and general meetings, as well as by personal contact, with the church membership [on] all matters relating to the changes. This activity to begin in September 1992 and to include monthly reports back to the PCC on views expressed, and to keep the church informed on developments.

9. To provide material for prayer at regular intervals, starting in September 1992. To recognise that there will be fear and apprehension and that faith and mutual love, as well as obedience to God, is the key to the changes.

10. To submit an interim report and recommendations to the AGM in 1993 and to submit final recommendations in June 1993.

C. The composition of the Working Party.

It was agreed that the Working Party should consist of the Vicar and five people broadly representative of the range of different groups within the church.

Two morning services

The Working Party quickly got down to work, with Peter Guinness chairing it first meeting in September but handing the chair over to others after that having "expressed a concern [to PCC that month] that he would delay the committee owing to the pressure of other commitments." The group reported back to PCC in October, re-affirming the decision to run two morning services "in order to increase church growth and the opportunities to serve in ministry."

PCC discussed the draft congregational questionnaire in December and a revised version in January, which it agreed to use with the whole church on the 21st of February. The two key questions were - 'What do you appreciate about the present services which you hope we will be able to keep intact?' And 'What can we not do under the present system that you think we should be able to do under a different system?' People were also asked to 'List the most creative ways you can imagine for meeting our two main initial objectives of church growth' (more capacity for morning service congregations, and more opportunities for people to get involved in ministry). PCC's responses to the three questions make interesting reading -

_i. Things they hoped could be "kept intact" included - current length; wide participation (up front, preaching, prayers, reading, leading); preaching from the lectern; relaxed atmosphere, laughter; time for fellowship and socialising; music, quality of and contemporary style; children, made welcome, in for part of service and out for part; revitalised family spot; all age services (including monthly Family Service); Holy Communion, availability, regular timing, not rushed; opportunities for ministry time; people, that we don't lose them._

_ii. 'Things that we cannot currently do' included - more variation, in style of service, type of music; both services should not be carbon copies of each other; Family Communion (children with parents); more evangelistic services; more shared ministry (especially women preaching and leading); more scope to invite people; more children, young people and Junior Church leaders actively involved in services; manifestation of Gifts of the Spirit; greater freedom (eg people singing in tongues); more opportunities for people to share; more use of personal stories and testimonies; learning groups; put notices on OHP screen and allow service to flow better; have refreshments (presumably after the service!); change overhead screen._

_iii. 'Creative ways for meeting the two main objectives of church growth' included \- two morning services; change layout in church (more seats available in church, flexible seating; remove organ pipes and re-open gallery; dig out a crypt); change venue, use the Priory or Ashton Hall; invest in new technology, close-circuit TV; scrap sermons sometimes; involve people in prayers; organisers; all-age study groups; adults out and children in; have special notice slot before service._

The Church Growth Working Party reported back to PCC in May 1993, with recommendations. It noted that it had "set out to consult as widely as possible and sought input from the congregation (via the February consultation), our church leaders (especially PCC), key interest groups within the church (especially Junior Church and the Worship Team) and our two Bishops." In addition it had "explored many ideas, issues and options and tried hard to remain open to what God and the church were pointing us towards."

The Working Party concluded, "after much discussion, reflection and prayer", that "all the signs were that a move towards two morning services in church was inappropriate". As a result, much of the group's time had been invested in exploring the pros and cons of eight different possible ways of meeting the church growth objective -

1. Remodel: internal reorganisation within church to create extra space, eg incorporate lower lounge, use the chancel.

2. Optimise: change the layout of people within the existing church, eg by turning the congregation to face sideways or towards the lower lounge, replace pews with chairs, move children to the floor, move Music Group to a different place, or follow an optional all age worship with separate adult and children's time.

3. Diversify: keep the morning congregation intact and start a new service either on a Sunday afternoon or another day (eg Friday evening, Saturday)

4. Extend: increase the size of the existing church building. The buildings recently vacated on the church car park could also be used.

5. Relocate: hold some services in a larger venue (eg the Ashton Hall).

6. Divide: divide the morning congregation into two new ones; a variant is two overlapping services with Junior Church and the adult teaching slot in the centre and a worship time on either side.

7. Graft: send out some active church members to help other churches

8. Plant: start up a new church somewhere within the parish

The Working Party was unanimous in recommending option 8 to PCC as the right way forward for St Thomas' at that point in time, and it suggested that two objectives should be actively pursued – 1. the short-term objective of a plant in the Chapel of St Martin's College, to start at Easter 1994 and run initially for a twelve month trial period, with a review at the end of that period; and 2. the longer-term objective of a more outreach- and mission-focussed plant within the Primrose estate, perhaps but not necessarily based in Westham Street Mission.

Church Plant

PCC agreed in June 1993 that "a congregational plant should be the next stage forward in the church's growth" and that Peter should inform the Bishop [of Blackburn] and consult with the Methodists at Westham Street Mission.

Peter reported this outcome to the whole church that month via a special news-sheet, announcing that PCC had decided -

" _to plant a congregation within the parish as soon as it can. How this is to be achieved needs prayer. The Church Growth Working Party can testify to a strong sense of God's call to this. We began with the request to work out two morning services and found ourselves directed both inwardly (we believe by the Spirit), and outwardly by the suggestions from the congregation, consultations with others and literature.... Please pray now for God to call people who will move from St Thomas' morning service and plant a new congregation. Pray, too, that God will anoint our witness and welcome, that more people will come and fill their places."_

In September Peter told PCC that he had met with Bishop Alan Chesters, who had made some useful suggestions, including developing a link with Ellel St John Church in Galgate. The Church Growth Working Party had discussed and supported the suggestions, and PCC agreed to advise the Bishop that it was praying about the matter.

PCC heard in February 1994 that the Bishop of Lancaster (Jack Nicholls) had recently written "to say that he was disappointed that Ellel St John did not feel they wanted to pursue a link with us at St Thomas'." PCC agreed that the Church Growth Working Party should re-convene "to look again at the possibilities of an evangelistic Sunday morning service elsewhere in the Parish" which Bishop Jack had encouraged.

In May 1994 the Working Party presented to PCC a paper entitled Beyond the Fringe, which it described as "the end product of [a] journey of discovery, which has made us ask and seek answers to many important questions, thrown us back time and again to relying on God to guide us forward, and reinforced our belief that St Thomas' is being challenged to break out of its shell and start a new worshiping community within the parish." The paper concluded that "the best way of planting a church in the Primrose area was to establish a worshipping group of Christians there. The aim of this group is primarily evangelistic, and not to relieve over-crowding in the morning service. It should have its own identity and not be a clone of St Thomas'."

It asked PCC "at its next meeting to lay down this Church Growth Working Party (whose work now seems to be completed), and to authorise the establishment of a Church Plant Team (which would be given the responsibility of founding the prayer/worship fellowship, and prayerfully planning and starting the plant)." PCC agreed "to communicate to the Church in general that this group will worship for the morning only and will not be a breakaway Church."

Peter Guinness updated PCC in September, noting that the Plant Team "was 'fired up and ready to go' but wanted some feedback and advice from the PCC on timing. It was noted that other churches within Lancaster were moving on similar lines, for example Christ Church had already established a group based on the Ridge School." PCC discussed a number of plant related issues at its next meeting in early October, including the extent to which PCC shared the plant team's motivation and vision for the plant, whether "the church had a firm enough foundation to support a church plant", and how strongly the church and plant would be linked once the plant was established.

Some members of PCC felt that "the case for a church plant was not in doubt, but rather the details of how to make it happen." More worrying was the concern voiced within PCC that "some church members were saying that we didn't need a Church Plant as numbers were declining", although PCC was reminded that the Church Plant is part of our missionary work in the city, not a solution to over-crowding." We'll look at the question of numbers attending services in St Thomas' at this time later in this chapter.

As noted earlier, Peter Guinness was away from Lancaster on study leave between October and December 1994, but over that period and through much of 1995 the Church Plant Team continued to meet regularly for prayer and worship, and to plan the plant. But that planning came to an abrupt halt in early September when PCC was told that the Team had "decided they had come to a dead end and would no longer meet in that guise. Finding a place to meet in the Primrose area had become an insoluble problem... They had also investigated holding 'seeker services' in Church but had decided against these, being unable to resource them."

The trail then goes cold for the rest of Peter's time on the question of church growth, the need for it, scope for it, and ways of coping with it.

Vision and purpose

We have seen that PCC devoted a great deal of time and energy to discussions about leadership and governance and about church growth, particularly during the first five years or so of Peter Guinness's time as Vicar. The third 'big issue' was the vision and purpose of the church, which continued to occupy PCC through the two decades of his incumbency.

Statement of purpose

Discussion about the purpose of St Thomas' began in PCC in November 1992, when members of Council worked in small groups "to brainstorm the themes of worship, mission, fellowship and nurture, outlined in the working paper 'Structure of Leadership' [described earlier], and came up with a list of phrases describing how these are expressed in the life of the church now and what our goals might be for the future in these areas".

That exercise informed the drafting by Peter of a paper entitled 'Draft Statement of Purpose for St Thomas' Church (December 1992)', reprinted in full here –

Draft Statement of Purpose for St Thomas' Church (December 1992)

Our statement of purpose should give the main reasons why St Thomas' exists, or what it is for. The life of St Thomas consists of three major areas, in each of which we seek the direction and empowering of the Holy Spirit

.

WORSHIP _: Worship is our church's primary task, encouraging intimacy with God, combining the richness of liturgy with spontaneity, being responsive to Scripture, and seeking local relevance and variety. Our coming together needs to be both a culmination and a springboard for all age groups participating in a life given to worshipping God._

MISSION _: The Gospel is for everyone. St Thomas's must proclaim by word, deed and symbol through its members, its plant and resources, the love of God as revealed in Christ Jesus and the renewing work of the Holy Spirit. Mission must affect every aspect of our church's life, and must be considered in everything we plan and do. Mission has three components, local, regional and worldwide, and it requires the church to look and move beyond itself._

FELLOWSHIP AND NURTURE _: St Thomas's exists to support people and enable them to grow as redeemed children of God. This is done through teaching the faith, prayer, genuine friendship, sharing our lives, welcoming and involving newcomers, and offering counsel to the hurting, each using their gifts. We seek to diminish the arbitrary division between the social and the spiritual. Fellowship involves the real meeting together of God's children, welcoming the outsider into the warmth of God's love._

PCC discussed the paper in December 1992 and agreed that two additions should be made to it - "that St Thomas' is committed to the renewing work of the Holy Spirit, and is an encouragement to other churches."

The 'Statement of Purpose' was retitled 'Statement of Purpose and Vision'. Peter was keen for PCC to keep the Statement of Purpose and Vision under review, and he asked PCC in June 1994 whether "in our worship, mission, nurture and fellowship can we identify elements of what the Lord is calling us to be and to do, in order to know how to respond to the issue of staffing levels after Brian [McConkey, Youth Pastor] and Trevor [Mapstone, Curate] have moved on to new work?" A range of suggestions were offered, including - "the effectiveness of housegroups, are they past their sell-by date?; trying to develop pastoral care and a sense of community within the church; a need for events, meetings (eg Alpha) which might smooth people's introduction to God and the Church; a danger of being too inward looking; we should be prepared to go into the community rather than expect the community to necessarily come to us; the shabby appearance of the church ("Would seats rather than pews be more welcoming? A genuine worshipping group of Christians should be attractive despite the surrounding."); although the level of teaching in the church services is good, ultimately church members are not encouraged or challenged to respond personally; the services in general seem to be getting more 'forced' and enthusiasm for worship declining."

The need to "seek God's guidance on the subject of our vision for St Thomas's" was the central theme of the PCC away day that October.

Peter Guinness told PCC in October 1994 that "our Vision Statement developed in 1993 still stands. For the future we recognise that –

  * Our worship needs to be more creatively varied, drawing on other traditions.

  * Our local evangelism will develop through the Church Plant and the Alpha Course. We want each member's witness in the community at home, and at work, as well as through the church's activities, such as the Coffee Bar, to be more effective. We need to develop our role as a City Centre Church. We wonder what would be revealed by an audit of our evangelism.

  * We need to develop our work with older members and older people in general, both in pastoral care and opportunities for companionship.

  * We need to develop our work with the young, involving them more in the life and ministry and leadership of the church.

  * Pastoral care relies on the network of Housegroup Leaders, Staff and Pastoral Auxiliaries and Lay Readers. This needs further strengthening as the church gains new people moving in to the area, whilst others move away for new jobs.

  * A constant challenge in this church is to discover the resources that are already here in the congregation.

  * We need to refurbish and adapt our building further, to make it more useful in the city centre and as a place of prayer and worship."

Moving into mission

With the benefit of hindsight it becomes clear that by this time, within four years of Peter's arrival, the renewal and pastoral ministries which had been a priority over the previous two decades, were being replaced by a new focus on mission. This was a church in transition, although many members of the congregation did not fully realise it at the time.

This journey became more obvious when Peter told the Annual Church Meeting in March 1995, only months after the end of his first sabbatical, that "we must respond more obviously to the 'Mission' part of our statement. Creative thinking must be done to find ways, step by step, to transform ourselves into a Missionary Church. We will continue to maintain the importance of Worship, and Nurture and Fellowship, but try hard to bring ourselves to think 'Mission', because the Lord knew throughout his ministry that he had come to seek and save the lost."

He shared his view that "we will need to discover what is appropriate for us in our city, with our resources. A set of aims will focus our energy and finances in a new direction. Much which is good will remain, but some cherished things will have to be discarded. We cannot do everything or please everybody." Peter then pointed out that "moving into missionary mode means -

  1. Moving into the mainstream of God's plan for the universe, the fulfilment of which is summed up in the saying, 'At the name of Jesus, every knee shall bow.' Coming more under his rule will shake the foundations of our church life as we know it. It will affect our use of time, talents and money, and tough cherished idols. The church will need to be challenged about our obedience to the commands of the Lord....

  2. Planning for growth, with all the consequences of bereavement that growth will inevitably bring. With the pain of change and growth we can react negatively or positively to the cry, 'St Thomas' is not like it used to be.' Even ten new converts would change us.

  3. Recognising [that] the outside world despises institutions – the monarchy, parliament, the police. We need to relate to and listen to what those outside are saying. In Lancaster there are many talented, artistic and deeply thinking people who are on the edges of Christian belief, who find the church irrelevant and preoccupied with internal niceties rather than ecology, world poverty, the youth culture, and the fact that Lancaster is a centre for middle class New Agers – people searching for religion, meaning and power. St Thomas' needs radical thinking to respond to this.

  4. Using our buildings which are in a prime site. One way forward is to let young trained people reach the roaming, disillusioned youth of our city. We could – if we were prepared for it – work with local agencies. We even have the expertise, if we are prepared to employ it, for parenting classes, debt counselling, keep fit...

  5. Considering youth and students. Younger leadership can be empowered, by traditional leadership letting go and supporting them.... Young people are generally not becoming involved in real ministry (healing, evangelism, preaching) or even becoming Christians. The children of Christian parents are on the whole not staying in the church once they reach their twenties. At St Thomas' we also need to equip them to face the less vibrant church scene elsewhere when they move. Furthermore, we need to find out what the students want who make up about a third of our congregation.... The Late Evening Service is giving wonderful opportunity for some young people to be involved in leadership and serious ministry opportunities."

Peter then mentioned a number of things that might prevent this vision from becoming reality, pointing particularly to the fact that most churches tend to be:

[a] inward looking (noting that "even worship can be dominated by our desire to experience good feelings, rather than offering ourselves in praise to God");

[b] conservative (preferring to "keep things how they have been in the fairly recent past"); and

[c] male dominated (noting that "Jesus... asks for servant leadership. Scripture also points to the equality and complementariness of women, and the ability of little children to enter the kingdom of God and therefore to minister in His name.").

He dealt at some length with the fact that most churches are primarily concerned with pastoral care, noting that -

" _pastoring is essential, but it is not the priority. The Gospel declares that Christ will set people free. We are all in need of and progressing in healing, and the process takes place over a period of time in the routine of worship, teaching and corporate life as well as occasions for ministry. The focus of healing and care must be the One who brings wholeness. There was a time when we thought that offering ministry would bring people in and indirectly do evangelism. From the outsider's point of view, Christian healing is only one amongst many 'therapies' on offer in our New Age culture. Offering counselling and ministry has created an opportunity for some to use up a great deal of energy, and foster a dependency culture which mitigates against Christ dependency, community self help and networking relationships."_

Peter rounded off his presentation by outlining how the church should move forward. Key elements included:

[a] Ecumenism ("We cannot fulfil mission on our own.... God's vision for the church is to reach the nation, not just our catchment (St T's types). Our missionary church must be involved with other Anglican churches and denominations in promoting effective mission here and abroad.");

[b] Community (noting from past experience that "non-Christians came to the church's social functions with Christians by invitation... because of the meal, the fun and the unthreatening religion", and pointing out the potential of things that already existed at St Thomas' like ArtsHouse, the Granary Coffee Bar, the Alpha Course, but emphasising that "real community happens when people truly relate to one another at all levels, sharing their lives in helping, supporting, grieving and rejoicing";

[c] The importance of non-church activities, and of "Christians who dedicate themselves to living by Christian principles and faith in the tough 'coal face' of society". He added that "being a Christian is not about helping to run a church. The creative energies of very busy people dare not be wasted on the hum-drum of the day-to-day running of the church, unless they are the ones called and gifted by God to do that. Those with leadership skills and particular insights should be released into more creative ministries."

[d] Home; "Our homes are places for worship, mission and fellowship. Non-Christians sharing in our hospitality will also find out better who we are.... Living life in all its fullness as God intended us to, but enjoying it in love and hospitality. Why do we so often embarrass them by bringing them to the alien culture of the church as a first step? But in order to do this we shall have to be less busy with church, so that we can have friends at home.

[e] Social action; "Jesus cared for the crowds – the church too should care for the community. We need to be better informed. Those with vision and skills, say in debt counselling schemes, Credit Unions, local and national politics, homeless action, need our support and encouragement.... We have buildings, good will, and the power of the Holy Spirit who wishes to spread through us the love of God in a hurting world. St Thomas' has dared to venture this way before. Let us find out from those who know, and seek the Lord for our part in the love he wants us to show."

"In summary," Peter concluded, "we need the courage to scale down our activities, and release those with vision and calling to proclaim by word and action the Kingdom of God in the society in which God has placed us."

Testing times

Peter Guinness returned from study leave in December 1994 but the following twelve months were to be a testing time for him and the church. The year got off to a difficult start when the two Churchwardens resigned and stepped down from PCC.

Peter told the Annual Church Meeting in March 1995 that "PCC has had a stormy year and inevitably there is some hurt. The disagreement is complex, but centres around vision and leadership issues. Within that difficult situation let us hold on to the Lord's word to us some weeks ago, to avoid justification and explanation, but to aim at affirming one another in an atmosphere of openness and honesty." He reminded PCC in October of the need to "seek the Lord for his will for the church. If Jesus is to be Lord of his church, we must listen to him for direction rather than ask him to bless our plans."

The following month PCC had "an extended time of personal repentance for ways in which we have grieved God and hurt those around us, whether deliberately or unwittingly.... [and joined in] a prayer of re-dedication to God that he would renew us in love and obedience to him and our brothers and sisters in St Thomas'."

Some of the unrest centred on what some members of the church saw as the sudden and unexpected change in focus and emphasis away from pastoral care towards mission. As the minutes of the March 1995 PCC meeting record, "whilst some church members affirmed their support for his missionary vision, others thought that we had got the balance right, and that a strong sense of Christian fellowship and caring could, in itself, be effective in attracting those outside the Church. In reply, the Vicar reiterated that, although pastoral care was important, he thought it had become a preoccupation and that mission should be our priority."

There was also some unhappiness, as reported to the December PCC meeting, that "the original vision for the Coffee Bar [described later] seems to have been lost, and it is now just run as a café (albeit a very good one). The same could be said of our vision for the Renewal Centre, which no longer seems to be fulfilled."

Financial constraints also meant that "landmark decisions on some important matters have had to be put in abeyance (a source of some frustration) and the PCC's year has probably reflected that of the wider church – one of reflection and circumspection, rather than obvious activity", as the 1995 Annual Church Report noted.

Nonetheless, in April (1995) Peter presented the incoming PCC with a list of projects they needed to work on, "with much prayer and loving debate, and an obedience to God's word". It included agreeing specific aims and objectives for the church for the next five years, creating "a detailed plan of expenditure, linked to the vision of the church, and realistic in terms of income", considering ways of increasing income, appointing a Youth Pastor by the end of 1995, enabling the work of the Church Plant Team, prioritising repairs to the buildings, and considering "how to release ministry by improving administration."

In September the Advisory Group began work on a Mission Statement for St Thomas', informed by the one recently adopted by the diocese which read "We, God's people in the Diocese of Blackburn, depending on the Holy Spirit, in co-operation with our fellow Christians, seek to proclaim the kingdom of God and to make the good news of Christ more fully known through worship, service and witness to the glory of God the Father." PCC agreed to adopt it with one small change, adding "as part of" between "We" and "God's people".

Developing the building

The change in emphasis from pastoral support to mission brought into focus the matter of the church building and its suitability for current and anticipated needs. Peter raised this at the 1995 Annual Church Meeting, where he shared his belief that

" _we could begin to consider refurbishing the church seating. As worship is our highest priority, we need to make the building more useful for the Late Evening Service and other occasions, as well as a place for fellowship meetings. The building needs some skilled and creative work to develop its potential as a place of worship. A sense of numinous [the power or presence of God] is lacking when it is empty. There is a need in a city centre for a chapel for quiet prayer, open during the day. This would also be good for the smaller mid-week services we have, than a scattering of 25 people over a large building."_

The matter of the building also surfaced at the PCC meeting in September. As part of a discussion about agenda priorities for the coming months, "some of the suggestions included re-formulating a vision for the Church since this may be linked to why we have problems persuading people to increase their level of giving. They might be more inclined to give if they had something to get excited about. On this point things weren't necessarily as static as they might seem. Plans were afoot to look at physically restructuring the Church building, although this hadn't actually got off the ground yet."

In December PCC "spent some time in prayer, considering the various buildings that go to make up St Thomas' and the activities that go on within them; both thanking God for their current use and re-dedicating them to Him for the future." A range of views and ideas were shared in the discussion which followed, including -

  * " _the church buildings have an air of 'grunge' about them";_

  * since the church is used mainly on Sundays, could it be hired out for the rest of the week?;

  * could we meet in a school instead?;

  * could the interior of the church be converted, for example to include a gym or perhaps "a chapel for private prayer and meditation"?;

  * could the Lower Lounge in church be used as a 'drop-in-centre' of some form, and the upstairs lounge rented out for conferences?;

  * could the Coffee Bar be used for joint Alpha Courses with other local churches?;

  * could we raise money to invest in the church buildings via grant applications to English Heritage and the European Community, or perhaps using the proceeds from the sale of the Curate's House in Ulster Road?

Developing the vision

PCC continued its discussions about vision and purpose in February 1996. It recognised the importance of the youth and children's ministries, healing of relationships, and people's ministry in the workplace, and a sense that God was "'sifting' what we do... [and] waiting for us and inviting us to follow."

Peter suggested that PCC should "focus the vision of St Thomas' by listing the essentials we want to continue to support". Under 'Worship' these included Sunday worship (perhaps with "more experimentation and flexibility"), more flexible use of the building, prayer, worship with other churches, housegroups and how they feed people into Sunday worship, and the role of other small groups. Under 'Nurture' the two "essentials" were welcoming people new to the church, and housegroups.

Peter shared with the whole church at the Annual Church Meeting in March 1996 his sense that "we are having to find our way forward in a new landscape" and he gave thanks for "the courage and faith of PCC as we begin to discern the way forward... [after a] year of building up trust in each other and renewed commitment to prayer and the Lord." He emphasised that "discovering the Lord's will, waiting, and not doing something simply for the sake of it, is actually quite hard." Decision-making, he said, was being inhibited by financial constraints (including growing demand from the Diocese), the fact that "we are not at all clear about the best use of the buildings we have. [and] It is hard for committees to be creative." The Vicar explained that -

" _we are aware that prayer has not been our strong point at St Thomas's for some time.... We are in a spiritual battle.... Many churches are experiencing a new sense of the power of God, and we should expect and pray for that. However, I believe the Lord has been speaking to us very clearly and prophetically. About four years ago, the Lord indicated that he would shake St Thomas's. All of us have experienced this. He may still do more. About two years ago, at our rare Saturday prayer meetings, with only a few present, the message was about the field being ploughed up. I believe we've been through a time when God has been turning over the soil of many of our set ideas and expectations – but that now he is going to plant new seeds which will grow into some great work for his kingdom – perhaps more than we can see or imagine."_

As the minutes of the 1996 Annual Church Meeting record, one member of the church "expressed his concern that manifestations of the Holy Spirit seemed to have diminished over the last eight years. The Vicar gave his general agreement in that manifestations through tongues, prophecy and healing probably had declined. However, this was common to many other churches with charismatic roots. More encouraging were the many prophetic words which came through sermons and which aren't so obviously supernatural and yet just as important. He also felt God did want to renew people in the Spirit and longed for external manifestation of this renewal."

Nine months later, in mid January 1997, PCC devoted more time to identifying priorities in the life and ministry of the church, in order to help refine A Vision for St Thomas'. Key areas were -

  * Young Church members (2-16 years);

  * The Late Evening Service and Students;

  * Worship;

  * Fellowship, Nurture and Pastoral Care;

  * Mission;

  * Teaching and training;

  * Prayer;

  * Administration;

  * Financial Development;

  * The Church Building.

PCC set up small teams "to develop those particular areas, and the means for so doing."

Looking back on 1996 at the April 1997 Annual Church Meeting, Peter described it as "a year when we seemed unable to move forward. Lack of finance prevented our employing a Youth Pastor, and memories of painful conflicts in previous years made it difficult to proceed."

The Vicar announced that for the last few months he had "felt more strongly that the Lord wants us to take active steps to grow in size as well as in depth – and not by transfer growth. There is a vast need for converts in this city. We must plan to reach them." The plan would include "developing our worship, prayer, intercession, pastoral care and evangelism" and appointing staff - "an ordained minister skilled in youth issues", a children's worker, a co-ordinator or administrator, and a director of music.

Peter spelled out at the 1997 Annual Church Meeting his vision for the kind of church he would like St Thomas' to be -

" _a constantly welcoming church in which there are open relationships, close and honest teamwork with the Lord and each other. In which jealousy about position or responsibilities is absent. In which we marvel and rejoice in the giftings we see around us. In which we accept others doing honourable things in a way that we might not like, but if it is godly, and honestly offered with humility, can be graciously appreciated. This is a church in which creativity, colour, contrast, variety, unusualness, depth, love, the power of God, and the supreme centrality of Christ will be so evident, that women and men, and children, from all over the area will come and bow the knee to Jesus, finding him before it is too late."_

Five month later, when it reviewed the Mission Statement in September 1997, PCC recognised that "our aims of 1,000 regular worshippers within five years and two thirds of the membership involved with others in some form of Christian ministry is quite ambitious."

But it was also aware that "some positive things are happening in line with the Vision" - an architect had been appointed to advise on the buildings, plans were being made to refurbish the church, progress was being made in funding and appointing staff, and things were moving forward in terms of local mission and evangelism (with help from Derek Simpson, described later under 'Outreach and mission'). In the context of new staff, PCC discussed whether to seek one full-time leader to head up children's work and the Late Evening Service or to have two part-time leaders, recognising that "either job could be full-time, but that they were two totally different fields of work and people would be drawn towards either one side or the other."

PCC reviewed the Mission Statement again in February 1998, concluding that it was still relevant and should be retained. Good progress had been made in areas like prayerfulness, world mission, worship, teaching and training, but PCC agreed that "the section on evangelism does need review, as the Coffee Bar has now gone, and very little has happened lately with ArtsHouse, but we do have an Alpha Course, a second one is being prepared and a third one is a possibility."

In January 1999 PCC agreed to rename the Mission Statement as the Vision Statement and to republish it without the section on growth, where least progress had been made. PCC was told that "there are currently 677 worshippers and the Church is considered full now", and although "generally speaking housegroups are growing... it is difficult to quantify because of the turnover [of] students."

The following month PCC had a preliminary discussion about "What is the Lord asking of us?" as part of its reflection on the Vision Statement. Amongst other things it considered how to be a worshipping community, how to increase active involvement of church members, and how to develop local outreach. It gave some thought to the question "How are we going to grow, which is one of our major aims? Do we grow to 1,000 or split into smaller churches? The Church is nearly full now...". It also shared views about developing the youth and children's ministries, with the Late Evening Service regularly attracting more than eighty people, and agreed on the need for "a thorough investigation... on how to integrate children with the Church." PCC discussed "some proposed amendments for updating [the] Mission Statement and aspects of the Church's Vision" at its March meeting but no consensus was reached on most of them.

Although Peter told the March 1999 Annual Church Meeting of his sadness at the closure of the Granary Coffee Bar he had some success stories to share, including the appointment of a Church Co-ordinator (Dave Cumming) "who has taken over many administrative duties previously undertaken by the Vicar and the Curate", and development of good working relationships with Clive Corfield and Sovereign Ministries (then renting office space in the upstairs Church Centre).

His overall tone was upbeat; he spoke of "a sense that we are moving on with God and a number of Services have reflected this. There is an expectancy of revival, and a strong feeling that that is where God is moving us in this country and the world." A similar tone can be found in the minutes of the June 1999 PCC meeting, which note that "items" from the Vision Statement "were discussed at length and will continue as we develop God's vision for the church."

With work on vision and purpose continuing to progress, the time seemed right to put in place structures to support, communicate and deliver them. In November 1999 PCC agreed to set up a Working Party - the Structures Group (described below) \- "to develop Church and leadership structures to support and facilitate the fulfilment of the five-fold purpose of the Church and its specific goals." It also agreed to seek advice from Bob and Mary Hopkins (Anglican consultants in church growth), and to give PCC more time to discuss "larger issues" by allowing the Standing Committee to "take over more of the decision making".

At its November meeting PCC agreed to develop an overseas mission link with the Nambale Diocese in Kenya (described below), which Derek Simpson had been exploring on behalf of St Thomas' after it had received an approach from the church in Nambale.

In his address to the Annual Church Meeting in April 2000 Peter explained that "he had been sharing aspects of developing vision through PCC and trying to improve communication." He pointed out that "more volunteer support is needed and should be developed", but closed by emphasising the key challenge of "being truly in Christ. We must ask people to forbear one another in love and to welcome others. Deeper relationships can only come through individuals reaching out in love."

Nearly two years later, in February 2002, PCC agreed the 'Purpose Statement' for St Thomas', with the strapline Worshipping together and at home, we serve and proclaim Jesus wherever we are. The Statement declared that -

  * " _Our purpose as a church is that each member at St Thomas's (and each organisation within it) is committed to –_

  * Worship _: worshipping our Creator and Saviour, celebrating the Lord together and at home;_

  * Mission _: welcoming others continually as we share our testimony of Jesus Christ;_

  * Ministry _: serving Jesus by serving one another and our fellow human beings where ever we are, using our time, God-given skills, possessions and our money;_

  * Fellowship _: supporting one another in spiritual growth, Christian ministry and through the joys and sorrows of life;_

  * Discipleship _: learning and sharing from Scripture how to live in the real world in the obedience of faith. Developing skills in order to impact society with the Kingdom of God."_

A Vision and Mission Task Group (which is not mentioned in any other PCC minutes) reported to PCC in April 2003, pointing out a series of issues that needed to be tackled. These included deciding how best to build on the church's strengths; the need to start and develop new leadership from within the church; the scope need to make more use of a discipleship training course called The Source; and the need to develop clusters and small groups.

A number of other growing Anglican churches across Britain were at that time restructuring how they 'did church', replacing the common structure of having large 'gathered' congregations supported by a number of small groups (typically housegroups with a pastoral emphasis), with a three-fold structure including medium-sized clusters of small groups (with more of a missional emphasis).

Peter Guinness had already advised the Bishop of Blackburn in February 2002 that one of the church's three priorities for mission - along with increased commitment to personal and corporate prayer, and "making Alpha an integral part of our outreach programme in partnership with several other local churches" - was "forming another two clusters of small groups and through this to develop more leadership and initiatives in local ministry and mission", although it is not clear what other clusters existed in St Thomas' at that time. He also developed the theme a little at the Annual Church Meeting in April 2003, where he spoke about "the way forward and the vision of the church as a vine and small groups and clusters as the branches where much could be done to develop a sense of belonging which is difficult in a church as large as ours." There is no further mention of clusters in the minutes of any subsequent PCC or Annual Church Meetings during Peter's time as Vicar.

At the 2003 Annual Church Meeting Peter also "outlined the challenge in evangelism and mission, the need for new leaders to be identified and encouraged to come forward and to get involved, and the Power of the Spirit which we need to be open to if we are to move on in God's work and in His strength."

Mission Action Plans (MAPs)

Two years later the discussions within St Thomas' about vision and purpose were reframed to meet the needs of the Mission Action Plan (MAP) requested by the Bishop of Blackburn as part of the Church of England's approach of helping dioceses and churches to refocus on the primary task of mission.

PCC first discussion the MAP in May 2005, noting that "much of what the plan suggests we have been looking at or have done over the last few years."

The MAP process involved three stages - Review, Choice, and Planning. In Stage 1 (Review), undertaken between March and September 2005, PCC reviewed what the church does and why it does it, drawing heavily on the Vision Statement it had developed between 1997 and 2004. Key themes in that included -

  * " _Raise mission to its proper key place in the life and work of the church", particularly through a long sermon series based on Luke's gospel;_

  * " _Outgrow our buildings", particularly with the morning service effectively full on some Sundays;_

  * " _Encourage and nurture children", and PCC's decision to appoint a half-time Youth Pastor starting in September 2005._

Also highlighted were three core values -

  * Worship, emphasising "adaptability of our buildings" and "the priority of prayer";

  * Mission, with a focus on "relationships with others, especially those outside the church" and "Inviting people to Alpha", and

  * Discipleship, and PCC's decision to appoint a part-time paid post "to coordinate Discipleship and Training courses which the staff team and others will run.".

PCC focussed on Stage 2 (Choice) in September 2005 when it discussed any modifications thought necessary to the Vision Paper and what the main priorities for action should be. It agreed that the top priority was "the project to refurbish and remodel the West End of the Church. This incorporates many points in furthering the purposes of the Church."

Stage 3 (Planning) occupied PCC during its October and November meetings in 2005. An important element within the Mission Action Plan process was the need to review and revise it every year, although PCC chose to develop a five-year plan that it would review and revise annually.

In May 2006 PCC updated the MAP "with fresh goals and targets for mission" for 2007, acknowledging that "much more was positively developing than the MAP had recorded." In November it reviewed progress to date, noting that the target of raising £100,000 [£112,800] to finance the church building project (Project 1) had been reached, "but with increases in building costs more is needed to complete Phase 1 of the plans." PCC agreed to postpone Project 2 (repairs to the Church Centre) as less urgent.

Looking back over the previous year, PCC regretted that a planned weekly seminar series had not materialised, but welcomed successes including the introduction of a Parenting Course; plans were emerging for a Listening Course and a Pastoral Skills Course; a new leader had been found for Encounter (the youth congregation for 11-16 year olds then being held on Sunday mornings at St Martin's College Chapel); and two couples were co-ordinating a programme of events for older people. PCC also agreed to provide support for Peter Guinness's second period of sabbatical leave towards the end of 2006.

It listed "things to focus on in 2007", including progressing the building plans and upgrading the sound system in church, finding ways of involving new people and of appreciating and thanking people, training and resourcing housegroup leaders, and "raising esteem and confidence amongst members".

In mid-2007 PCC started preparing the Mission Plan for 2008. Key priorities listed in the Stage 1 Review included -

  * increasing the amount of corporate prayer in the life of the church;

  * pursue Phase 1 of the church building project (convert the front entrance, foyer and lower lounge in church);

  * better resource and train housegroup leaders;

  * " _find lay leaders to head up teams involved in our pastoral ministry", which had grown as a result of a successful Pastoral Skills course; and_

  * continue the work in discipling members for mission and ministry.

PCC discussed Stage 2 (Choose) in September, when it looked at -

  * attendance, particularly the declining number of students attending services;

  * housegroups and small groups, particularly how to support and develop leaders, how to introduce newcomers, and whether and how to multiply groups;

  * Alpha, and how to "get the whole church behind it and more sharing in the responsibility of running it";

  * Pre-School and its place in our church's mission, and Little Fishes and the mission opportunities it offers;

  * Encounter and older teenagers, particularly how "to nurture our 16-18 year olds to prepare them for university/college/careers and life-long active Christian ministry";

  * worship "in the 'charismatic evangelical' tradition", particularly how to "help us to be more open to the Holy Spirit... help non-Christians move closer to commitment to Jesus Christ... [and] help the uninvolved become active disciples in the community."

Stage 3 involved designating priorities, and PCC identified three top ones -

  1. Fabric (church buildings): in particular refurbishing the front entrance and foyer of the church, planning the creation of a new room in the upstairs Church Centre and refurbishment of parts of the upstairs and the downstairs kitchen, and carrying out exterior repairs to the Church Centre.

  2. Leadership: including addressing the declining number of students attending services, recruiting more leaders to run Alpha Courses and Housegroups and more people to help in Junior Church.

  3. Community: particularly running a Parenting Course linked to the 'Little Fishes' Parent and Toddler Group, running a Marriage Course, and raising awareness amongst church members of the Pre-School's ministry.

To help achieve these goals, PCC set up two task groups - one was to review present leadership (staff and volunteers) and future leadership needs and "establish ways and means of employing more staff whether lay or ordained", and the other was to "explore ways in which St T's can recruit more volunteers with appropriate skills to lead Alpha, Housegroups and Youth and Children's Work." Both groups were to report back in May 2008 when PCC hoped to adopt their recommendations and implement them by the end of September.

PCC discussed the Mission Action Plan again in September 2008, where it emphasised the need to give further thought to "ongoing nurture after Alpha", which by this time had become the primary vehicle in St Thomas' for local mission. It also spent time looking at material on 'the Mission Shaped Church' which would be presented at the evening service over the following weeks, and agreed to focus in the October week of prayer on "prayer for guidance for the future direction of the church and the five year plan." Looking ahead was also a key theme at the 2009 Annual Church Meeting, PCC having agreed in March that the meeting "should discuss the future direction of the Church, rather than just looking back at the last year."

The MAP was reviewed again in 2009 and the revised plan approved by PCC that July. Top priority was mission, where the objectives included "becoming a church which prays for evangelism and mission", "providing focused student ministry and supporting students in their evangelism amongst students", and "providing a regular opportunity for the healing ministry linked to the good news of Jesus, eg Saturday morning". PCC also agreed on the need to integrate mission more fully into the life of St Thomas', and that housegroups should be re-orientated and restructured to become Mission Communities (small, outward-facing groups with an emphasis on mission as well as pastoral care and discipleship, which were then starting to appear in a number of growing Anglican churches that engaged with the Mission Shaped Church agenda).

The second priority was community (involving ministry, fellowship and discipleship), and the third was worship. Church buildings fell under the 'worship' category, and the objective was to "repair and improve our buildings and grounds, as a visible sign of our commitment to God and to facilitate worship, mission, ministry, fellowship and nurture."

Structures Group

PCC set up the Structures Group in November 1999 to guide and support delivery of the strategic plan. By January 2000 the group had met twice, and amongst other things agreed that "delegation and response to situations need to be looked at."

Bob and Mary Hopkins, the two church growth consultants, visited St Thomas' on the 13th of April and met with the Structures Group that evening. In early May they submitted a brief written report and recommendations, including -

[a] the staff team is very small and "five full-time staff members would be very reasonable.";

[b] Peter should be "encouraged to continue to develop a strong and directive leadership role, combined with a releasing approach to make space for all sorts of other leadership and ministries to emerge.... if the organisation and structure are to grow he must be careful in choosing the tasks where he gets involved in detail and those that he completed himself.... Peter's strong ministry gifts in the areas of teaching and training need to be used more.";

[c] an induction course for people who transfer into St Thomas' would be useful "to outline the sort of church people are joining and its values and ethos";

[d] an Administrator would play a "crucial role in releasing and freeing up Peter, [and] needs to be used to full potential.";

[e] in terms of a leadership team, an "eldership [is] not recommended for a church of St Thomas's size. Corporate style [is] more appropriate – leadership of an executive team who have clear functional responsibility for different areas of the life of the church."

[f] the main options for further growth are moving services to a larger venue or having two morning services, and the "chief principle is the need to maintain what [they] call 'glue' – a clear sense of purpose, a strong sense of community and a common language."

[g] "it is perfectly possible to apply some of the qualities of the Cell Church to the small group life of St Thomas's to gain significant advantages.";

[h] Mums and Toddlers and Pre-School, "keep minimum gospel content in such programmes that are attracting a lot of non-church folk.... [and seek] ways of providing other events and meetings where mums who are developing relationships with some of the church mums could be invited. This would lead to a strategy such as a pram service and day-time Alpha as the relations develop."

PCC discussed the report and recommendations in May, and in July it discussed "the need for extra staffing for a church of our size.... [and shared] ideas to increase support by part-time worker(s)". A key priority was to appoint a music director to lead sung worship, for which a job description was being drafted.

PCC acknowledged that "the challenge to us it to step out in faith and watch God provide. Repeatedly over the past few years we have been receiving pictures and words about God birthing a new work and something special here. Several people [said] we need to step out in faith and start taking risks."

Two months later the Structures Group reported to PCC on the need to "form an effective worship team and leadership for it.... [and] to look in detail at the small group situation and how to develop this, perhaps not only as 'spiritual' groups but more wide-ranging." To help move this forward it was suggested that housegroups should view and discuss a video brought back from a Cell Church conference earlier that summer.

In November the Structures Group recommended to PCC that a review should be carried out of administration in the church, in order to ensure that the needs were being met, the costs could be justified, full use was made of the talents of those involved, and ways of helping members of the congregation who wished to develop administrative skills.

Finance

The church finances were in a precarious state during much of the 1990s, according to the minutes of the Annual Church Meetings.

Total income in 1991 was around £97,000 [£162,400], but the year ended with a deficit of £18,800 [£31,500]. Total expenditure had been £115,800 [£194,000], some of which was planned - for example the £21,600 [£36,200] given to missions and charities, and the £23,800 [£39,900] contributed towards clergy stipends and the employment costs of the Youth Pastor - but most of the £14,000 [£23,500] spent on Vicarage repairs was unplanned, and PCC had to take out a loan from the Church Commissioners to cover it. The year ended with reserves of £21,500 [£36,000] of which £12,300 [£20,600] was earmarked for Mission Support, leaving only £9,200 [£15,400] in general reserves.

Given the state of the finances, Peter Guinness announced at the Annual Church Meeting in April 1992 that teaching on giving and stewardship was scheduled for that September. PCC was told in May that the interim accounts showed a projected deficit of £28,000 [£45,000] for 1992, and the Vicar "reminded PCC that the Lord can meet all our needs" and asked them to pray about the finances together and with others through housegroups. At September PCC "the difficulty of the church finances was raised and caution advised" and PCC agreed to "seek to find ways of securing the church's financial future in the long term."

In the short term things got worse rather than better. Peter reported to PCC in March 1993 that "it seemed that financially we were in a parlous state. We had almost no funds available to meet some considerable outlay. We were not in a position to pay some immediate bills or fulfil our commitment to mission support.... The deficit predicted by the 1992 budget had been delayed but now we were on the point of going firmly into the red. There was a pause for prayer and reflection on how we might go forward."

PCC agreed that action was needed without delay. This included the Vicar informing the church of the financial situation at the next Sunday services, reducing running costs (for example, by immediately stopping production of the Parish Magazine and the weekly bulletin) and increasing income (for example by holding a Gift Weekend in the near future, and increasing giving in the long term).

In December 1993 the Chairman of the Finance Committee drew the attention of PCC to the fact that "we we will only have cash in hand at the end of the year because of the loan from the Diocese and the possible sale of the Hall. We have about £30-35,000 [£47,700-55,600] worth of repairs that need attending to immediately.... we have a challenge ahead." A Gift Day that autumn raised £44,000 [£70,000] towards the cost of buying the Church Annexe and entrance to the car park.

According to the 1993 Annual Church Report the year ended with a surplus of £4,307 [£6,850] compared to a deficit of £29,303 in 1992, as a result of careful management and tight control of costs. In June 1994 PCC projected a deficit for the year of around £26,000 [£40,300], partly because of increased staff levels, but the end-of-year accounts show an overall deficit of £3,791 [£5,880]. Giving had fallen over the previous three years and payments to the Diocese were continuing to rise.

In January 1995 PCC discussed setting a deficit budget of up to £45,000 [£67,500] for the year, but the Annual Church Meeting that March was told the projected budget deficit was £38,000 [£57,000] and "in order to balance the books we would be forced to use money raised from the sale of the Parish Hall, before eventually going into the red about October." In early July PCC was advised that income for the first six months of the year was £1,664 [£2,500] down on the previous year, and the deficit then stood at £16,372 [£24,550]. Updated figures for the deficit were given to PCC in December; it would end up around £16,500 [£24,740] and be paid for from reserves. Balancing the books was difficult with the Diocesan Quota rising by 16 percent and Vicar's stipend by 13.9 percent, and nearly half of the churches annual income going on the Quota, stipend and Parsonage Fund.

In February 1996 PCC agreed a budget for the year that, assuming no increase in income over 1995, would lead to deficit of £8,000 [£11,700]. The need to increase income from giving was clear, and so initial plans were made to hold a Pledge Sunday on the 20th of October. In September 1966 PCC agreed a budget for 1997 that included the Youth Pastor post. That budget would require £146,000 [£213,700] although projected income for 1997 was £99,000 [£145,000]. PCC agreed to keep the proceeds of the sale of the Curate's House for capital expenditure.

The Pledge Sunday scheduled for October 1996 had to be postponed "because of recent events" (the unexpected departure of the Curate) and was rescheduled for Sunday the 2nd of February 1997. The following month PCC was told that the total amount of money pledged was over £37,000 [£50,000], of which £15,000 [£19,150] was identified as existing giving, £9,784 [£13,220] was increased giving and the rest unidentified.

By the late 1990s shortage of money was inhibiting investment in some areas that PCC had identified as priorities. Thus in February 1998, for example, it agreed to budget £5,000 [£6,860] for repairs and maintenance to the church building but was unable to cover the full cost of £15,000 [£20,600] for a Youth Pastor/Children's Worker from current giving. Despite the lack of funds it agreed to press ahead and advertise two part-time posts at the same time. PCC was told that November that income to date was about ten percent down on what had been budgeted.

Things picked up a bit the following year, with the accounts for 1999 showing a total income of £131,371 [£177,600] and total expenditure of £117,354 [£158,600], producing a surplus for the year of £14,017 [£18,950]. The Annual Church Report noted that "there has been no significant capital expenditure on the Church for the second year, primarily because we are waiting for the feasibility study from the architect, so that we can prioritise projects, eg heating, chairs, alterations to the Renewal Centre. In the second half of this year we shall lose our rental income (about £6,000 [£8,100]) from the Renewal Centre when the flat ceases to be let and Sovereign Ministries and Derek Simpson leave their offices. £44,000 [£57,760] of investments has been kept on one side and not touched for normal housekeeping to give us a springboard to start some of the capital projects."

Income started to rise faster than budget, and expenditure was carefully managed, producing surpluses in many years and allowing reserves to be built up ahead of capital projects. The accounts for 2001 show an income of £45,898 [£57,420] over budget, producing a balance of £16,830 [£21,710] in the current account and £96,201 [£124,000] in Reserve Accounts. In July 2002 PCC discussed ways of funding the repairs needed following the Quinquennial Inspection of the church buildings, but it rejected making an application to the Lottery Heritage Fund. The accounts for 2004 show that income was £6,000 [£7,200] over budget and up 5.8 percent overall, with expenditure roughly £6,000 [£7,200] under budget, producing a surplus over the year of £26,558 [£31,800]. 2006 also ended with a surplus of £11,517 [£13,000] against a budgeted deficit of £3,965 [£4,470].

At the start of 2007 the church's general reserves stood at £68,384 [£77,170], and the Building Fund contained £178,114 [£201,000]. By them there was enough money to cover the first phase of the West End project, thanks partly to the success of a Gift Day held that January, but in March PCC was told that the Quantity Surveyor had revised the cost of the work upwards to £205,000 [£231,300], which forced major work on the Church Centre to be put on hold.

After the period of financial buoyancy during the first half of the decade, money was tight again during the second half. A deficit budget of £20,420 [£34,330] was agreed for 2007, and in January 2008 PCC had a lengthy discussion of expenditure at a time when gas and electricity process were rising, staff salaries had gone up by three percent, and the Diocesan Quota had risen from £76,510 [£82,800] to £87,376 [£90,940], putting real pressure on the budget. PCC felt that "the only places where savings could be made were... Mission Support, Staffing, Repairs and Maintenance, or Parish Share." The meeting agreed "not to touch these areas and... that we should pray in the finances for the running of the church and any shortfall in funds for the alterations and that Stewardship should be highlighted once again." It agreed a deficit budget of £30,051 [£31,280]. The deficit in 2008 ended up at £22,859 [£23,790].

In January 2009 PCC agreed a deficit budget of £39,369 [£41,190] for the year, and

" _concern was expressed that this would be the third deficit in as many years and it was felt by the meeting that it should be made known to the church membership as quickly as possible with a request that giving be increased. Various other options were looked as such as Prayer (our number one priority), reduction of Mission Support or staffing (neither considered appropriate), withholding part of Parish Share which is £90,684 [£94,870]... Costs are being kept to a minimum by the staff although heating and lighting are somewhat beyond control. It was felt important that we have a five year plan for the church to concentrate our minds on both the way God wants us to go and the need for funding of this vision."_

Although PCC was told in July 2009 that during the first half of the year two gifts had been received totalling £8,000 [£8,370], and 53 church members had increased their giving in response to appeals, income was still running "well short of target", it felt it necessary to "let the church know the position regarding increased giving and the need for further increases."

The end of year accounts for 2010 show a surplus of £2,858 against a budgeted deficit of £41,109, with a total income of £238,478 against a budgeted income of £200,700. That positive outcome was the hard won result of careful financial management by the [new] Treasurer and PCC. One element in that was increased giving of more that £4,000 in response to presentations on Stewardship which were made in June, during the interregnum after Peter left.

Unaccounted deficits

In March 1993 PCC was alerted to a problem with the church finances. The chair of the Finance Team "had noticed some inconsistencies in the records of money received and amounts booked" for the last three months of 1992. This prompted a detailed investigation of the records as a result of which, on legal advice from the Diocesan Registrar, the long-standing Church Treasurer (Jim Wilson) was replaced and a new Parish Auditor appointed.

An Extraordinary Meeting of the PCC was held at the end of March to review the matter of confidentiality and give an update on the financial situation. It had become clear that the ex-Treasurer and Auditor "had covered up a long-term pattern of unaccounted deficits from the parish accounts. The ex-Treasurer had admitted that this had gone on over 'many years'." On legal advice from the Diocesan Registrar, PCC had written "a formal letter to both parties requesting the money involved be returned and leaving open the possibility of future legal action."

The new Treasurer estimated that "the deficits over the years 1984-1991 amounted to £37,000 [around £66,000] and that last year, 1992, they amounted to £20,000 [£32,000] approximately." The books were apparently balanced at the end of each year by not paying agreed amounts to various missionary societies.

PCC agreed not to start legal proceedings against the former Treasurer and Auditor, that it was a church matter, and the priority was to seek to recover as much of the missing money as possible. The minutes note that "the meeting closed with prayer for forgiveness and reflection on how the church body had contributed to this situation."

On Diocesan advice the Vicar called a Special Meeting of Electoral Roll Members for the evening of the 6th of April 1993 at which the facts and options were laid out. Although some members felt that legal action should be taken, there was broad support for how the situation was being handled.

The minutes of the PCC meeting held in mid-April note that "there had seemed to have been no back-biting or other unpleasantness [at that Special Meeting]. Most people had some anger. There had been shock and pain but then a move to a positive response. There had been a strong sense of compassion for the ex-Treasurer."

PCC was told in May that the church had already fulfilled the requests of the new auditors, designed to minimise the risk of a similar problem arising in the future, that "the counting is overseen by the wardens, the banking is done by two people other than the counters, and the recording is done by the Treasurer."

PCC was told in July 1993 that the former Auditor had not personally gained from what had happened and had offered to give the church an ex-gratia payment of £2,000 [£3,200], which PCC accepted and then agreed to close the matter of his involvement. The former Treasurer's family also did what they could by way of reparation. PCC was told in January 1994 that the family home was to be sold, and in October that the family had sent the church £6,500 [£10,000] following the sale, with a second sum promised later. PCC then agreed to "draw the incident to a close."

Some members of the church felt strongly that it had an obligation to send to the missionary societies the money that was intended for them but never sent. "The general feeling" of the PCC meeting on the 16th of May 1994 "was that there was no moral obligation to pay back money to Missionary Societies lost through fraud." The following month PCC agreed a statement clarifying its belief that

" _the money donated by St Thomas' to Mission Support in the years before the discovery of the fraud was given to God in good faith; that, even though a sizeable proportion of this was meant for TEAR Fund, the largest loss was to St Thomas's itself; that it is now impossible to establish an order of priority to replace the money stolen; and that any attempt to repair these losses must be to the detriment of the Church's current activity and commitments. The PCC, therefore, accepts... that the matter of the fraud and its effects should now be consigned to the past as we move forward in faith."_

Parish Share

One element of expenditure over which the church has little control is the money it expected to pay to the diocese each year, which is strictly speaking a "voluntary taxation" although dioceses strongly encourage it and rely on it being paid. It is made up of the Diocesan Quota and the clergy stipend (which together make up the Parish Share), and the Parsonage Fund.

These diocesan funds cover central diocesan expenses (such as the running of diocesan offices, maintenance of cathedrals, and costs of bishops) but they also provide clergy pay and housing expenses to parishes so that clergy living conditions no longer depend on parish-specific fundraising as in the past.

The Parish Share for each parish is set each year by the Diocese, depending largely on the size of the congregation but also on the state of diocesan finances. In 1995, for example, the Blackburn Diocese faced a shortfall of £4.4 million [£6.8 million] because of unanticipated pension increases, which had to be met by increasing Parish Share contributions. The Vicar explained to PCC in October 1994 that "the idea behind these increases is that the richer parishes (like St Thomas') should support the poorer ones."

The Parish Share rose most years, increasing by more than a quarter (at 2010 prices) between 1998, when it was £53,701 [£76,230 today], and 2010 when it was £103,606. Some annual increases were particularly large; for example, it rose 13 percent in real terms (8 percent at 2010 prices) between 2009 and 2010.

In December 2009 PCC agreed to write to the diocese "and tell them of the strain this is putting on our finances and holding back our growth and outreach ability."

Gift Days

Gift Days had often been used by St Thomas' in the past to raise money for particular causes. Recall that for many decades part of the Vicar's income was generated from Easter Collections taken specifically for that purpose, and that much of the funding for the Church Conversion Project and Renewal Centre Project in Cyril Ashton's time had been raised through special Gift Days and Gift Weekends.

PCC decided to adopt this same approach to fund the purchase of the Mayfair building and car park ramp, and refurbish the building to create "more room for Junior Church and much better facilities for Playgroup". In July 1993 PCC agreed to hold a Gift Day on the 14th of October, with a target of £50,000 [£79,500]. In September it was suggested "that PCC 'lead the way' by making pledges... [which] can be given in anonymously to the office." Three days before the Gift Day, PCC was advised that "the total so far received from the Gift Day is £43,477 [£69,000], including tax recoverable" because many church members gave their pledges or donations in advance.

A Gift Day was also organised to raise money for the West End Project (converting the entrance and foyer of the church, described below). In November 2005 PCC agreed to hold it on the 29th of January 2006, noting that "there will be options to donate, pledge or make loans to the church but we have to have funding in place before we will get the go-ahead for the necessary faculty covering the work to be done, ie all in one or separate jobs."

Mission Support

As we have seen in earlier chapters, St Thomas' had long provided generous financial support to mission work, particularly overseas. In December 1991 PCC was advised that between 1980 and 1990 the church had given a total of £188,621 [around £450,000] in mission support, averaging about 30 percent of the total income over that period of £635,938 [in the order of £1.5 million].

The level of giving as a proportion of income was reviewed regularly. In February 1992 PCC agreed to give thirty percent; in October 1992 it agreed to give at least twenty percent; in December 1993 it agreed that from January 1994 ten percent of our monthly giving should be set aside for the Mission Support Fund, for distribution by the Mission Support Team."

In April 1994 the Mission Support Team had asked for fifteen percent but, in light of the Treasurer's forecast of a deficit in that year's budget, PCC kept it at ten percent but pointed out that "when other giving through earmarked collections and the Church Missionary Fund is taken into account, the fifteen percent figure is probably met."

The Team repeated its request to PCC for a larger proportion that November, and the following June PCC agreed to stick to ten percent of income. That figure was confirmed by PCC again in May 1998 and October 2001, although the latter meeting acknowledged that "the present giving was far in excess of ten percent if we include TEAR Fund Sunday, private donations, our free use of premises for Homeless Action, etc." In February 2003 PCC confirmed that "the church would commit to at least ten percent of giving income through Mission Support."

Money was given for mission support in four ways, overseen by the Mission Support Team - through special collections on designated Sundays, through regular giving (usually quarterly) as part of the church's agreed budget (introduced in the aftermath of the fraud in 1993), as smaller sums allocated at the end of the year if funds were available, and as small grants to individuals for particular mission activities.

TEAR Fund Sunday collections each year had been started in Cyril Ashton's time and these continued. In 2001 the collection raised £10,132 [£13,000], and over the next nine years an average of around £13,000 (at 2010 prices) was raised this way. The peak years were 2005, when £16,000 [£18,630] was collected, and 2006 when £14,500 [£15,510] was collected. The sum collected in 2010 was £13,083.

Regular giving was targeted at national and international mission organisations, most of whom were supporting missionaries linked to St Thomas'. Church Missionary Society (CMS), which supported Martha Welfing working in Tunisia, was given £2,000 [£3,000] in 1995, and received annual sums averaging around £2,500 (at 2010 prices) up to 2010. Crosslinks, formerly the Bible Churchman's Missionary Society (BCMS), which supported Bridget Hathaway in Tanzania, was sent £1,000 [£1,500] in 1995 and an average of around £2,500 (at 2010 prices) each year up to 2010, with extra - like the £4,000 [£5,080] in 2002 - when there was a particular need. African Inland Mission (AIM), which supported Dave and Katharine Shaw in the Central African Republic, received £2,000 [£3,000] in 1995 and an average of £3,000 (at 2010 prices) a year for the next three years while they were working there. Arab World Ministries was sent £1,200 [£1,800] in 1995 as support for Colin Marchment.

Two local mission bodies also received regular giving. Come Alive Ministries, led by local evangelist Derek Simpson who worshipped with his family at St Thomas' and for a while rented an office in the upstairs Church Centre, was given £1,320 [£2,000] in 1995 and similar sums for each of the following three years. North Lancashire Inter Schools Christian Union (NORLISCU), later renamed Northern Inter Schools Christian Union (NISCU), was given £1,320 [£2000] in 1995 to help support local Christian schools workers Tony and Claire Bower who worshipped at St Thomas'. Funding to NISCU continued beyond Peter Guinness's time, at an average of around £2,250 a year (at 2010 prices).

A large number of mission organisations received relatively small amounts of money that was distributed at the end of the year if funds were available. Some bodies received mission support funding this way most years; this group includes the Bible Society, which received an average of around £600 a year (at 2010 prices) between about 2000 and 2005, and the Church Pastoral Aid Society (CPAS) which received an average of around £1,200 a year (at 2010 prices) through that decade.

Some funding was one-off, such as the Gideons which received £250 [£320] in 2002, and some lasted only for a few years, such as International Aid that was given money between 2002 and 2005.

Mission support money was also sent to many other national and international bodies, including

  * Scripture Union;

  * the Children's Society;

  * CMJ (Church Mission to Jews);

  * the South American Missionary Society (SAMS);

  * Education for Life, Kenya;

  * Bible Lands Mission Society (BLMS);

  * Christian Solidarity Worldwide;

  * Jian Hua Foundation;

  * Operation Mobilisation; and

  * the Eden Project, Manchester.

Money was also given to local causes, including the Christ Church Night Shelter and Lancaster Homeless Action. The church was also keen to support mission work amongst students, and gave financial support to UCCF (Universities and Colleges Christian Fellowship), the Christian Unions at Lancaster University and St Martin's College/University of Cumbria, and Friends International and the International Café.

The Mission Support Team also gave small grants to members of the church who were engaging in short-term mission, usually overseas. Thus, for example, in 1992 Dave Shaw was given £500 [£800] towards the costs of voluntary work in Africa later that year; in 1993 Richard Dobson was given £500 [£800] to support his work with Latin Link in Peru; in 2006 seven teenagers from church were each given £300 [£340] towards the cost of a trip to Tanzania led by Sam Corley; and in 2009 £2,975 [£3,110] was given to individuals for short-term mission activities.

Grants were also awarded to members of the church who were selected for training for the ministry - to Colin Marchment and Dave Shaw in 1993; to Paul Sweeting in 1998; and to Pete Hamborg, Paul Chamberlain, and Sue Bell in 2009.

Nambale

An opportunity arose to form a mission link with St Thomas' Church in Nambale in Western Kenya, after The Very Reverend John Omeri (Provost of Nambale Cathedral) visited Lancaster in 1998.

That July PCC was told that "John has 3,500 parishioners in three parishes spread over a twenty mile radius, and the only transport he has is a bicycle. In practical terms, there is a need for £1,500 [£2,000] for a motorcycle plus £10 [£14] a month over two years to help with running expenses. However, there is also a need at their end for teaching support and close spiritual links." PCC agreed to set up a Task Group "to look into exploring this link positively."

PCC discussed the possible link early in November, after hearing that an Anglican mission agency, Sharing of Ministries Abroad (SOMA), would appreciate help from St Thomas' and would like a team to visit the parish. After receiving approval from the Bishop of Blackburn to pursue the opportunity further, PCC discussed whether "to start giving small donations to the church.... [and] the possibility of a Christmas gift via Mission Support Fund, which members of the congregation may like to augment."

In January 1999 PCC agreed to underwrite the cost of a visit to Nambale by Derek Simpson and Dave Shaw, who spent three weeks in Kenya in February visiting the Nambale Diocese. On his return Derek wrote a report that was discussed by PCC in March, when Peter Guinness pointed out that "in light of Derek's observations, we should be praying to God on how far we go ahead and also whether we go ahead."

The door closed on the possible mission link in March 2000, when PCC was told that "John Omeri is now the Vicar of a neighbouring town and does not seem to be Provost of the Cathedral any more." PCC discussed the way forward in July 2000 and accepted the recommendation of the Mission Support Team that "we do not go ahead with the link for various reasons and a letter is being sent to this effect."

Church (Renewal) Centre

As we saw in the last chapter, the Renewal Centre was created by converting the former school building as a key element in the PCC's vision for St Thomas' during Cyril Ashton's time. It was designed to facilitate a prayer and healing ministry upstairs for short-term residential and non-residential guests, and to create a coffee bar and meeting rooms downstairs.

From May 2001 onwards the building is referred to in PCC minutes and Annual Church Reports as the Church Centre, reflecting the fact that the word "renewal" meant little to people in the town and new members of the church often suggested that the term was outdated charismatic-speak.

Healing ministry

The healing ministry in the Centre that had begun under Cyril Ashton continued in the early days of Peter Guinness's incumbency.

Two recent graduates (Paul Sweeting and Esther Wright) had spent the year 1990-91 as volunteers training with the team there, under the watchful eye of Youth Pastor Brian McConkey, and in July 1991 PCC thanked them for "their many contributions to parish life" and discussed seeking new training volunteers for the following year.

We saw in the previous chapter how Steve and Rujon Morrison had come from the USA with a sense of God's calling to oversee and help develop the healing ministry at St Thomas'. In July 1991 PCC agreed to help with their expenses by giving them £75 [£125] a month, backdated to January. In September 1992, after PCC was told that their ministry was "in need of substantial and immediate support", both financial and practical, and that they "needed a clear sense of support from the Church", it agreed to "make a grant of £2,000 [£3,200] to [them] from PCC funds immediately."

The following month a letter from them was read out at PCC, advising that after much fasting and prayer and with a strong sense of God's calling they felt "compelled to step aside as leaders of the Renewal Centre ministries by the end of the year which is mid-December 1992. Our involvement in the Centre for the rest of this year will be as needed in order to make a proper transition.... We feel that the work in the Renewal Centre can maintain and even gain momentum either with us or without us."

Steve and Rujon revealed more of their plans to PCC in early November, after a trip to Colorado Springs, where they were offered the "opportunity to jointly develop and direct a new intensive counselling retreat program for Rapha, the nation's largest provider of Christian psychiatric care" and lead training and church conferences. They would leave Lancaster around the 12th of December and start with Rapha on the 2nd of January 1993.

Bob and Joan Scott moved into the flat in the Centre in October 1992 to help provide continuity in the healing ministry, initially for three months. In that time they started two 12-Step self-help groups made up of people from the church and from other parishes. In early February 1993 PCC agreed to extend their stay for another three months, recognising that "they needed a more secure basis for their role here and a clearer endorsement from the PCC.... [and] The PCC needed to take them clearly under its own authority. There was great potential for outreach here." The following month PCC agreed to support them "by extending their term of residence by a year in the first instance, from the beginning of May this year."

PCC was told in February 1994 that the Scotts would be moving out of the flat at the end of April, noting that "it is clear that living in the Centre imposes a strain on all who have lived there" and agreeing to review the structure and vision of the healing ministry in the Renewal Centre. The Vicar reported that a Management Team for the ministry was being considered and a full team meeting was planned for early March.

Peter reported back to PCC in mid-April 1994 on the team meeting and the difficulties which had surfaced within the team, noting that -

" _frustration has been expressed about strained relationships in the Renewal Centre Team membership... A polarising of opinion has taken place and [he] is considering in consultation with a number of individuals what steps are needed to remedy the situation. Members of the team have been asked in the meantime to meet with those with whom they are finding difficulties to sort out their differences. The polarising has arisen partly from history and partly from differing expectations.... Members of the counselling team will continue their confidential work with individuals, on or off the premises as before, and under the supervision of [experienced counsellors]. Sue Kiernan [Renewal Centre administrator] will continue to coordinate this work under the direction of the staff and the supervisors" as she had been doing during the previous fifteen months._

Peter asked the two supervisors and a local GP member of the congregation to review the counselling ministry policy and management structure.

Two key problems had already been identified two years earlier, in the Vision Statement for the Renewal Centre (June 1992), which declared that "there should be no long-term residential work" and noted that "the sources of pain and failure in the past have resulted partly from: [1] poorly defined role in residential work, and [2] the lonely role of the host couple working without clear boundaries, responsibilities and accountability."

The Counselling Team Working Party, which reviewed the policy and management structure, reported back to PCC in July 1994 emphasising "the importance of the code of ethics and operational policy" and noting that "all counselees are counselled on the prior understanding that it will be in a Christian environment."

On the recommendation of the Working Party PCC agreed to set up a Counselling Team "to oversee the counselling, or supervise and establish training needs for counsellors... [and] to provide a service of listening, understanding, caring and healing, primarily to St Thomas's Church but also to members of other churches and those outside any church when appropriate." In September 1995 PCC agreed to change the name of the Counselling Policy to Ministry Policy to comply with recent EEC regulations.

Renewal Centre Administrator

In December 1993 PCC appointed Sue Kiernan as Honorary Administrator for the upstairs Renewal Centre, initially for two years but likely to be renewable. Her main responsibility was "to administer the work of caring and training that fulfils the Vision Statement for the Renewal Centre ministry (upstairs)", working with the Vicar and being responsible to the Vicar and PCC.

Sue had previously been engaged in mission work in the Philippines, for which she received financial support from the Mission Support Fund and personal covenants of members of the church, and this continued after her appointment as Administrator. PCC agreed in July 1994 that "this was wrong on principle, and it also prevented Sue from being a member of the Mission Support Team. PCC agreed that, in order to maintain her financial support, future payments should come from the church's General Fund through the Mission Support Fund. In September PCC agreed that Sue should continue to receive financial support to the end of March 1995, given the tasks she undertook and "the PCC's responsibility and duty of care for" her.

PCC also agreed in July 1994 to set up a Working Group to review the question of administrative support in the church overall, not just in the Renewal Centre. The group reported back to PCC in January 1995, identifying three options for appointing a church administrator - full-time paid, part-time paid, and part-time honorary. The report concluded that "whilst there is no current justification for a full-time administrative post, there may be a need for a paid part-time post, but there is no obvious way to fund this from the PCC account. We would therefore propose that – 1. Sue Kiernan be invited to be Honorary Administrator for a further period to be decided by PCC. 2. The remit of that position be slightly widened to allow for some delegation from Peter Guinness."

PCC did not accept the Working Group's proposals, feeling that "administration where necessary could be handled by Anne Adams [Church Secretary] and increased involvement by other members of the laity. Additionally, Sue Kiernan may wish to retain involvement but not under the title of 'administrator'."

Some members of the congregation wrote strong letters to PCC voicing their concerns about "the decision made at the recent PCC meeting to terminate Sue Kiernan's contract as administrator of the work of the upstairs Renewal Centre", and how that decision was made (at a PCC meeting chaired by the Curate while the Vicar was still away on study leave), and expressing support for Sue and her work. PCC replied to the letters in February, noting amongst other things that "in the absence of financial support beyond March 1995, it was not thought appropriate that she be expected to perform the same function without payment" and that "this was a difficult decision which would inevitably cause distress, and PCC regrets any such happiness felt by Sue and other members of the congregation. Similarly, PCC regrets any misunderstandings which may have been created."

Peter Guinness spoke about Sue at the Annual Church Meeting in March 1995, thanking her for

" _all the administrative help that [she] has undertaken for me, in addition to her responsibilities for the counselling team, the prayer ministry teams, and numerous other things.... I have also had great confidence that she has acted in a professional and caring way with those who came for pastoral counselling with team members.... It will take some time to rebuild relationships, and make a fresh start. Please do pray that Sue will know what the Lord's will is regarding her future employment."_

Renewal Centre flat

After the Scotts moved out of the flat in April 1994 the question arose of how best to use the eight small bedrooms there. By then two were being used as offices for Brian McConkey (Youth Pastor) and Sue Kiernan (upstairs Centre Administrator), and one was used as a playroom on Wednesday mornings for the Mums and Toddler's Group.

In May 1995 PCC agreed to rent one room to Derek Simpson as an office for his 'Come Alive Ministries', at a rent of £5 [£7.50] a week. Two years later, in March 1997, PCC agreed to rent two rooms to Clive Corfield as a base for his Sovereign Ministries healing and teaching work; that October it agreed to let him have a third room to help him fulfil his vision "to encourage mission to the North West." Clive later set up Father's House (an Elim Pentecostal Church) which met initially in Barton Road community centre before buying a former church hall in Skerton and basing their operation there.
Eager to make best use of the upstairs flat, in November 1999 PCC were asked to consider the possibilities and implications, prompted by the question "Do we abandon the flat or do we keep it? If we keep it, it could provide free accommodation for another worker, or create more offices or teaching rooms if broken up." The question became more pressing in April 2000 when PCC was told that "in the second half of this year we shall lose our rental income (about £6,000 [£8,100]) from the Renewal Centre when the flat ceases to be let [it had been let on a short-term basis since 1998] and Sovereign Ministries and Derek Simpson leave their offices."

The use of rooms upstairs and downstairs was revised in late 2000, when the church office and church administrator's offices (originally downstairs behind the Craft Aid shop) were moved upstairs, so that "all staff have their own rooms and can work more closely together" as PCC was told in mid November. One room upstairs was allocated to NISCU (the Northern Inter Schools Christian Union), and the Curate was given a room there too. Downstairs Craft Aid expanded into the former church office and an adjacent meeting room, subject to an agreement by PCC of "an annual rent of a nominal £1 [£1.30] 'as and when requested' by us."

In October 2001 PCC discussed the possibility of using the flat for "a couple of postgraduates wishing to stay in Lancaster and who could help in the church, particularly Junior Church", but it deferred making a decision because "alterations would need to be made and these would have to be looked at in the overall scheme of things."

Church office

In the early 1990s the church office was moving from 'the manual age' into 'the computer age', as desk-top computers were becoming affordable and more user-friendly.

At the PCC meeting in December 1991, after Peter Guinness outlined "some of the needs for more computers: improved documentation presentation (especially for the Renewal Centre), database for Electoral Roll, spreadsheet for accounts", there was some debate about "the 'manual method' versus 'the computer'" and PCC agreed to set up a small group to look into the matter and report back with recommendations. The same PCC meeting also agreed to include £500 [£780] in the budget each year for office items.

The group reported back to PCC in March 1992, recommending the purchase of an Apple Macintosh although "several PCC members expressed a preference for an IBM PC." PCC agreed to postpone a decision on spending about £2,000 [£3,200] on a new computer, a printer, some software and relevant training, until funding was available. In January 1993 PCC agreed a budget limit of £2,000 [£3,200] "for the purchase of computers and software", and that July it agreed in principle, when funds were available, to buy a scan printer for just under £3,000 [£4,800] which was much cheaper to run than the photocopier, was simple to use, and could save at least £500 [£800] a year on the magazine printing costs.

In February 2005 PCC agreed to spend around £3,400 [£4,000] on a new telephone system for the offices in the upstairs Centre.

Granary Coffee Bar

Including a coffee bar downstairs was an integral part of the vision for the Renewal Centre from the outset, and it got off to a good start. It served hot and cold drinks and hot meals, was popular with church members and outsiders, and paid its way. PCC agreed to buy a commercial cooker (October 1991) and renew the kitchen floor covering (March 1992) funded from the coffee bar income.

In line with the other leadership teams being formed at that time, in February 1993 PCC agreed to set up a Coffee Bar Management Team (sometimes referred to in later PCC minutes as a committee) to be chaired by Michele Guinness and include Ann Needham (the manager) and "to act as a sub-committee to the PCC for its authority." "The role of the group was to support Ann and help her make strategic decisions about developing the facility and spending money on its development. It would meet as needs arose."

One of the team's first tasks was to define the aims and objectives of the coffee bar, which it did the following month:

Granary Coffee Bar: Aims and Objectives

Statement from the Coffee Bar Management Committee (April 1993)

" _The Granary Coffee Bar is essentially the arm of St Thomas' Church reaching out into the wider community. Never intended as a profit-making venture, its convenient setting at the top of the city centre makes it the ideal place to provide reasonably priced meals in a pleasant, caring atmosphere, so that, in a lonely, alienated society, local people of all ages might have a place to meet, to chat, to find help for specific needs, and perhaps, ultimately, discover more of the love of Christ. It provides at present:_

  1. A focal point for the Church community, and for members of other churches, stimulating ecumenical relations within Lancaster, and far beyond.

  2. An opportunity for church members to introduce their friends and colleagues to the wider life of St Thomas' Church.

  3. A meeting place for the elderly, who might otherwise be on their own, and home-cooking at prices they can afford, at a stage in their lives when many are too tired to cook for themselves.

  4. A welcoming environment for babies and children, with toys for them to play with, so that young mothers, who may otherwise be isolated, can have a break from the daily grind and find companionship.

  5. Easy access, and facilities for the disabled.

  6. A place where people can come with specific problems and find a listening ear, and if they wish, referral to the Counselling Centre upstairs, for further help.

  7. An opportunity to browse round the Traidcraft Shop, and perhaps purchase goods which will help to stimulate the economy of Third World Countries."

In February 1994 PCC discussed how the coffee bar finances should be managed, "out of a concern that all the financial affairs of the Church should be well-ordered" in the wake of the fraud described earlier, and "the possible misconception that Coffee Bar profits are much higher than in fact they are in real terms."

PCC agreed that financial decisions about the day-to-day running of the coffee bar should be referred to the Coffee Bar Management Committee (three of whom were members of PCC), but all planned major expenditure should be discussed in full by PCC. It also agreed that "the Manager of the Granary, retains, under the control of the Coffee Bar Management Committee, and ultimately the PCC, control of her own budget", the Manager would "maintain a basic 'float' in a current account for her day to day expenditure, of which she is sole signatory", and PCC will be given a statement of the Coffee Bar Accounts every quarter which includes "a forecast for estimated expenditure for the next quarter, and an assessment of any major foreseen capital expenditure in the future."

Four months later, in June, PCC agreed to the purchase from coffee bar funds of a small wall safe and modern cash register, in response to "a recent theft of the coffee bar takings and unsafe practices which encourage such theft."

In July the Coffee Bar Management Team asked PCC to improve the lighting in the Coffee Bar, but "representatives of the Finance Team felt they could not support the expenditure at this moment because (a) there were no firm proposals and quotes to vote on and (b) the Coffee Bar quarterly accounts have not yet been made available." The discussion, described in the minutes as "animated", "examined the amount of decision-making that should be delegated to working parties in general, and in the Coffee Bar in particular... To end the impasse it was proposed that the Coffee Bar Management Team resubmit a specific proposal and quote for the lighting with a copy of the quarterly accounts for the next PCC meeting."

The Coffee Bar Treasurer advised PCC in December that "it makes neither significant profit nor loss. Outgoings on food purchases, utilities, wages are balanced by incomings. We will almost certainly have to register the coffee bar for VAT in the near future. This will mean that Customs and Excise will take £6,000 [£9,300] to £8,000 [£12,400] of the Coffee Bar income, which will necessitate an increase in prices."

Things took a turn for the worse in February 1995 when PCC was told that Michele Guinness was resigning as Chair of the Coffee Bar Management Team, feeling that her position had "become increasingly untenable" because some members of PCC appeared to see her "holding the role as an extension of my husband, rather than in my own right". The Coffee Bar Treasurer also resigned at the same time, citing problems with the book-keeping, account-setting, and financial procedures within the Coffee Bar.

In June 1996 PCC agreed to a proposal by the Church Treasurer that it set up a Working Party "to handle the issues of complying with Inland Revenue requirements, clarifying the aims and objectives, etc., and also to look at [the Manager's] contract (due for renewal at the end of the month), remuneration, etc." The Working Party reported back to PCC in September, and in December PCC approved a draft management structure for the Coffee Bar, with the PCC having ultimate responsibility for it and the Coffee Bar Management Team accountable to PCC.

The Coffee Bar Manager and staff kept calm and carried on, although things go no easier for them. In July 1997 PCC was told that the Church Treasurer had taken over book-keeping in the Coffee Bar, and the Management Team were "addressing themselves to the fall in turnover... [and] would appreciate feedback from people as to what they like or do not like about the Coffee Bar, because the number of customers is going down." The news got worse, because PCC was told in early September that "there had been two cash crises in the summer when the Coffee Bar had become overdrawn and the Treasurer had to decide to pay back £1,000 [£1,400].... sales have continued to fall while expenses remain at the same level or even slightly higher. The aims are good, but we need to consider whether we are achieving them. Opening hours are under consideration and difficult issues are being tackled."

The end of the road was reached in October 1997 when PCC agreed, "after much deliberation... that the Coffee Bar was not fulfilling the spiritual aims and Vision of St Thomas's and was in danger of contravening the Charities Act. PCC have, therefore, reluctantly decided to close the Coffee Bar with immediate effect. Standing Committee is empowered to consider redundancy payments for the staff."

The news was unexpected and came as a shock to many members of the church, some of wrote strong letters to PCC complaining about the closure and how it was handled, which the Secretary replied to on behalf of PCC. Amongst other points, the PCC letter pointed out that "the fact that the Coffee Bar was not complying with its charitable status is reason enough for its closure. Inevitably, there were many problems associated with the Coffee Bar which contributed to its non-compliance. PCC felt it was inappropriate and unhelpful to debate these problems publicly."

In response to the accusation that 'the closure is a negation of all the hard work, prayer and money that went into the founding of the Renewal Centre', PCC wrote that

" _the Coffee Bar was one of the many parts that make up the Renewal Centre, and its closure does not bring to an end the original vision, more an opportunity to refocus the vision for the future. The Renewal Centre is a truly wonderful resource for St Thomas' and the PCC wish to continue seeing it being used for the growth of God's kingdom."_

The sense of frustration felt by some long-standing church members is captured in the letter one sent to PCC in early November, which noted that "we used to have in St Thomas's, in addition to the Granary, other areas of outreach into the community... namely, the counselling team in the Renewal Centre upstairs, and the visiting and pastoral care team. Both are pale shadows of their former selves. And now we have another area of contact with the community summarily closed. What has happened to our church? We used to be outgoing, confident in our faith, and happy. Now we are turned in on ourselves, divided and quarrelling."

Having closed the Coffee Bar PCC was keen to ensure that the space and facilities were put to good use, so it arranged a meeting for the whole church there on the evening of the 17th of February 1998 to discuss "The Future of the Granary Premises". PCC was told at its April meeting that the meeting had been positive and "a lot of ideas and suggestions were put forward although there is a desire on the part of some people for it [the Coffee Bar] to re-open. However, there is a lot of demand for the room and it was suggested that room use be monitored."

In June PCC agreed to set up "a small task group of limited life... to discuss this matter in depth and consider new ideas to increase usage, and this was agreed." The Task Group reported back in October, asking PCC for "a decision in principle on whether opening a catering outlet... should be considered, or the premises kept free for other events." PCC decided "to refrain from committing to any regular permanent use of the premises for the time being", although it did agree to try out a few Saturday might events there "aimed at young people, along the lines of the ArtsHouse events."

Church

In 1993 the seeds were sown for a project that would exercise the church leadership on and off over much of the next seventeen years of Peter's time at St Thomas'. This was two years before Peter told the Annual Church Meeting in March 1995 that "we must respond more obviously to the 'Mission' part of our statement", but mission already lay at the heart of the vision.

Developing the church site

Peter presented a challenge to the church in June 1993, outlining his thoughts and priorities in a special notice sheet given out in the Sunday services. It had the title GROWTH - PRAYER & PLANNING FOR FURTHER DEVELOPMENTS and in it Peter pointed out that

" _We need to continue to develop the St Thomas' site. Previous generations and recent members have provided so much. We must do some creative thinking and get advice on how to make St Thomas's main church building more useful during the week for mission, as well as improving it for worship.... If you look round our building, look in the kitchen, or up in the sanctuary, you will notice much evidence that we do not appear to care about our place of worship."_

The previous September PCC had agreed "to provide a new church sign, designed to fit in with the present signs and exterior design of the church buildings", but the new thinking went much further. Peter explained in the special notice sheet how -

" _the challenges that lie ahead involve modernising the heating system, replacing faulty lighting, finding a better use for the empty space at the front of church (the sanctuary), modernising the Vestry and rear entrance, making better use of the old Choir Vestry. Making the entrance porch more welcoming and completely re-thinking the notice boards. Painting the exterior doors and a complete redecoration inside. The pews, which creak so much, need to go and be replaced with chairs we can move, so that access can be improved, informality increased, and a large space can be cleared for other types of service as well as fellowship meals."_

Surplus to requirements

As plans progressed for altering the interior of the church, PCC had to decide what to do about several items that were no longer needed.

The Vicar asked PCC in October 1998 for "a decision in principle [to apply] for a faculty in order to sell an alms plate and the eagle lectern." He explained that the circular alms plate made of silver, inscribed "Ad Glorium Christi 25 December 1874. Thomas and Hannah Howitt." (Thomas Howitt had been one of the original Churchwardens) had been donated to the church in 1874 but had not been used in the last seven years since the metal base became too thin for safe use.

The brass lectern had "not been used for a very long time, and somewhere would be made available for presentation of the Scriptures in any new refurbishment. The sale would be subject to the architect's approval that it is not required in his scheme." PCC voted nine for and six against, with one abstention; the request was approved.

In February 1999 PCC agreed to sell the alms plate, having been told that the Diocesan Advisory Committee had no objection to its disposal and felt that it "could well go on permanent loan or be sold to the Judges Lodgings." In September 2000 it was valued at about £750 [£950], and PCC applied for a faculty to sell it, with proceeds of the sale going to church funds.

The Diocesan Advisory Committee had no objection to the disposal of the brass eagle lectern either, but they "hoped that a home might be found within the Parish for it." In February 1999 PCC was asked to consider whether to dispose of it because, "although [it] was considered redundant, archaic and cumbersome, it was nevertheless felt by some to be a symbol of the Word of God". PCC decided to sell it, applied for a faculty to do so in September 2000, and were told in March 2001 that the lectern "has been donated to Christ Church and they are to give us a Gift Aided donation of £750 [£967]."

Four other items were surplus to requirements as the plans to alter the church interior developed, and these were two wooden clergy prayer desks "with turned spindles and red velvet kneelers and two 'Roman' style chairs with red cushions. The desks are individually engraved with the following inscriptions on the book rest: 'In memory of Frederick William Hartley choir member for 62 years. Thanks be to God' and 'To the glory of God and in memory of William and Mary Hall and their son Robert'." In September 2006 PCC agreed to apply for a faculty to dispose of them "by sale, or as a gift to another church", and did so only after enquiries were made "of the older members of the church to try to trace any relatives of those mentioned in the dedications." The chairs and desks were still in church, at the back of the chancel, at the time of writing (fifteen years later).

Replacing pews with chairs

In recent decades many Anglican churches had replaced their wooden pews with more comfortable chairs that could be moved to allow more flexible use of the church building. It was quite appropriate for St Thomas' to do the same with its pews that had been installed in 1909, replacing the original ones dating back to 1841.

Recall that Peter Guinness had flagged the matter in June 1993 when he wrote in the special newsletter that

" _the pews... need to go and be replaced with chairs we can move, so that access can be improved, informality increased, and a large space can be cleared for other types of service as well as fellowship meals."_

PCC returned to the matter of replacing pews with chairs five years later, in April 1998, when it was told that the architect for the West End project had recommended that "this should be considered in the context of the whole church refurbishment." The following month PCC considered what effect it would have on ministry, what the cost would be and "whether we should wait for when we redo the church or take action before then." It agreed to delay any decisions about chairs pending any decisions about changing the new colour scheme for the church interior.

Replacing pews by chairs opened up an interesting possibility for the project architect, who told PCC in September 1998 that it "would give greater flexibility and changing that first would allow us to try facing the front of the church and the side of the church" as a way to increase the seating capacity inside church. The following month PCC agreed to a request from Peter for "a decision in principle [to apply] for a faculty in order... to replace pews with chairs".

The architect's creative thinking continued, and he told PCC in January 1999 that he believed it was possible to "get between 400 and 450 seats in, with the congregation moved sideways facing north (Marton Street) and the gallery on three sides, reinstating what was the back gallery and creating another gallery across the Chancel arch."

Although PCC was told in February 1999 that the Diocesan Advisory Committee "did not object to the provision of chairs to replace the pews", they agreed to defer a decision, recognising that "disposal of the pews must be put to the Church as a whole, and suggestions sought. The chairs we buy would have to be stacking, interlocking and comfortable." A faculty to remove the pews and replace them with chairs was applied for in September 2000, with the proceeds of the sale of the pews - estimated likely to be around £3,000 [£3,800]) - expected to offset the purchase of the chairs.

The same month the Diocesan Advisory Committee approved the scheme, and PCC agreed to buy the approved chairs at a cost of around £17,900 [£23,500], and to dispose of the pews "as a bulk sale rather than trying to sell the pews individually. Only a couple of members of the church have said they would like to buy one if possible." PCC was told in October that there would be a slight delay in issuing the faculty for the chairs because "the Chancellor [a Diocesan lawyer who represents the church in legal matters] has required us to notify the Victorian Society, English heritage, the Council for the Care of Churches, the City Council and await their responses before making his judgement."

The faculty had still not been finalised by mid January 2001, when PCC was told that the chairs would be dispatched from the USA that week and were expected to arrive in Lancaster by mid February. The faculty did eventually arrive and the chairs were delivered and installed. PCC was given a financial update in early May, noting that the "total income [from special giving] for chairs to the end of April is £7,371 [£9,500], plus £3,300 [£4,250] for the pews and Gift Aid tax relief."

Organ

Recall from earlier chapters that the first organ in St Thomas' was installed upstairs in the West Gallery in 1852; it was rebuilt downstairs in 1931, at the eastern end of the North Gallery; then rebuilt in a smaller free-standing format in 1976, with the organ pipes installed at the front of the West Gallery.

Musical styles in worship had changed a great deal since the 1970s and by the 1990s sung worship at St Thomas' was led by a Music Group that used acoustic guitars, violins and flutes. By then organ accompaniment had gone out of fashion in renewed churches, and it was regarded as unsuitable for contemporary worship songs.

Little wonder then that in March 2001, as part of the re-organisation of the church interior, PCC made enquiries to the Diocesan Advisory Committee about the possibility of removing the organ. Two months later they were told that the DAC Organ Adviser had been to look at the organ and "his opinion is that it is very poor and he would not object if we wanted to remove it."

In June PCC agreed to apply for a faculty to remove the organ, after the church membership has been informed. Nearly a year later, in May 2002, the faculty was applied for. PCC was told that the organ was valued at £100-150 [£120-180] at best, the proceeds of the sale would go towards the large building repairs that were envisaged, and "a local amateur organ builder [Derek Matthews] who originally assembled this organ (in 1976) wishes to use parts to build another organ for a Lancashire Roman Catholic Church."

Maintenance and repairs

As happened under previous Vicars, a great deal of time, effort and money was invested during Peter Guinness's incumbency on maintaining and repairing the church buildings. Although this work ran in parallel time-wise with the church refurbishment project (described below), it is easier to understand how the latter developed if the two are described separately.

In January 1994 PCC agreed to replace the vestry floor with concrete as soon as possible, and three months later it accepted advice from the Diocesan Advisory Committee to replace the adjacent washroom floor at the same time. Costs were estimated at £3,000 [£4,650] for the vestry floor and £1,000 [£1,550] for the washroom. To enable this work to go ahead a faculty was applied for in October, seeking permission to replace the vestry and washroom floors, repair the gutter on the north side of the chancel, repoint a chimney, and paint the external doors of the church in a different colour (yellow to replace purple).

In May 1998, after a group of church members had offered to re-paint the inside walls of the church, PCC agreed that "as it was likely to be some years before the renovation and refurbishment of the interior took place under the Architect's plans, the church would benefit from having the unattractive and peeling paintwork made good." A faculty was applied for and granted to repaint the walls in their existing colours, and according to PCC minutes the work got underway in January 1999, and by May a team of volunteers was ready to start painting the foyer, entrance area and upstairs lounge.

Peter had mentioned "modernising the heating system" back in June 1993, and the opportunity to do that arose in October 2000 when PCC was told that the heating system had broken down and was unusable. PCC agreed to set up a small Task Group to plan a replacement system, and to call a full PCC meeting at short notice if any urgent decisions needed to be made about the heating. The following month it was advised that "temporary heating has been put in place using the boiler that heats the lounges and upstairs room on the north wall and two electric heaters have been placed on the south wall.... The old boiler has been condemned and cannot be used again."

In February 2001 PCC applied for a faculty to install a new heating system in the main body of the church. The same month it was told that a "full specification for heating covering present requirements and ability to adapt for future changes estimated should cost about £30,000 [£39,400]" and the work was ready to go out to tender, with the Heating Group and Treasurer delegated to accept the tender on behalf of PCC. The following month PCC was told that a quote of £32,204 [£42,540] had been accepted for the job, and by mid June installation of the new system was almost complete. PCC was told in mid October that, for various (unstated) reasons, it had not been possible to start the new heating in the church lounge, but that would be done by the end of the month. Supplementary work on part of the church heating was required in March 2006, when PCC agreed to replace a small boiler at a cost of £1,175 [£1,330].

In September 2001 PCC was advised that "we are faced with a rolling programme of repairs", including dealing with damp on the southwest corner walls of the Upper Lounge in church. It also agreed to explore the possibility of building a partition in the lounger to create space for two groups to meet simultaneously. In March it agreed to redecorate the lounge.

2002 had its fair share of building matters that needed addressing. In July PCC agreed to "stitch" a bulge that had developed in the west wall of the Church Centre; in October it agreed to ask the architect to advise on lighting the footpaths on both side of church, and on improving the front lighting; in November it agreed to apply for a faculty for the lighting work and to raise the footpaths to allow disabled access to the front door; in December it was told that a steel beam had been replaced above the door into the Church Centre and right across the building, to tie the two sides of the building together, and that the Lower Lounge and kitchen in church needed redecorating after work was completed on the heating system.

2003 was no quieter. PCC agendas included the need to decorate the upstairs and downstairs lounges in the Church Centre, and improve the lighting downstairs (February 2003); the need to check all buildings for asbestos, in the light of recent health and safety legislation (April 2003); agreement to remove both garages from the car park after asbestos was found in the roofing (July 2003); and the need to repair the roof of the Annexe and to fence off where the old toilet block had been removed adjacent to the car park ramp (July 2003). In April 2003 a faculty was applied for to repair lead flashing and re-tile a section of the church roof. The Diocese granted permission for the work to be done "on the basis that this is like to like replacement and that there will be no significant change in appearance of the finished work."

Building work inevitably had an impact on the budget. Work on the roof and guttering in the Church Centre was likely to cost up to £25,000 [£30,830] (February 2003); the final cost of fixing the bulge in the Centre was £4,371 [£5,400] (April 2003); the recommended quote for the outside lighting, raising of the front paths and work on the gates was £52,350 [£64,500] plus VAT (October 2003). In October 2003 PCC agreed to issue a newsletter to church members outlining "work done, work to be done, amount already spent and the amount needed to carry out or immediate needs" ahead of a Gift Day with a target of [£148,000] to be held on the 30th of November.

PCC learned in April 2004 that the Diocese had made a grant of £15,000 [£18,000] and an interest fee loan of £30,000 [£36,000] repayable over four years, which could be used to fund the ongoing programme of building work.

The church grounds and garden also received attention. In February 2004 PCC agreed to seek permission from the Council to cut down two large horse-chestnut trees in the car park. A team of volunteers did a lot of work tidying up the garden in front of church in September 2006, and in November PCC was told that the Probation Service had agreed to repaint the railings around church free of charge if the church supplied the paint and equipment. It was told in July 2007 that the improvement to the space in front of church had won a Certificate of Achievement from the Green Partnership, which awarded grants for environmental action in Lancashire.

The list of church building matters that needed attention continued to grow during 2004. Amongst other things, PCC agreed to replace downspouts and hoppers at a cost of around £10,000 [£12,330] (January); to repair the front doors and repaint them yellow (April), and replace the large doors and frame when they were found to be beyond repair, at a cost of around £1,400 [£1,680] (October); to repair the front gates and install new handrails at the bottom of the church steps (April); and to repair two stained glass windows on the south side of the Chancel which had been damaged by vandalism (May).

In June PCC agreed on two priorities for the next stage of the building work - 1. Convert the West Gallery downstairs toilets and kitchen in the church; and 2. Convert the flat in the Church Centre.

The list grew longer in January 2005, when PCC reviewed the priorities and added some new ones, many relating to the Church Centre. It agreed that the exterior of the Centre "needs looking at as soon as possible", including treating all of the woodwork and sealing some windows, repointing some of the masonry, and renewing some of the safety glass. It also agreed to modify the flat "with the need to retain the low levels in the bedrooms as prayer/counselling rooms and also an entrance to these rooms directly from the stairs."

Other items on the list were matters of safety - replacing the oil tank outside the Annexe with a double-skinned one; considering fencing the garden area by the Centre "to remove the danger which the low walls pose, and sealing off the staircase behind church to the old boiler room "by removing the surrounding wall and placing a galvanised plate over the hole", and removing the two garages in the car park as soon as possible.

The building priorities had to be adjusted in October 2007 in light of the new Quinquennial Report, which was described as "very thorough". The estimated cost of all the repairs listed in the report was £76,000 [£82,240] plus VAT and professional fees, of which around £45,000 [£48,700] "would relate to internal repairs and redecoration of the internal walls and ceilings of the Nave, Side Aisles and Chancel."

Remodelling the church

The start of the church remodelling project can be traced back to 1995 when, in July, PCC gave some thought to how it might be possible to extend use of the church "to a wider section of the community" (for example by creating a drop-in centre) as well as changing the layout of the interior to make it more suitable for contemporary worship. PCC was keen to initiate "investigations into the wider use of the Church building and any physical changes that might be necessary."

The project moved forward slowly, partly as a result of lack of finance. Peter raised the matter in PCC again in July 1996, pointing out that "we must decide whether to make this a major project to start in the autumn or next year", but PCC agreed that "we need figures for the budget before considering this particular matter."

A project architect - Nick Rank from Buttress Fuller Alsop Williams in Manchester - was appointed and was invited to meet PCC in April 1997 to help guide their initial thinking about a possible project. He told them that "the Church should consider what cannot be got rid of, what the building should provide in terms of accommodation and mid-week use, what the exterior says to the community outside, and what the Church is prepared to spend to achieve these aims."

Two months later, in June 1997, the Buildings Sub-Committee "felt that the PCC view was that alterations and improvements would be long-term. The overall concept therefore was a little disheartening.... [although it] felt we need to let the congregation see tangible movement.... [because] Response to the Vision Statement will come from the congregation actually seeing things start to happen." The "tangible movement" they had in mind at that stage included "a modest clean and possible emulsioning of downstairs and balcony and areas within easy reach", and replacing the pews with chairs which would "immediately open up the wider use of the church building" and "take away the focal points of where more major surgery is needed; adjustment to lighting could also help to remove highlights."

The architect gave PCC an update on the first stage of the project in April 1998, after "the survey of the buildings, the structures, the state of the floors, paintwork, etc., [had] been completed with a very thorough inspection of all the buildings." He and his team were drawing up some proposals for PCC to consider and then decide how they wished to proceed. He said that the project would have "three definite stages: (1) Church, (2) Renewal Centre, (3) Adjoining land/buildings; and they will attempt to do everything within the present structure."

He returned to PCC that September and presented two "sketch schemes" for them to consider. Both were very creative and "involved joining the Church and the Renewal Centre, with the main entrance on Marton Street and the front on Penny Street becoming a more welcoming prospect. Both retain the balconies, because removing them would be a major engineering work and very expensive. There is not a great deal of difference in capacity between the two." This is the first mention of joining the church and Centre and of having the main entrance on Marton Street, and although neither objective was ultimately delivered the ambition persisted. The architect spelled out what each of the "sketch schemes" would involve -

" _The first option showed the Church reversed, with the Vicar's Vestry and the Choir Vestry at what is now the main entrance. The disadvantage of this is that people seated in the balconies would have the same restricted view as now. The second option shows the sanctuary on one side and seating around in a semi-circle, although the sketch should probably be reversed with the sanctuary against the Marton Street side. This has the advantage that at least one balcony would be fully involved in worship.... replacing the pews by chairs would give greater flexibility and changing that first would allow us to try facing the front of the Church and the side of the Church."_

In the discussion that followed the architect's presentation PCC was reminded of the need to increase capacity in the church, improve the worship area, have "a more welcoming aspect", and make better use of the buildings. The consensus within PCC was in favour of Option 2 (side seating), which the architect was asked to explore in more detail in a feasibility study. PCC had yet to give serious thought to how to finance such an ambitious project, and it agreed that "we do not need to decide whether to go ahead with the full plan yet."

Four months later, in January 1999, the architect visited PCC again to present the results of the feasibility study. This showed that the scheme could accommodate up to 450 seats, "with the congregation moved sideways facing north (Marton Street) and the gallery on three sides, reinstating what was the back gallery and creating another gallery across the Chancel arch. The Marton Street end would be opened up for a stage." The architect suggested joining the church and Centre with "some kind of glass structure". Rather than adopting the architect's idea of building a room over the Choir Vestry to increase the toilet facilities in church, PCC preferred instead to improve the existing toilets in the downstairs Centre."

The January PCC discussion closed with a reminder that "this is still a feasibility study and we are now at the final stage of obtaining a detailed study of what could be done if we decide to proceed." The following month Peter Guinness told PCC that he had written to the architect asking him to conclude the feasibility study, "which looks at what could be done, not the details of how it will be done." He pointed out to PCC that "at that point we shall have to consider, pray and debate about whether to go in any of the directions suggested and whether it is worth it."

The sketch scheme continued to evolve, and in May PCC was told that "in order for the Church to have maximum seating capacity, if the Church is [turned] sideways, removing the kitchen and toilets to make more space and the current Chancel becoming an entrance straight through to the Renewal Centre, we have to consider what to do about the shop, office, kitchens and additional toilets."

In October the architect briefed PCC on his latest plans, which showed "the church building turned sideways and with the entrance where the chancel is at present, with the church and church centre being joined", after which he was asked to "sound out the DAC [Diocesan Advisory Committee] and other interested bodies about the proposed plans and where stumbling blocks may be before we progress any further." The main "other interested bodies" were English Heritage, the Victorian Society and City Council, and in December PCC was told of the need "to be able to demonstrate our ability to cover the costs of any proposed work to the DAC before we would get the go-ahead for any major work."

The following month PCC agreed to prepare a budget for the work involved "to include any work which would need doing at the same time as a result of the Quinquennial Report due this year", which the same architect would probably do.

PCC was cautious about proceeding with the architect's proposed scheme after it emerged that the project was likely to cost well in excess of a million pounds. The chair of the Building Team told PCC in July 2001 that

" _it was fair to say that the Team had felt no clear guidance on proceeding with the Master Plan which would cost almost £1.3 million [£1.68 million]. We still needed to seek to know what God wanted us to do. There had to be two reasons for going ahead – 1) it had to be for God's glory, not ours; and 2) it has to be the key to extending God's work in Lancaster and providing the right facilities for worship, nurture and growth of both existing members and in our work of evangelism. In order to fulfil either or both of these, it is not essential to spend £1.3 million, but it is essential that we have a well maintained, heated, lit, waterproof set of premises."_

After discussing the matter PCC agreed to accept the Building Team's recommendations to "put on ice" the Master Plan (ie the overall plan to upgrade and convert the church buildings), adopt a less ambitious approach (including postponing connecting the church to the Centre, and forming a new entrance through the former Choir Vestry) and try to do less over a longer period (three to four years rather than one). They also agreed, "as a first step towards outreach", to glaze the front doors of the church, have "a highly visible illuminated cross" (perhaps on top of the spire), and do the work required under the Disability Discrimination Act. As the Building Team pointed out, "this would show passers-by that we are outward-looking, allow them to see in, emphasise our presence, help to break down the 'us and them' barrier as well as something visual that members could see being done."

At the end of the discussion PCC, with the major building project significantly scaled down, at least for the foreseeable future, agreed to disband the Building Team and replace it with a new Building Task Group to move forward on the new, less ambitious agenda.

Two months later, in September, PCC was told that representatives from the City Council, English Heritage and the Victorian Society had looked at the building and the Architect had explained the feasibility plans to them, and their "response has been promising." Less promising was a letter from the Victorian Society that was read out to PCC in mid October, and was critical of most of the proposed alterations.

Between about 2001 and 2004 PCC directed most of its attention under 'buildings' on repairs and maintenance work and the larger remodelling project was put on the back burner for a while, because finances were tight, some of the repairs were urgent and could not be delayed, and PCC was still not certain about the best way forward.

PCC returned to the remodelling project in January 2004, when it was told that it needed to decide on the priorities to focus on. The architect had checked the West Gallery (where the original church organ had been located, and which had been converted into the Upper Lounge in Cyril Ashton's time), and concluded that it could be converted back to allow space for extra seating. He had also been asked to indicate the likely cost of a more detailed feasibility study of the preferred scheme, which by then covered the remodelling of the church entrance porch, the foyer, kitchen, better ladies and gents toilets, a disabled toilet, and a new rear gallery seating. His estimated cost of £2,500 [£3,000] plus VAT was reported to PCC in April, and in June PCC agreed to go ahead with the feasibility study.

The architect returned to PCC in February 2005 to present his preliminary drawings for the foyer and downstairs lounge, which were discussed at length. Seven months later, in September, he reported to PCC that the projected cost of the project, which by then included a basic re-lighting of the church, was £472,500 [£550,200]. PCC discussed the cost, prayed about the way forward, and agreed unanimously that it "should go ahead subject to an Extraordinary Meeting of Parishioners for their views and support.... [and] that ten percent of funds raised by donations for the project should be given away to other Christian work."

Over the next twelve months there was little visible progress on the project, but much was going on behind the scenes. In September 2006 PCC was told that "the anticipated cost of the first stage alterations is £200,000 [£225,700] so we are some £36,000 [£40,600] short at present, although we have had a further £5,000 [£5,640] grant since these figures were produced." In November PCC was given an update on the finances (the anticipated shortfall was then £10,207 [£11,500]) and agreed to apply for a faculty to allow the remodelling work to go ahead.

PCC was advised in January 2007 that progress was being held up by the Fire Regulations and the City Council's insistence on the provision of appropriate fire exits to the upstairs of the church building. PCC kept the matter under review, and in February agreed to go ahead with removing the wall between the Upstairs Lounge and the body of the church, to open up the West Gallery again; the Diocesan Advisory Committee had already given its blessing for this to be done, subject the finance being available. PCC also discussed the budget and funding for the overall project, agreeing that "we should give much prayer to the finances as God has never left us short for anything we have done so far and we have to depend on him for the money."

The matter was further discussed at the Annual Church Meeting in April, where the suggestion that "some help could be provided by Church members to assist the work" and reduce costs - as had happened so successfully in the two major building projects during Cyril Ashton's time - was discussed but rejected because by then the Health and Safety laws were much stricter and "this would prove problematic."

The standoff with the City Council over the matter of safety exits continued. In July PCC agreed to ask the architect to press the Council "to get their agreement to us [removing] the upstairs wall and the downstairs alterations, and to look at the rest of the upstairs work in due course if it is still felt to be a viable option." In September PCC was told that the Council had agreed to Phase 1 (which included knocking the wall down), and that the church could "take the upstairs situation to an independent Building Inspector when we are in a position to go ahead with Phase 2 [which included installing seating in the West Gallery] which will be a year or two down the line." The following month PCC agreed to leave the wall "as at present we have no guarantee we could ever go ahead with Stage 2 because of the fire regulations".

In late 2007 the architect sent out tenders for the work on Phase 1, with a deadline for return of the 17th of December. PCC was told in January 2008 that the lowest quote received was £149,876 [£156,000] plus VAT, "though some of this will be reclaimable". The following month, at an Extraordinary Meeting, PCC agreed to accept the quote and along with quote of £7,950 [£8,270] to remove the asbestos that had been discovered "above the ceiling in the Church Lounge, and some stair treads".

Most of the building work was done during the Spring and Summer of 2008. In September PCC agreed that, because of Fire Regulations (after an internal wall had been removed from the south side of the Upper Lounge, opening it up to the top of the south stairs), the policy on the use of the upstairs room would be "that we shall not use the South Gallery if we are using the Upper Room as a crèche or meeting room at the same time."

PCC also agreed to install new speakers and a video screen in the converted lower lounge, and to move the video desk (which had been in the west end of the North Gallery) downstairs next to the sound desk at the back of church, as soon as possible.

In October PCC was told that the final contract price of the West End building project had been fixed at £157,745 plus VAT. In November 2008 PCC agreed "to look at the whole plan for both Church and Centre as the funds are going to be very tight, particularly with the Parish Share increase"; it had risen by 4.9 percent to £91,684 [£95,420].

In February 2009 the architect suggested to PCC that thought should be given to "putting a rail or something similar around the balcony for safety", although this was not followed up. The following month PCC discussed plans for updating and changing the layout of the kitchen in the Church Centre; that work was done over the summer months. Painting of the upstairs room in church had been planned to start in March 2010, but the work was delayed and was completed that October.

Services

In January 2001 PCC agreed that _Common Worship_ \- the series of services authorised by the General Synod and launched in 2000 - should be used in services in place of the _Alternative Service Book (ASB)_ that had been adopted in St Thomas' in 1983.

Hymn books in the pews had largely been abandoned some years before Peter arrived, with the words of worship songs projected onto big screens visible to the main body of the congregation, but pew Bibles were still available for worshippers to use. In October 2001 PCC agreed to replace the existing _Good News Bibles_ bought in 1988, "which [were] showing signs of great wear and tear" with the _New Revised Standard Version (NRSV)_ , initially purchasing a hundred but adding a further hundred in November 2002. The _Good News_ lectern bible was no further use, and in May 2004 PCC agreed that "we should try to find a good home for it, in consultation with the donors."

Style and format of services

The style and format of the church services did not change dramatically during Peter Guinness' time, although some minor adjustments were introduced.

One which was particularly well-received and has continued since was the introduction in 1997 of the 'Carols by Candlelight" service on Christmas Eve, which has been continued ever since.

Some of the changes centred on the services of Holy Communion. For example, in February 1992 PCC agreed to stop holding informal mid-day Communion Services on the 4th Sunday each month, and instead make the morning service those Sundays into Communion Services.

In November it considered whether to retain the monthly 8 am Holy Communion 1662 Said Service, which was then attracting no more than ten people, and asked the Church Growth Working Party (described earlier) to "look look at this service in the context of changes to the overall Sunday worship service structure." In October 1993 PCC agreed to move it to start at 9.15 am, and change the format from the 1662 Said Service to the Alternative Service Book Rite A service.

In November 1994 PCC agreed to move the weekly Lunch Time Service from Fridays to Wednesdays because of falling numbers, and to include Communion every week, after consulting those who attended regularly. Ten years later, in May 2004, it agreed to consider developing the Wednesday Lunch Time Communion and ending the 9.15 am Communion on the first Sunday, which attracted few people. The introduction of a new monthly service of Holy Communion and Prayer for Healing on Wednesday evenings was approved by PCC in February 2003.

The question of children receiving bread and wine before Confirmation surfaced in the late 1990s. The first move came in December 1997, when PCC agreed to change the layout of Sunday morning services to "allow the children and leaders to participate in Communion by going to Junior Church first". This was followed up in February 1999 with a discussion of new Diocesan guidelines which would admit to Communion "anyone over the age of seven who has been baptised, has attended church for at least a year, and wishes to receive Communion, and have received preparation for that."

In January 1998 the start time of the Sunday evening service was brought forward from 6.30 pm to 6.15 pm to allow time for the Late Evening Service music group to get things set up for the start of their service at 8 pm. After consulting with members of the congregation, PCC agreed in September that the new start time should "be retained indefinitely."

Television coverage of the football World Cup Final in July 2006 clashed with the Sunday evening service in church so, to allow people to engage with both and provide an outreach opportunity, PCC agreed the previous month to start the evening service that day at 5.15 pm then show the Final after the service on the screens in church.

Celebrating Old Testament festivals

Inspired by what he had learned about the origins of the New Testament from a Jewish perspective during his first period of study leave in late 1994, Peter introduced an innovation into St Thomas' in the form of celebrating the major Old Testament festivals. Thus, for example, the first Passover meal - an annual celebration by the Jewish people to commemorate their liberation by God from slavery in ancient Egypt - was held in March 1997 at Ripley St Thomas' School, and annually after that, from 2001 (when 12 tables were bought at £70 [£90] each) in church.

The first Pentecost - an Old Testament feast celebrating the giving of the Law on Mount Sinai (which became a New Testament celebration of the descent of the Holy Spirit on the Apostles and other followers of Christ, as described in Acts 2:1–31) - was held in church in 1998, then annually.

The first Tabernacles (Feast of Booths) \- an Old Testament celebration of ingathering from the fields, which involves special prayers and meals, traditionally based in a temporary shelter built of leaves and branches - was held in church in October 1998, then annually.

Late Evening Service

Arguably the biggest success in terms of services during Peter Guinness's time was the Late Evening Service (LES) which was modelled on the pioneering Nine O'Clock Service at St Thomas' Crookes in Sheffield which had begun in the late 1980s. Planning for it had begun in the final days of Cyril Ashton's incumbency and the first service was held on the 8th of September 1991.

This new style of service - an early form of Fresh Expressions - was led by a team overseen by Youth Pastor Brian McConkey. It was designed to appeal particularly to and attract young people (teenagers, twenties and thirties) and it was open to outsiders, including members of other local churches.

The LES got off to a good start. After the first few services Brian McConkey told PCC in October 1991 that "there had been an encouraging response, with 60-100 people attending" and several PCC members "shared their favourable impressions of the services." Brian returned to PCC in early December and reported that "a real sense of worship was developing and the Spirit was moving in the services.... the team was developing still, and overall things were encouraging" In February 1992 PCC agreed an annual budget of £500 [£800] for LES, and was told that "generous funds are also being made available by the Diocese."

'Mystery worshipper' Ruth Gledhill of The Times visited St Thomas' in June 1993 and wrote about the LES that -

" _much effort had gone into dressing scruffily, as it had into transforming this dismal church into a receptacle fit to be 'filled with the Holy Spirit'. If ever there was a 'grunge' church, this is it. We sat on oak pews which could have used a polish, knelt on worn brown carpets, were oppressed by white-washed walls and yellowing gloss paint on what once must have been attractive plain wood panelling. Damp patches showed on the ceiling."_

But she also praised St Thomas' for being "the only big evangelical church I have attended where 'newcomers' get large doses of TLC without first filling out a newcomers' card."

Towards the end of 1993 two of the LES services had included Communion, and in January 1994 PCC gave approval for Communion to be included regularly on the first Sunday of the month, starting in February.

The LES team appreciated the extra budget of £400 [£620] given to them by PCC in May 1994 for the purchase of a second-hand drum kit. Developing LES and the ArtsHouse project were key elements in an application for external funding (approved by PCC in December 1995) for new sound and light systems for the church, which had to be broadened out to a "general church application because of the bad press recently concerning 9 o'clock services" - the St Thomas' Crookes service and its leader Chris Brain had hit the headlines in August 1995 "amid allegations of widespread sexual abuse, stories of wild techno-rave services and rumours of a cult at the heart of the Anglican Church", as writer Roland Howard put it in his 1996 book The rise and Fall of the Nine O'Clock Service.

The LES team was also keen to engage in outreach. In December 1997 PCC was told that they had run an outreach event called B:Real in August, and were proposing to invite Activate – "a team of about 15 young Christians who perform drama and do general outreach mainly in schools" as part of the Youth for Christ organisation – to do a week-long outreach in Lancaster at the end of June 1998. PCC agreed to underwrite that event up to £900 [£1,280].

After studying part-time with the Carlisle and Blackburn Ministerial Training Course, Brian McConkey resigned from his post as Youth Pastor at St Thomas' in 1994 in order to be ordained deacon to serve in a parish in Blackburn. This left the LES without an overall leader. After that all members of the LES team shared leadership responsibilities equally, but as they reported to PCC in March 1997 -

" _this had ensured that no one members was overburdened but had led to a lack of accountability and precise direction. In the last year some leaders had moved on and the congregation had grown to over 100 each Sunday; the remaining team was becoming increasingly tired and was starting to run out of creative ideas. There was an urgent need for a salaried (preferably ordained) leader to provide vision, energy and oversight of the strong possibilities within the team."_

As we shall see later, at this time PCC was wrestling with the challenge of prioritising between developing youth work and children's work in the church, and the even bigger challenge of securing sustainable funding for either or both. The LES team made their pitch to PCC in January 1998, emphasising the -

" _urgent and crucial need for a full-time LES/Youth Pastor. Even though congregation size has tripled in just two years, and is frequently larger than the 6.15 pm congregation, team members are becoming increasingly discouraged that this feat has been without the assistance of an official employee. Team members wish to develop a vision and seek more of God's will for the LES, but the daily tasks required in running a service prevent such work from being realised. We believe that a part-time Pastor could only manage to maintain current routines, time restrictions would result in both a failure to alter team morale and a failure to encourage progress."_

A year later, in January 1999, PCC was told of changes in the leadership structure of the LES, which had been under consideration for some time, with Peter Guinness chairing the team and team members having separate responsibilities for different areas, which it was felt "would enable the LES to develop beyond the Sunday Service."

The team had been working for some time on an LES Mission Statement, which framed the LES explicitly as "part of St Thomas's", in response to a feeling amongst some members of the church that it was taking on a life of its own. Curate Gordon Crowther and the LES team "looked at the vision and purpose as well as the past, present and future of the LES" during a weekend away in October 2002, and Gordon reported back to PCC that "there are now about 40 core members plus students and it remains very ecumenical. There was felt to be a need for more creativity, and it was also suggested that a separate budget be allocated for the LES to allow more freedom. It was also felt that attempts should be made to get teams into schools."

The various dimensions of the LES were developing successfully, but many members of the church felt rather detached from it and did not have a strong sense of what it was all about. To address that, Gordon spelled out the purpose and growth of LES at the Annual Church Meeting in March 2003, noting that -

" _the first LES was held in September 1991 with the purpose of reaching out to young people outside the church family. It aimed to use contemporary music ('the kind of music in the charts') and technology to produce an attractive and accessible environment within which young people are able to meet God. The centrepiece of the service was a 15 to 20 minute talk expounding Scripture. By 1997 numbers attending had risen to around 180 in term time and the average age had risen from younger teens to 23 years old (LES is aimed at the 'young at heart'!). The style changes accordingly – from 'loud and in your face' to 'deeper and more considered'. There remained a perception by church members that LES was not one of the 'main' services. Some even regarded it as a short-term project. There was also some concern by other church congregations that LES was 'taking their youth'. However, there is evidence that LES not only attracted non-church people but held teens in church life past the age when many were leaving traditional services. Today LES provides a valuable and ecumenical service for students away from home as well as young people who look for an expression of worship and ministry in addition to (or instead of) that found elsewhere. Those who come express appreciation for the opportunity to meet with other young people, a more informal (relaxed) atmosphere, relevant support in faith, intimate and expressive worship, the opportunity for creativity, the possibility for participation, and solid Bible teaching. The purpose of LES is therefore to continue to provide an accessible and relevant service for younger people within which they are able to hear the Gospel of Jesus Christ and come to worship God as they grow in knowledge towards maturity of faith and the fullness of Christ. The last year has seen the establishment of a solid leadership team which meets weekly to plan services. As we move on with God, the challenge is to stay on the 'cutting edge' of mission rather than settling for 'what worked yesterday'!"_

Given all the positives in that 2003 report, it is curious that no further mention of LES can be found in the minutes of PCC meetings or Annual Church Reports. There was a budget line for it in the 2007 budget but no expenditure against that over the year. The last recorded expenditure was in February 2006, which suggests that the Late Evening Service and LES team ceased operating some time before the middle of 2006, apparently because it was felt that the LES and the 6.15 services were becoming very similar.

Despite the unexpected demise of the LES after 17 years, its legacy lives on in the spiritual lives of many of the people who were touched by the services and the fellowship.

Music Group

Sung worship had been led by the Music Group that Peter Guinness inherited when he arrived at St Thomas' in 1991.

It all seems to have worked smoothly for the first five years, but in February 1996 Peter presented to PCC a report on developments within the Music Group. He told of how, "due to divisions within the group, the Advisory Group, who had previously met the members, resolved to form two music sub-groups. It was also decided that new musicians would be recruited to strengthen the groups, and other changes made. As a result of these changes several members of the Music Group regrettably felt they should leave, which subsequently has left the music ministry within the church weakened." Peter told PCC that he was hoping to recruit new musicians and singers for the two music groups, and that "all initial approaches for prospective candidates" should be through him.

In December 1966 PCC was told that the "music groups were still in a state of change", with offers of help having been received from the Late Evening Service team and the Christian Unions at the University and St Martin's. The hope was that "eventually we will have a selection of St Thomas's members who will form various groups that can be used from time to time, as available." Through time stability was restored in the sung worship, although PCC noted in February 1999 that "there had been some concern about the loudness of the music at some of the services."

Worship Leader

Appointing a Worship Leader had been an ambition of PCC for some time, and by early 2001 it was about to be actively pursued.

Joel Guinness (Peter's teenage son) had invested time and energy in organising musicians and keeping the musical side of worship going and, armed with that experience, in January 2001 he gave PCC "an idea of what we need to look for" in a Worship Leader.

In subsequent PCC minutes the terms Worship Leader and Music Director appear to be used interchangeably. For reasons of clarity the first will be used through the rest of this chapter.

In February PCC were advised that a job description was being drawn up for a half-time post, but in May they were told that a staff review had caused a delay in taking the matter forward and it would be discussed and prayed into at the PCC Away Day on the 2nd of June. Caution was expressed about funding for the post, but "it was pointed out that if we are given a vision for this work the funding will follow."

The Standing Committee told PCC in August that they thought "the time was now right to go ahead with an appointment on a part-time basis of twenty hours per week and the post would be permanent but with an initial twelve month probationary period."

Robin Abrol was interviewed by the Vicar and Churchwardens, appointed by PCC, and took up the post on the 1st of October 2001. Most of his time was spent leading the Music Group, preparing worship songs for the services, and overseeing the sound and vision equipment in church, although in 2003 he also helped to run The Source training course (described below) with Youth Pastor Ruth Hassall. In July 2003 PCC discussed Robin's growing role but agreed that "at present we could not extend the job to full-time particularly as a new Curate would cost us an anticipated £12,000 [£14,800] extra per year" and accepted that The Source would therefore probably not happen that year. Robin resigned in September 2005 to take up a new full-time post for Music and Creative Arts in a thriving church in Edmonton, Canada.

Martin Walmsley was appointed to succeed Robin Abrol as Worship Leader. He joined the staff on a part-time basis at the beginning of July 2006 and remained in post through and beyond the rest of Peter Guinness's time as Vicar.

Equipment for services

As we saw in the last chapter, the original sound system in church that had been installed in 1977 was replaced and upgraded in 1988, and a new 24-channel mixer was installed in 1991 to replace one that had been stolen. In March 1993 PCC was advised that "a consultant's report indicated the need for new speakers and repairs which could come to £2,500 [£4,000]" but there was no money available to do that work.

Joel Guinness wrote a report for PCC in September 1997 that included "a costed list of urgent technical repairs and improvements, totalling £3,625 [£5,150], for the P/A and Audio Visual systems". Two months later PCC agreed to update the system as recommended, and the following September (1998) was told that "the new sound desk is almost completed". Money was also invested in buying a replacement keyboard with a budget of up to £1,400 [£1,840] (PCC September 2000), and a new drum kit (PCC June 2007), for use by the Music Group.

With a good sound system in place PCC turned its attention next to vision. In October 2001 it discussed the need to replace the overhead projector system in church (which had been installed in 1982) with computer-controlled video projectors and new screens for projecting song lyrics and other visual material during services.

The following month PCC agreed a budget of up to £10,000 [£12,900] for this work, which they increased to £15,000 [£19,030] in February 2002 in order to include a video camera and monitors under the North and South Galleries to "make the speaker and front of church visible to everyone, including those in the balconies who have always been cut off from the rest of the church except when standing up." The camera was purchased but was stolen in September 2002 and replaced the following month. In February 2005 PCC agreed to buy an additional projector at a cost of £1,169 [£1,360] plus VAT.

PCC was warned in November 2006 that "the present sound desk [then eight years old] and other items need replacing", but financial constraints meant it was January 2008 before PCC was able to agree to purchase replacement sound and vision equipment at a cost of £3,175 [£3,300].

When the West End project was completed in late 2008 the video desk was moved downstairs next to the sound desk, and a new speaker and monitor were installed in the downstairs lounge in church.

Fresh Expressions

The Late Evening Service had given St Thomas' invaluable experience of developing new forms of service designed to attract and nurture people for whom more traditional services often held little appeal. As a result the church was well placed to engage positively with the Fresh Expressions movement which was started in 2004 by the Archbishops of Canterbury and York with the Methodist Council and explores new ways of "being church".

Compared with many other Anglican large renewed churches across Britain St Thomas' was relatively slow to engage explicitly with Fresh Expressions, but some elements of Fresh Expressions services were explored during six evening services in September and October 2008. Feedback on the experiment was collected (from the existing congregation rather than from outsiders) discussed by PCC in March 2009.

When people were asked what things in a service enabled them to worship, engage with God's word, pray and intercede

" _there was a strong sense of people wanting more time for reflection, silence and quiet times within services. Images and visual aids were helpful for lots of people and a number liked to hear individual testimonies to God's work or prayer needs. Quite a few people mentioned the need for more prayers within services.... Some preferred individual prayers, some in small groups, some out loud and others quiet. Similarly there were strong preferences for particular styles of music with some wanting it louder, others quieter, some wanting more traditional hymns and others who liked learning new songs. Generally, the consensus was that a balance of old and new was good. A few people mentioned that they liked quiet background music or instrumentals."_

People were also asked for their views on Fresh Expressions, based on their experience in the evening services, and

" _there was strong support for exploring new ways of doing church ... Views on the Fresh Expressions series were mixed but more than half the comments were very positive. Frequently used words included challenging, thought provoking, refreshing and innovative. A number of people commented on the accessibility to people with different styles or preferences for learning.... There were also a number of criticisms which were mostly to do with the format and delivery of the sessions rather than on basic principles. A number of people missed the opportunity to worship or pray in their usual manner and it was commented that the sessions were aimed at people with existing knowledge of the Bible and could be off-putting to the un-churched."_

When asked how the church might be more effective in local mission, a number of people

" _suggested going out into the community rather than expecting them to come to church. Ideas included open picnics, BBQs, a café or coffee bar, church services held outside of church, a drama group, film nights and planting churches or satellite congregations. It was acknowledged by many people that St Tees is already involved in lots of activities that take the gospel out to the community – the Ark, Little Fishes and International Café were mentioned frequently. The preference appeared to be towards building on this type of activity rather than replacing church services with Fresh Expressions."_

Although the Fresh Expressions experiment was a mixed success it did challenge many people's thinking about "how to do church", particularly in today's rapidly changing culture, and intentionally for the benefit of people who are not yet members of any church. It also paved the way for a number of significant changes with an explicit missional focus, particularly in services and small groups, were introduced by Peter's successor Jon Scamman.

Staff

When Peter Guinness arrived in St Thomas' in 1991 there were four other paid members of staff - a Curate, the Coffee Bar Manager, the Vicar's Secretary, and the Verger/cleaner.

That number was to grow during his years as Vicar, during which a great deal of time and attention was given to staff matters by him and the PCC. In January 1997, for example, PCC agreed a Grievance Procedure and a Disciplinary Procedure for St Thomas' staff, both based (on the advice of the Diocesan Secretary) on ACAS procedures; these were kept under review and updated regularly.

Peter met regularly with the staff and took seriously his responsibilities in the area of staff development. The told PCC in May 1999 that he had met with each member of staff "to review job descriptions and agree targets", and to make better use of his time "the Monday staff meeting has been reduced but individual contact has been increased, and they are trying to be more efficient as a staff team."

A staff review was carried out in 2009 by Julian Lailey, former head of Ripley St Thomas' School, who reported to PCC in October on "his meeting with each member of the staff, which had proved very positive. He complemented the staff on their teamwork and dedication to their jobs and the church generally. It was felt that the exercise had been very useful and that the staff review process should be done annually in June/July."

One of Peter's first priorities on arrival was to establish an administration in the church, which he told PCC in March 1995 he expected would probably take three to four years to achieve. After a busy and challenging first four years, he told PCC that "responsibility for day-to-day administration now needs to be taken up by others. I will oversee its general working and its development as needs change, but I am no longer prepared to do it. This decision will need resources."

Church Co-ordinator/Administrator

Two years later, in April 1997, PCC approved the appointment of a full-time Church Co-ordinator whose role would be "to serve St Thomas' in fulfilling its declared vision and statutory responsibilities by co-ordinating the skills, energies and ideas of its members and thus relieving the Vicar of administrative responsibilities."

Dave Cumming was appointed to the post, the title of which evolved from Church Co-ordinator to Church Administrator. Dave started in July 1997, carried a huge workload, served with distinction, and was greatly appreciated by all members of the church. He reached the statutory retirement age of 65 in January 2010, but PCC agreed to his request to delay retirement by at least a year. He finally retired in July 2014 after seventeen years in the job.

The Church Administrator post was different to the unpaid post of Renewal Centre Administrator that Sue Kiernan had held between 1993 and 1995; it had a much broader remit and greater responsibilities. In October 1997 PCC approved the appointment of Sue Kiernan "as co-ordinator for a term of office of three years of [the] small team who offer prayer ministry and Christian listening." That post was generally referred to as Ministry Team Co-ordinator.

Other staff appointments

Three other key appointments were a Worship Leader, a Youth Pastor, and a Children's Worker, which are described elsewhere in this chapter.

For a short time there was also a Discipleship Course Co-ordinator. That post was approved by PCC in February 2005; it was unpaid but carried an honorarium of £3,000 [£3,500] a year, and was initially for twelve months "so its success can be assessed." In July PCC was told that Becca Chamberlain had been appointed to the post, as well as to the half-time post of Children's Worker. She started work in those roles early that September and finished in August 2008.

Another innovation that Peter introduced was to appoint to the staff two unpaid interns to help with particular areas of the work with youth and children - Naomi Shrine (2009-11) worked with Curate Saju Muthalaly on work with students and young adults, and Claire Johnson (2010-11) worked with Sarah Evans in the Children and Families Ministry.

Parish Hall

Recall from previous chapters that a Parish Hall in Aldcliffe Road had been given to the church in 1926 by two church members, and had subsequently provided a useful space for meetings, social events, and as a base for groups such as the Boys' Brigade.

Since the two major building projects in Cyril Ashton's time - converting the interior of the church, and restoring and converting the old school into the Renewal Centre - there was more space on the church site and less need to do things away from it.

It was no great surprise, therefore, when in December 1991 PCC agreed to set up a Task Group to review the facilities and use of the Parish Hall. A small investment in new kitchen units in February 1992 made the Hall more suitable for use by the church and other potential users. The group was headed by Brian McConkey (Youth Pastor) and reported back to PCC in February suggesting that one option would be to allow the Hall to be used "by the homeless (not necessarily overnight)", although it was pointed out that "other groups in Lancaster are already running schemes for the homeless."

One useful short-term use of the Hall was to let the Free Methodist Church on Queen Street use it for Sunday School and Friday evening activities, in exchange for a small donation cover running costs. This was approved by PCC in March 1992. A year later PCC was told that a Youth Studies student had proposed forming a youth club that would meet in the Parish Hall, but there is no sign that this ever happened.

In 1993 the Parish Hall was put up for sale, and that November PCC was told of a buyer who was interested in acquiring it subject to a planning application being approved to knock down the corrugated iron hall and build a detached house on the site. Planning permission was granted and the property was sold in March 1994. The sale raised £36,797 [£57,000] after costs, which helped the church to buy the rest of the car park and the access ramp up to it, behind the church site on Peter Street.

Car park and ramp

When Peter arrived at St Thomas' the church owned the western half of the former school playground, and was allowed use of the ramp and access to its half by the owners of the other half (the Mayfair wholesale tobacco company). Maintaining access was strategically important to the church because otherwise its car park was land-locked, so PCC was alert to the need to secure it if it ever came on the market.

The Mayfair property (the single-story structure that now houses the Pre-School), including the ramp, was put up for sale in February 1993. PCC was eager to buy it and the purchase was completed within months. In December PCC asked for quotes to install lighting in the car park and "a barrier with a simple padlock... for which authorised people can have keys." Nine months later, in September 1995, it agreed a budget of up to £1,100 [£1,650] for the lighting and £1,000 [£1,500] for the barrier.

PCC was keen to generate an income stream from the car park, and in May 1994 discussed renting out a limited number of spaces in it for around £250 [£390] per space per annum, whilst still allowing church members to use it free on Sundays and after 5 pm on weekdays. The rental income - which in the end was set at £150 [£220] a year - would help general Church funds, and some of could be used to install "an electronic barrier with access by a 'smart' card, as well as extra income for general Church funds" (though that idea was abandoned on cost grounds in February 1995). The following month it approved "the principle of charging a fee to Church users for parking" and agreed that it should be set "at a nominal administrative cost of about £10 [£15.50] per annum."

PCC returned to the matter of car park charges in June 1996 when it had "a full discussion regarding the cost of permits, the categories of subscriber, a limit on numbers, Sunday parking and practical issues relating to the operation of the lock and keys." It agreed to limit the number of resident's permits and charge ex-members of the church the same rate as members (which by then was £20 [£30] a year) but restrict numbers to ten percent of the places. The following month it agreed to reduce the price for local residents from £150 [£220] to £125 [£180] as a gesture of good will. PCC was told in September that the sale of car park permits had produced an income so far that year of £1,142 [£1,670] against a cost of £939 [£1,370], yielding a surplus of £203 [£300].

The former school toilet block was located to the west of the car park ramp and was part of the land purchase. The building was in a very poor state with the danger of falling masonry, so in October 1998 PCC agreed to demolish it to create more parking space. By May 1999 much of the re-usable stone had been sold and the following month the block was dismantled and flattened.

Church Annexe

In May 1993, when the Mayfair building came on the market, PCC agreed to sell the Parish Hall if they bought it. The Parish Hall money would "form the basis of a fund to restore and repair the church building itself" rather than be used to fund the purchase, because there was no certainty over when the Parish Hall might be sold.

The following month PCC was told that "the asking price is £45,000 [£71,500] for the buildings, ramp and their part of the car park", and it agreed "to authorise negotiations for buying the Mayfair property and selling the Church Hall, taking professional advice."

Further details of the plan were given in a special news sheet given to church members in June, which pointed out that the church had offered £40,000 [£63,600] for the land and the building, which it proposed funding through a Gift Day, interest-free loans for up to two years from church members, and a bank overdraft. In July PCC agreed to "go ahead with the purchase, subject to an inspection of the interior of the building."

The financial pressure was reduced that month when the Diocesan Board of Finance granted the church a bridging loan of £30,000 [£47,700], repayable within six months. PCC agreed to hold the Gift Day, with a target of £50,000 [£79,500] "to purchase the land and refurbish the 'Mayfair' building", on the 14th of October. It also agreed that "the purpose for buying [it should] be explained, ie more room for Junior Church and much better facilities for Playgroup."

The church bought the building and land in February 1994. The same month PCC renamed the building the Church Annexe, and noted that "the two end rooms could be used immediately for Junior Church if two electric fires were borrowed and the rooms cleaned. The heating system is probably defunct."

Two months later PCC agreed to set up an Annexe Building Committee (subsequently referred to as the Annexe Working Party) chaired by Brian McConkey, to "seek external funding for the alterations to the Annexe through the Diocese, Ripley Trust and the local Council", and "to enable it to be in full use by September... to approve employing a professional architect to work from our design brief." In May Brian presented a plan of the proposed changes to the building, designed to "make the building usable for as many groups as possible within the Church at a minimal cost", which PCC approved. Two months later PCC approved a budget of up to £6,000 [£9,300] for modifications to the central heating system, to allow the work to be done over the summer period.

The conversion work took longer than anticipated, but most of it was completed by the end of 1994. The Annexe was ready to open in July 1995, when PCC agreed to organise a "grand opening" to which the Bishop of Lancaster (Jack Nicholls) was invited. The move of the Playgroup from the upstairs Church Lounge into the Annexe was delayed by the need to fit "a safety device to prevent scalding... to one of the hand wash basins", as PCC was told in September. When the move was complete, the Church Lounge became available for other groups to use.

This was by no means the end of the story of the Annexe, which is continued below under the heading 'Pre-School'.

Congregation

Electoral Roll

The number of names on the Electoral Roll had remained well over 300 during the 1980s and it remained at that level throughout Peter Guinness' time. The number fell when the list was restarted in 1996 and 2001, net of those who had died or left since the previous new list, but curiously it rose quite markedly in 2007. In Peter's last four years the numbers remained above 350.

Attendance statistics

As we have seen in earlier chapters, the number of names on the Electoral Roll is not the same thing as the number of people attending services. In 2000 the Church of England started to count the number of people attending services each week in October by parish, but these figures are available for St Thomas from 1996 onwards. Attendance statistics are important because they affect the finances (they are used to calculate the Parish Share) as well as planning and strategic decision-making.

PCC had discussed apparently "falling numbers attending church services" in April and May 1994, at the same time as it was discussing plans for church growth (possibly via a church plant and two morning services), but they had no firm numbers to inform the discussions. At the May meeting some suggestions were offered for the falling numbers, including "the effect of the LES, a change in emphasis in worship, and a great choice of evangelical churches in the area for students, who make up a large proportion of our congregation."

The October attendance counts from 1996 onwards show some interesting patterns. The average number of youths and children (collectively the "under 16s") attending services each week remained stable at between 110 and 120 right through to 2010. The average number of student during term time was generally more than 150 up to 2002, after which it fell progressively to below 40 by 2010. The average number of adults ("16+") varied in the range 450 to 500 between 1996 and 2006, then fell dramatically between 2007 and 2008 and remained at around 350 up to 2010. Putting these groups together gives the overall average number of attenders each week, which was close to 600 for many years between 1996 and 2006 but fell to around 470 in 2008, 2009 and 2010.

The stability of many of these figures is striking, given the relatively high turnover of people from year to year; it shows that gains and losses were roughly balanced during much of Peter Guinness' time at St Thomas'.

The declining number of students attending services was discussed by PCC in December 2007. They concluded that there was "no obvious reason for this although it will have been affected by the 'new' churches, Christians Alive, Father's House and Moorlands turning their attention specifically to students. It was felt that the important thing was that students continued going to church rather than where, but we will look at our strategy again."

Groups and organizations

There had been a Boys' Brigade group at St Thomas since the late 1950s if not earlier, but in February 1998 PCC decided to close the branch because of falling numbers.

Housegroups

Housegroups had been an important part of the life of St Thomas' since the late 1970s, and in October 1995 PCC reviewed their development and future prospects. It was told that the housegroups had arisen -

" _out of a need to break out of a mid-week fellowship meeting that had grown too large. During the first ten years the number of housegroups grew steadily to a maximum of 24 groups supporting approximately 200 people. In the last few years the number of groups has steadily diminished to the present 12 which support an average of 90 people, with a maximum membership of 120. The reason for this decline is unclear... The trend appears to be continuing."_

The number of groups was predicted to fall to perhaps six or eight over the next year, noting that "around the country the housegroup system appears to be in decline. Many people feel under increased pressure from work, as well as an increasing number of church commitments."

Despite the downward trend, the existing housegroup leaders were committed to continue the ministry because the groups "provide a place of security where people can give and receive personal support through fellowship and prayer.... [and] they are an important part of the culture of St Thomas' Church." PCC considered ways of increasing the membership of housegroups in July 1999 as part of a wider discussion of "the structure for pastoral care".

In the early 2000s a number of large Anglican churches across Britain had moved from a two-fold structure (small local housegroups and large gathered congregations) to a three-fold one (small housegroups, medium-sized clusters of groups, and large congregations), and a common experience was that the clusters helped to promote church growth in terms of increased numbers of active church members, increased engagement and commitment, and increased opportunities to take on leadership responsibilities.

PCC considered going along that route in February 2003, where as part of a broader discussion about vision it agreed that "small groups and clusters are still considered a vital part of the church's growth." Twelve months later, in February 2004, PCC was told that "we still need someone to head up clusters. We need to pray for direction. Cluster developments are therefore on hold for the present." In April PCC was told that "cluster leaders are proving difficult to find."

The number of housegroups recovered after the decline in the mid-1990s, so that in January 2004 PCC was told that there were then eighteen groups and a new Joiners' Group was just starting. The Annual Church Report for 2007 mentions twenty housegroups that typically met in people's homes either weekly or fortnightly and included times of Bible study, prayer and worship.

In September 2009 PCC agreed to set up a Task Group to clarify the aims and purpose of housegroups, suggest ways in which the groups could be accountable to the church, and consider issues including the selection and training of housegroup leaders, how to integrate into the church people with no church background who come to faith through Alpha. Its remit also included addressing the questions "should we and how can we cluster the housegroup leaders in an effective way that supports the growth of their groups?" and "should we recognise that housegroups are so key to the church that they should be properly resourced? Does this require creation of a pastoral post that would include the groups?"

The Task Group reported back to PCC in March 2010, suggesting amongst other things "that we strengthen and support what we have, develop a group leader's pack including resources available, more regular breakfasts and more training at them, resources to be available on website."

Fellowship

A number of initiatives were designed to bring members of the church together in fellowship, above and beyond the Sunday services.

In early 1992 PCC had floated the idea of holding a Men's Retreat at Littledale Hall one weekend in July, but at their July meeting they discussed "why the response from the Church seemed so limited." Suggested reasons included cost, "a lack of sympathy with separate men's and women's activities, the problem of taking time away from families at weekends,... and the suspicion that the activity was for those in need of a therapy session." There is no record that the Retreat went ahead as planned.

Marking the new millennium

The millennium fell in the middle of Peter's time as Vicar, and in late 1998 PCC started making plans to celebrate it. It discussed suggestions in November, including holding a Service of Thanksgiving for the last millennium on New Year's Eve and some form of inter-church public event with a missional context.

The following May PCC was told that "there may be a joint event between St Thomas', Moorlands, the Free Methodist and Baptist Churches" in Lancaster, and in July it agreed to support the plan of these four churches to produce a joint Christmas card or leaflet which would "advertise Christmas services, carry profiles of the four Churches, have a millennium greeting and be distributed to all the houses in Lancaster."

Other plans agreed in July 1999 included keeping the church open from 10 am on the 1st of January for prayer; keeping "all the lights... on in the Church the previous evening as a symbolic message"; having a time of organised prayer at 11.30 am on the 1st of January and bell-ringing at 12 mid-day; having an all-age "service of commitment to proclaiming and serving Jesus in the new millennium" on the morning of Sunday the 2nd of January.

In October PCC approved a proposal to organise a party in church on from 9 to 11.30 pm on New Year's Eve, followed by an All Age Celebration to see in the New Year based in the downstairs Renewal Centre. In early November it agreed to change the venue to Ripley St Thomas School.

New groups

Two new groups designed to increase the fellowship for particular groups of members of the church were started early in 2007. St Thomas' Angels, that seeks to provide practical support to church families where it is needed, started with 53 volunteers. Extra Time, aimed at older people, meets twice and month and "gives time and place to meet and grow new friendships, [and] offers support to those who are on their own."

Outreach and mission

As we saw in the last chapter, in 1998, the Lambeth Conference designated the period 1990 to 2000 a Decade of Evangelism. Overseen by George Carey, an evangelical Archbishop of Canterbury, it was to be a time of "renewed emphasis on making Christ known to the people of his world", with mission as the top priority. St Thomas' embraced the spirit of the Decade of Evangelism and tried to diversify the ways in which it reached out to the parish and the city.

Streetwise parish visiting

The _Streetwise_ annual parish visiting programme began in 1987, but by the early 1990s active engagement in it was on the decline. PCC was told in July 1991 that "there had been less visitors than in recent years", and in June 1992 that progress in building the visiting teams was slow and there appeared to be a "lower level of enthusiasm for door-to-door evangelism this year". PCC wondered whether the church's vision for that form of evangelism was sufficiently clear and agreed "to push the idea more strongly in announcements by the Church leadership."

The plan for 1992 was for volunteers from the church to visit the whole parish between the 14th and the 18th of June, handing out or delivering invitations to Guest Services in church on the 5th of July and hoping to chat with people living in the parish. Despite the earlier concerns about lack of enthusiasm at least as many volunteers were involved as the year before, eighty percent of the parish was visited, and the minutes of the July PCC meeting note that "the response to the Guest Services had been better this year."

1992 must have been the last year that _Streetwise_ operated, because there is not further mention of it in minutes of PCC meetings or Annual Church Meetings.

Training for evangelism

As one door closed another one opened, and in December 1992 PCC discussed an idea put forward by Peter Guinness "to help us bring evangelism into the main thrust of our thinking and effort... to have Derek Simpson [an itinerant Baptist evangelist, leader of Come Alive! Ministries, based in Carnforth] spend one day per week in our parish for a year at least, as a consultant and trainer for evangelism. His aim would be to mobilise a team, not to do the evangelism himself."

PCC continued the discussion in January 1993, noting "the need to develop further the work of evangelism at St Thomas' – building on the strengths of Steetwise, and other ideas." Various ideas were floated, including encouraging church members to gain confidence in "Telling the Story" in housegroups before reaching out and witnessing to others, trying to identify "the evangelism 'gap' to target", and setting up an Evangelism Team which could "challenge the Church to develop this area and make it affect every aspect of the parish's activity."

Derek Simpson led many missions based in a large tent, and later in 1993 he had proposed running a Tent Mission in Lancaster in 1995. Brian McConkey attended a meeting with other local church leaders to discuss the proposal, but he reported to PCC in December his feeling that "we could spend our time in mission in a more worthwhile way." There is no record of the Tent Mission having taken place.

Derek continued his close working relationship with St Thomas', and in June 1996 proposed to PCC an internship project called Faith in the City, designed to help "fulfil his vision for young people to be given a church-based opportunity for ministry and to learn about evangelism."

His idea was to pull together a group of eight young people - two each from St Thomas', Lancaster Baptist Church, the Free Methodists and Moorlands Evangelical Church - to join a one year training programme "while serving those local congregations as evangelists, helping to promote the work of evangelism, doing door to door work within the Church's areas and assisting in outreach." The budget for the project would be £30,000 [£44,000], or £7,500 [£11,000] per church for two young people working with them for a year. The project would be residential, and he wanted to rent the whole of the upstairs Renewal Centre as both office and living accommodation, for which he offered to pay a rent of £10,000 [£14,650] for the year.

PCC considered the proposal at some length, including where the existing church activities that use that space (including the Curate's office) would be moved to, and reflecting on "whether Derek's vision was the same as St Thomas's vision." PCC agreed that "in principle we would welcome Derek's proposal for a year's project, but recognise some costs and consequences in using other rooms", and asked the Standing Committee to look into the whole matter more closely.

Derek returned to PCC the following month, advising that "he would like to see it operate long term, but cannot commit to more than a year at the moment. The young people would be asked to raise half the finances themselves, as is normal; partly to test their calling, and partly because there is a large training element in praying and raising part of their support themselves."

PCC agreed to go ahead with the scheme but three months later, in October, were told that the project would not be going ahead that year so they rented out an office to the school workers at NORLISCU instead. The following month PCC were told that Derek was still hoping to develop the project but in a revised format, with each participating church being responsible for accommodating their own pair of interns.

In June 1998 PCC agreed, with regret, to withdraw their support for the project "because [it] had failed to materialise in 1997 and had drifted on, still not gaining the already reduced number of six candidates nor even the four agreed by the Committee... However, PCC expressed their continuing support for Derek Simpson and their desire to seek ways to encourage evangelism in the City."

Praying for revival

Members of the church were encouraged to engage with several events in the late 1990s focussing on praying for revival in this country. For example, a special prayer night was dedicated to this in December 1997, and members of PCC were encouraged to attend a Prophetic Church Conference at the end of January 1998. Clive Corfield of Sovereign Ministries was very active in this prayer ministry at that time too.

At the end of October 1988 two well-known English church leaders - Russ Parker and Michael Mitton - held a 'Healing the Land' weekend in Lancaster, which involved "praying for the area and praying for healing so that the Lord's work may develop"; PCC was told in early November that the weekend "was a significant blessing for some people, with open sharing on the Saturday and prayer for healing and reconciliation. It is a beginning."

Alpha Course

In the early 1990s Holy Trinity Brompton, in London, one of the leading charismatic evangelical Anglican churches in Britain, developed and promoted the Alpha Course to help people learn more about the Christian faith, and in particular to encourage non-Christians to make a commitment to follow Jesus.

St Thomas' was one of the first churches in the North West to plan and run an Alpha Course, for which PCC agreed an interim budget of £500 [£800] in July 1993. The first course started in mid-October and ran through to Christmas; it had between eighteen and twenty participants and five discussion group leaders. In December PCC was told of the plan to form a new housegroup for people who had completed the Alpha Course and weren't already a member of one, and that the £250 [£400] net cost of the Alpha Weekend based at Rydal Hall in Cumbria - described in the 1993 Annual Church Report as offering "valuable opportunities for people to learn more about and experience God's Holy Spirit at work in their own lives" - was well within budget. PCC was told in February 1994 that the total cost of the first Alpha Course had been £501.29 [£775], against a budget of £500 [£775].

The second Alpha Course began in January 1994 with ten new discussion group leaders and around twenty new participants. Two courses were run each year until the start of 1996 when, as Peter Guinness told the Annual Church Meeting

" _Alpha came to a stop in January... Excellent personnel are there to run it, but we simply do not have the natural contacts with non-church people to bring them in.... Derek Simpson is willing to work with a small group in personal evangelism. We are privileged that the Lord has sent us Derek, so that those who are called to this ministry can learn and encourage each other and fulfil the Lord's command to go out locally with the gospel."_

After a gap of two years, Alpha Courses were restarted in 1998.

In April PCC agreed a budget of £100 [£137] to allow St Thomas' to be part of a national campaign of advertising Alpha Courses in September, and in July PCC was told that Curate Martin Kirkbride was planning to start two courses at the beginning of October, one for adults (that he would lead) and one for youth (to be led by Youth Pastor Ruth Hassall). Both courses started in October as planned, with about 35 people on the adult course and 21 on the youth course.

Martin Kirkbride was keen to ensure sustainability for the Alpha Courses at St Thomas', and he told PCC in July 1999 that "Alpha needs to be integrated into Church and the community and be part of a rolling programme, eventually generating its own helpers and leaders, and primarily reaching out to non-Christians." He was also keen to expand the reach of Alpha in Lancaster, telling PCC that he was exploring "the possibility of introducing Student Alpha courses at Lancaster University and at St Martin's College."

Two Alpha Courses started in early October that year, one for adults (run by Martin) on Tuesday evenings and one for youth (run by Ruth) on Friday evenings. The Youth Alpha was particularly successful, attracting forty young people, some of who were "last year's members who are now leading."

In September 2001 a dinner to promote Alpha was shared by representatives from St Thomas' and the Methodist, Free Methodist and Baptist churches, although PCC was told that "the response from the other churches has been disappointing with about seventy tickets sold in all, almost sixty of those by St T's." New Alpha Courses at St Thomas' had been planned to start in early October but the Youth Alpha was postponed because Ruth Hassall (the leader) believed "the new intake to be a little young for the course at present." The Adult Alpha started with 36 participants and a Student Alpha had 32 on it plus helpers; students at the University were also running their own Alpha Course there.

In February 2002 PCC discussed "the role that Alpha is taking and should take in the future as part of our outreach", where it was noted that "it was not to be looked upon as the only way of reaching out but it was proving the most effective." An Alpha Course started in mid-October with 52 people attending the first evening and four discussion groups being formed; St Thomas' shared an Alpha Away Day with Anglican and Methodist churches from Ingleton.

PCC thought further about the benefits of Alpha in February 2003, when it was pointed out that "though small, Alpha can still speak to many and we must remember that we are a 'sending out church' in many ways and we do not know the effect we have on those, especially students, who have worshipped with us for three or more years." Evening and daytime courses were launched that month.

The Alpha Course continued as a key element in the church's outreach and evangelism programme through the rest of Peter Guinness's time, with at least two and sometimes three courses running in any given year. In 2008 an evening course was run in a coffee shop in the town centre, but otherwise the courses were run in the downstairs Church Centre.

Other outreach initiatives

Streetwise and Alpha may have been the most prominent outreach initiatives during Peter's time, but they were by no means the only ones.

In June 2003 St Thomas' took the lead, in partnership with other local churches, in organising a four day mission based in Dalton Square. It was run by a team from On the Move ("the free barbecue ministry" based in Birmingham) assisted by volunteers from Lancaster churches, and involved giving out free burgers and hot drinks, live music and presenting short gospel messages. In November 2002 PCC had agreed to underwrite £2,000 [£2,540] of the £3,000 [£3,800] expected cost of the event.

St Thomas' was also keen to capitalise on the outreach potential of two visits to Lancaster by Riding Lights, a Christian theatre company based at St Michael-le-Belfrey in York, agreeing to underwrite some of their costs. In September 2003 it agreed to underwrite the £600 [£740] fee for the performance of 'Angel at Large' in December, and in May 2007 it agreed to underwrite the performance of 'Roughshod' to a maximum of £300 [£324].

On the Move and Riding Lights were one-off events, but other initiatives lasted a number of years. One such activity was a city wide inter-church Easter celebration, which began in 1993. The Way of the Cross was organised by the Lancaster Council of Churches; St Thomas' assisted both financially, with PCC agreeing in March 1992 to underwrite up to £500 [£800] of the costs, and practically.

It took the form of a pageant about the final week of Jesus' life, held at several sites in the city centre. It began with a procession of witness through the city centre on Good Friday night, followed by an overnight vigil at the cross in Williamson's Park, ending with a celebration of light at dawn on Easter Day, by the cross in the Park.

By 2000 the procession of witness had been replaced by a series of short dramas at key points along the route of the procession. In March that year members of St Thomas' led a vigil in the Park on the Saturday afternoon and led the sung worship at a joint service at sunrise (6.30 am) on Easter Sunday. The Easter Pageant continued until at least 2003, with PCC having agreed in February to underwrite £500 [£620] of the expected costs.

Another outreach initiative was the ArtsHouse project that began in 1994 and was designed to encourage Christian artists and performers (writers, poets, musicians, painters) and provide a place where church and community could meet together.

Curate Trevor Mapstone outlined how it would work to PCC in October 1994, noting that there would be a combination of large multi-media events held in church and smaller cabaret-style events in the Granary Coffee Bar. The programme was already being planned, to include performances by a poet (Evangeline Patterson) and a classical musician (Andrew Keeling) in the Granary in mid-November; by a comedian (Milton Jones) and musicians (Sister, Sister) in church late November; and a poet (Stewart Henderson) and a musician (Sam Hill) in church mid-February. PCC agreed to underwrite the projected cost of the first three events at up to £1,500 [£2,300]. PCC was told in December that the first event had sold out and about 200 people had attended the second, but "non-Christians attended in slightly lower numbers than had been hoped, although it was expected these would increase."

The ArtsHouse project didn't survive past these three events, but the spirit of it was revived twelve years later when PCC was told in November 2006 that a team including Curate Sam Corley was considering organising up to six "ArtsHouse type events" a year. The following January PCC agreed a budget of £500 [£560] "to get it off the ground although events would be expected to be cost neutral overall". Café Create, the new non-profit making arts project in which "each evening provides an opportunity for local performers, some of whom are Christian and some not, in the context of a relaxed and sociable atmosphere" (according to the 2007 Annual Church Report), started in March 2007.

Discipleship Training

Training for evangelism, which we looked at earlier, was not the only area of training the church was interested in during Peter Guinness's time.

In July 2002 PCC discussed whether to introduce a discipleship training course called _The Source_ , which was based on Tribal Training then being run by St Thomas' Crookes in Sheffield and other churches around the country. It agreed to do so, with an initial budget of £1,500 [£1,900], to be led by Worship Leader Robin Abrol and Youth Pastor Ruth Hassall. The course started in October with five participants, and it included a weekend away and meetings twice a week. PCC was told that month that "the course is designed to develop skills and gifts as well as a sense of direction. It has gone very well so far."

In November PCC was concerned that "Robin was giving up many hours of his own time, unpaid, to do this work and turning down lucrative teaching work to fulfil his commitment to _The Source_. There was a need to look urgently at the overall situation regarding staffing in this and the Youth Work area...". Disquiet about the additional work created for Robin and Ruth by running the course was discussed by PCC in January 2003, which agreed on the need for more help and the need for "more people in the church to be prepared to offer their talents as there are so many."

In July 2003 PCC agreed not to run the course planned to start in October because of the extra workload it would create for Robin, given that his post as Worship Leader could not be extended to full-time because of funding constraints.

Although _The Source_ did not run again PCC remained keen to strengthen training in discipleship, and in February 2005 it agreed to create a new half-time post of Discipleship Course Co-ordinator. The post was to be unpaid but receive an honorarium of £3,000 [£3,500], and it would run initially for twelve months "so its success can be assessed". Becca Chamberlain was appointed in May 2005 to both this and the half-time post of Children's Worker described below.

The Vicar's Advisory Group recommended to PCC in June 2009 that a Growing Leaders Course should be run on a regular basis, starting in September 2010. The period required for planning the course fell within the interregnum after Peter Guinness left and there is no record that it ever ran.

Ministry to those on the margins

As part of its responsibility to reach out and serve people on the margins of society, during Peter Guinness's time the church focussed partly on the homeless and the lonely.

Night Shelter

We saw in the last chapter that St Thomas' had supported the Night Shelter for the homeless in Regent Street since it opened in 1987, and in October 1991 PCC agreed to give it a gift of £250 [£420] because demand for its services had increased.

The following February Brian McConkey, as chair of the Parish Hall sub-committee, suggested that "offering help to the homeless (not necessarily overnight) could be considered", although PCC did not follow this up because "other groups in Lancaster are already running schemes for the homeless."

The church supported local initiatives to help the homeless financially, giving money regularly through Mission Support to Homeless Action and the Christ Church Night Shelter. In December 1997, for example, PCC agreed to donate £200 [£280] to the Christ Church Night Shelter. It also supported them practically, allowing free use of the downstairs lounge and kitchen in the Church Centre for the Homeless Action Christmas Night Shelter from the 24th to the 30th of December each year, starting in 2000.

In June 2004 PCC discussed a request made by a member of another church to open a Homeless Café in the downstairs foyer of the Church Centre one day a week, but declined the idea as "not being suitable for our premises."

The Christmas Night Shelter generally ran smoothly, except in 2008 when, as PCC was told in February 2009, "the surrounding area was left in a poor state", but with the help of the Homeless Action Manager in 2009 "last year's problems were not repeated and the Centre and surrounds were left in very good order", as PCC was told in January 2010.

Emmaus House

Early in 2004 Rosemary Dobson (a long-standing member of the church who had at one time lived in the upstairs flat in the Renewal Centre with her husband Chris) bought a house on Cedar Road on the Marsh estate which she named Emmaus House and set up as a half-way house for ex-prisoners.

PCC was told in April 2004 that Rosemary had originally set up a small group to run it, but that now "for various reasons she would like to transfer ownership of the house to St Thomas's so that the work can continue. It would be a gift and should the work at some time in the future have to cease for any reason then St Thomas's PCC would be able to use it for Christian ministry of any kind or sell it."

The following month PCC was told that "the house is in very good condition and has been decorated by the residents, one of whom attends St T's. The house is much appreciated and is helping greatly in the transition from prison to life back in the community. There are two residents at present."

In May PCC agreed to set up a Charitable Trust to oversee the running of Emmaus House, and in September it agreed that "the property be transferred into [the] Trust so keeping it separate from church property." In May 2005 PCC was told that the house "will be held in the name of St Thomas' Christian Trust and Trustees will be the Vicar, Churchwardens, Church Treasurer and probably two others... decided by the trustees. An agreement between HM Prison Service, the Probation Service and trustees has been drawn up by the Prison Service. This outlines their and our responsibilities in housing ex-offenders." The Trust deed was drawn up by a solicitor and the property was transferred to the Trust in July 2005.

There were no ex-offenders living in Emmaus House between September 2006 and early March 2007, so the Trust received no income over that period. But two men moved in later that month, one of whom - according to the minutes of the May 2007 PCC meeting - had "just been accepted to do training at Capernwray Hall."

Five years after Emmaus House was bought, and four years after the St Thomas' Christian Trust was set up, PCC was told in October 2009 that "due to difficulties running the house and Rosemary Dobson not being well enough to give it the time it needs, the house in Cedar Road has been sold for approximately £61,000 [£63,810]. Trustees are to meet to decide on the disbursement of the funds" net of the legal costs involved in setting up the trust.

Two months later it was advised that "the decision regarding the disposal of the proceeds was taken by the Trustees along with Rosemary. Payments were made as follows - £1,047 [£1,095] St T's refund of setting up legal fees; £10,000 [£10,460] to King's [Community] Church for youth work; £15,000 [£15,700] to George Muller Trust in Peru; £20,000 [£21,000] for rebuilding of the kitchen in St T's Centre; £5,000 [£5,230] for equipment for The Ark; £250 [£260] for Christians Alive soup run; £600 [£630] for a project in Peru; £2,500 [£2,600] for either Brigit Hathaway or the Waltons for purchase of impregnated mosquito nets. A small balance of £435 [£455] remains and the Trust will be left active in case we need to use it in the future."

The Ark

Another way in which the church reached out to the homeless and the lonely was via The Ark, which serves free hot food and offers a place to meet and share in fellowship every Friday evening in the downstairs lounge in the Church Centre.

That ministry started life as The Olive Branch, from which PCC was told in September 2006 The Ark had separated because The Olive Branch "have started to register as a separate charity and have tried to impose rule and regulations which we feel deflect from the aim of simply providing a meal and sharing the Gospel with the guests each week. The split has been amicable."

Student Ministry

St Thomas' had been committed to a student ministry since Lancaster University and St Martin's College were established in the 1960s, and this continued through Peter Guinness's time. Students were warmly welcomed into the life of the church, particularly through the Sunday services and the Alpha Courses.

A Student Hospitality Scheme, in which church members 'adopt' one or more students and invite them round for meals, had been running since the late 1970s. In April 1992 PCC agreed a budget of up to £200 [£335] a year for the Scheme to cover the cost of termly social events, and in October 1998 PCC was told that 20 hosts and 39 students had signed up for it. For some years the Scheme was replaced by attaching students to existing housegroups, but that was not a success and student numbers in church fell, so in July 2007 PCC agreed to "revert to the old system of having a Student Host scheme". Places for about 40 students were available with hosts at the start of term that September.

As we saw earlier, an average of between 160 and 170 students attended Sunday services at St Thomas' during term times in the late 1990s, but by 2006 that had fallen below 100 and by 2010 it was in the 70s, possible because "the 'new' churches, Christians Alive, Father's House and Moorlands [were] turning their attention specifically to students." To help stem the decline, in June PCC agreed "to put on six lunches for students at the beginning of the Autumn term", and asked Curate Saju Muthalaly to look into reasons for the decline and possible ways of addressing it. One solution was to increase the church's capacity to reach out to students, and to this end PCC agreed in July 2009 for Naomi Shrine (a recent graduate) to work as a self-supporting intern over the next year, "working closely with Saju... concentrating on work with students and young adults." Naomi continued as an intern the following year, for which PCC agreed to pay her "a modest salary of £7,000."

The church also supported other local ministries to students, including giving financial assistance to University mini-missions; for example, in February 1992 PCC agreed to give £100 [£160] towards one then being planned. It also supported the International Café, a joint venture of several Lancaster churches for overseas students (particularly mature and married students) that began in the Baptist Church in 2002. In July 2002 PCC agreed to contribute £50 [£63] towards the running costs, and in June 2004 it agreed to host it in the Church Centre after it outgrew the space available in the Baptist Church.

Youth Ministry

We saw earlier how effective the Late Evening Service was in attracting and retaining teenagers and the twenties and thirties at St Thomas', and in helping to deepen and strengthen their faith, as an early example of Fresh Expressions.

Youth Pastor

Brian McConkey had been appointed Youth Pastor in 1990 and was in post when Peter Guinness arrived at St Thomas'. The contract was initially for one year, but in February 1992 PCC agreed to extend it for three years. Brian felt called to train for ordination, was accepted, and in December 1992 PCC was told that he would be spending seventeen Sunday mornings at Ingleton Parish Church between January and September as part of his preparation for training.

Brian's resignation from St Thomas' in late summer 1994 left the church without a Youth Pastor, and in November PCC began what would turn out to be a long series of discussions about how best to move forward, particularly in light of "the bleak financial position of the church."

Ideas mooted at the time included making a part-time appointment, deferring a full-time appointment for a year, and trying to cover the gap by using volunteers from the church. PCC agreed that it was "strongly committed to the further development of youth ministry and the Late Evening Service ministry in the Church and to finding the best way to resource it."

The following month PCC discussed "how we should reconcile the enthusiasm within the church to continue employing a Youth Pastor with the lack of finance", and it suggested holding a Gift Day to support the post "as members of the church seem to give very generously when there is a specific project to support."

A Youth Pastor Working Group was set up, which reported back to PCC in February 1995. It "clearly identified a need for a Youth Pastor", which could not be met by a new Curate or members of the congregation and would cost around £18,300 [£27,400] a year. PCC felt strongly that a Youth Pastor should be appointed, and within the calendar year.

The need grew stronger after the results of "a survey on the provisions made for young people within the church" were presented to PCC that September, which pointed out that "since Brian McConkey's departure, the Late Evening Service Team had managed to cope, but [the LES Team] could foresee problems in the near future." The Team pointed out that "it could not be expected to broaden its role to encompass more of the youth work at St Thomas'."

At the same meeting PCC also discussed a paper on Possible Developments in Youth Work at St Thomas' by a member of the LES team. Amongst other things, the paper envisaged the church employing both a Youth Pastor and a Youth Worker in the long term, with a wide-ranging remit that included the Late Evening Service, "outreach on the streets; drop-in sessions; job clubs, crisis accommodation; schools work; children's work (play and praise parties, holiday play schemes). Young adults: encourage their own ministry; work in prison/police cells."

PCC was keen to move forward, and in November 1995 it asked Richard Eglise (a member of the church with long experience of youth ministry) and Tom Allen (Diocesan Youth Officer) to "to review and revise the report... [and] to clarify the vision and role for the Youth Pastor." In January 1996 Peter Guinness pointed out to PCC that

" _the issue of the Youth Pastor keeps cropping up, without any real progress being made. As usual, the problem is finding the funding. In order to try and resolve this impasse, it was thought we should devote time perhaps by setting aside a special day when we could seek God as to whether He really is calling us to appoint a Youth Pastor. We would need to address what we think is the vision behind such a move and how it fits in with the wider vision of the church. If it seemed God was telling us to go ahead, then we would need to communicate this vision to the church and see whether their response would be to provide the necessary finance.... Having the money (or part) pledged before any implementation would be a responsible attitude."_

The following month the PCC discussion "centred on what was holding us back" when "the general mood of PCC is very much in favour of re-appointing a Youth Pastor". Two things were identified - finance and "how we communicate our vision to the church", particularly given that the remit of the Youth Pastor had by then broadened "to facilitate St Thomas' outreach to young people in Lancaster."

The way forward was still not very clear when in June 1996 PCC was asked to "consider whether to create a part-time temporary post. [because] Some potential candidates had independently made enquiries, but were only available part-time." In July PCC discussed a proposal "to appoint a temporary post until such time as a permanent post is available when funding allows", but it agreed to defer a decision and consider the Youth Pastor and Children's Worker posts together in the autumn budget.

In November 1997 PCC re-visited the question of whether to create two separate posts or one post to cover both areas, which were both points of growth and outreach in St Thomas'. It recognised the added value that a Children's Worker would bring, including helping to train, co-ordinate, and recruit voluntary leaders of children's work in and beyond Junior Church, and generating "mid-week activities, clubs, housegroup for youngsters, and events during holiday times to nurture our young people and develop their spiritual life." It concluded that "this person ought to concentrate on children and not have a brief to co-ordinate with [the] LES group, as this would be asking too much of one person."

But there was still a strong case for creating a post to support youth and the LES, who had "expressed a need for someone to work with them and lead them as a team in a major part of the Church's life, developing things, projects which need leadership, as well as the service itself."

PCC considered "what would be best for the Church, setting aside the question of finance. [and] felt that to obtain the calibre of leadership we seek would probably only be possible on a full-time basis for both positions." Two full-time posts would be expensive, external funding would have to be sought, and the church would need to commit to praying about the whole situation.

The discussions continued in January 1998. PCC heard that the Diocese had considered creating a full-time post combining the University Chaplaincy and responsibility for the LES at St Thomas', although by then the scheme looked unlikely to proceed.

Because of funding constraints PCC agreed in principle to create two part-time posts (a Children's Worker and a LES leader) "as a matter of urgency", recognising that "faith would be required with regard to financing these positions."

Although PCC had voted in favour of having two part-time posts the two strands came back together again over the next six months as one full-time post, both in terms of seeking funding and appointing a person. In May the Vicar wrote to all Electoral Roll members asking them to "consider pledging additional funds towards the cost of employing another member of staff... to coordinate and support the work with children and young teens at St Thomas'." The same month the Diocese agreed to award St Thomas' a grant "for the employment of a youth/children's worker" of £5,000 [£6,860] for year 1, £3,000 [£4,120] for year 2, and £2,000 [£2,750] for year 3.

In June PCC was told that nineteen applications had been received for the post "concentrating on children and young people, ages 0 to 18... The person will probably have to be involved in LES but not in the running of it, and six had been invited for interview. In September PCC was told that "pledged funds for the Youth Pastor over the next three to four years total £27,540 [£37,800]". The estimated wage bill was £43,330 [£59,500], and PCC agreed that "this difference will have to be factored into future budgets."

Ruth Hassall was appointed to the post of Youth Pastor and she started work in September 1998. PCC were told in July that "the focus of the job, as advertised, would be children and early youth... [and her] work will cover across the age range, particularly involving younger youth (15-16 year olds) and drawing them in." Giving Ruth the title Youth Pastor was slightly confusing given that the main focus of her work was with children, but the terminology became clearer when her successor Ian McGrath was appointed in 2003 to work specifically with youth between the ages of 11 and 18.

Although Ruth Hassall's contract was initially for one year, PCC expected the post to continue for at least three years because of the financial support promised by the Diocese. In May 1999 it decided to let Ruth's contract run on after the first year, and in February 2001 it agreed that she should be offered a permanent contract. PCC was told in July 2001 that the Diocese had agreed to provide £2,000 [£2,580] a year towards the costs of the Youth Pastor post for a further three years.

Ruth was keen to extend the youth work beyond the confines of the church, and in September 1999 she proposed to PCC that the church should set up a Youth Centre in the Piccadilly Garage building [now the Co-Op funeral parlour garage opposite church in Victoria Place] which was coming up for rent at £4,000 [£5,680] a year. She explained how "it would be prepared, run and used solely by young people. [and] would open up opportunities for youth work and reaching out into the city as well as being a suitable place for Sunday Pathfinders to meet." PCC welcomed the idea but wanted more details on costings.

The Youth Centre proposal was never followed through, but Ruth was successful in starting a Drop-in Centre for young people which met on Wednesday afternoons in the Church Centre. PCC was told in March 2002 that it "had been attended by up to twenty youngsters, some from church and some not. It was felt to be a success so far."

Ruth left St Thomas' after Easter in 2003 to become National Children's Work Adviser at the Church Missionary Society (CMS). In 2004 she moved to serve as a Leadership Development Adviser at the Church Pastoral Aid Society (CPAS), and since October 2011 has been Pastor of Transforming Discipleship at St John's Church in Harborne, Birmingham.

In April 2003, "in view of Ruth's impending departure," PCC "agreed unanimously that the position must be filled as soon as possible." It was told in July that only two applications had been received for the post, "which reflects the national shortage of people to do this work and the number of positions available at present."

Ian McGrath was appointed Youth Pastor, started work in September 2003, and remained in post past the end of Peter Guinness's time. That same month PCC was told that the Diocese had more than tripled its grant in support of the post to £6,500 [£8,000] a year. Ian oversaw the growth and development of the Youth Ministry at St Thomas'. A flavour of the range of provision can be found in the Annual Church Report for 2005, which outlines the main youth groups in operation during his time as Youth Pastor. This included -

  * Rock Solid _, a group for 11-14 year olds which met weekly and "aimed at being the first step in introducing non-Christians to Jesus and his Church";_

  * Encounter _, a new youth congregation for 11-16 year olds which started in November 2005 and met at St Martin's College Chapel on Sunday mornings;_

  * a series of youth housegroups made up mainly of young people ages 14-18 which met fortnightly in the Church Centre;

  * Fuel _, "an opportunity for young people [aged 15-18] in the church to have a venue where they could meet at the weekends, relax and have fun", which began in September 2005 and met weekly in the Church Centre on Friday evenings during school terms;_

  * Reson8 _, for 14 to 18 year olds, which started in 2006 and met in the downstairs Centre lounge; and_

  * Judah _, a young people's music group which meets on Friday evenings every two weeks and provided the music for some morning services._

In July 2007 PCC was told that Ian had obtained a grant from the Elizabeth and Richard Wilson Charitable Trust for £1,000 [£1,080] for equipment for Encounter.

Children's Ministry

There had long been a large number of families with children amongst the membership of St Thomas', and the leadership was keen to support them and to provide appropriate opportunities for children's ministry.

As one response to this, in November 1996 PCC agreed to set up a 'Support for Parenting' working party to explore the possibility of St Thomas' becoming a Parenting Resource Centre. Such a Centre would "hold details of available literature on parenting and agencies for referral... [and offer] informal counselling one to one... from parents who are themselves trained in basic counselling techniques and courses when available", with an emphasis on serving the community rather than on evangelism.

Twelve months later PCC agreed to provide facilities and a small amount of funding for the so-called Parenting Project which was planned to run in March and April 1998. There is no record of what that involved or why it was not followed up. The only thing mentioned in subsequent PCC minutes comes in March 2006, when it was noted that "the Parenting Course plans are well advanced but are being held up by [lack of] leaders' time".

Children's Worker/Pastor

Early in 1997 PCC had agreed to create the new post of part-time Children's Minister, the rationale for which was spelled out in a draft job description which PCC discussed at their April meeting. It explained that -

" _our vision is for children to be fully involved in the ministry of the church and for young people's work to be central to our mission to grow. We consider it essential that young people are given the strongest Christian foundation on which to build their lives. It is to meet this need that we wish to appoint a Children's Minister to be responsible for the overall organisation of children's work and to nurture the young church of today in active participation in worship, fellowship and ministry. The Children's Minister will encourage children to take a Christian stand in their life and will create a supportive environment for young Christians through a network of home groups and fellowship within the family home."_

We saw above that Ruth Hassall started work as Youth Pastor in September 1998, with responsibility for overseeing the church's work with children as well as teenagers. She very effectively grew and developed ministries amongst both age groups.

In February 2005, after Ruth had left and Ian had replaced her, PCC agreed to create a new part-time post of Assistant Youth Worker specifically for the 2-11 year age group. Becca Chamberlain was appointed and started work early that summer. Becca worked closely with Ruth, but she left St Thomas' in August 2008 when her husband Paul was accepted for training for ordination.

With Becca's departure on the horizon, in May 2008 PCC agreed to seek and fund a full-time replacement as Assistant Youth Pastor (Children and Families Worker). The following month there was some discussion about the need to help Peter (particularly in co-ordinating the pastoral work in church) rather than replace Becca, although PCC agreed that "the children and family work was the most important of the church mission". Sarah Evans was appointed as the Children and Families Worker and started work at the end of August 2008.

Junior Church

A core part of Sarah Evan's work was to oversee and help develop Junior Church, and she proved to be skilful and effective in rising to that challenge. Her brief included seeking, supporting and guiding volunteers from amongst church members who could join and lead teams with responsibility for particular age groups.

As she reported in the 2010 Annual Church Report, "we now have 130 1-11 year olds in Junior Church, meeting in five different age groups to have fun together and to find out more about how much God loves them and how he wants them to live.... Each group gives children the chance to explore the Bible and think about what God is saying to them, in age-appropriate ways - and we have lots of fun as we do it!... We have a dedicated team of 33 leaders who give their time, energy, gifts and enthusiasm to serve God and the children..." During Peter's last year as Vicar (2010) Sarah was assisted in the Children and Families work by Claire Johnston, a self-funding intern.

The children's work in Junior Church was structured into year groups, each of which was given its own catchy title

  * Ladybirds _for the 1 and 2 year olds;_

  * Buzzy Bees _for the 3 and 4 year olds;_

  * Freckled Frogs _for school Reception and year 1;_

  * Cool Camels _for school years 2 and 3; and_

  * Impact _for school years 4 and 6._

There was also a mid-week group for school years 4 to 6, called Refresh, which met in the downstairs Centre lounge on Thursday evenings during school term time.

Sarah also re-introduced an annual Holiday Club (as we saw in the last chapter, Holiday Clubs had been run in the church during the early 1980s) at St Thomas' during the first week of the school Easter Holiday. It involved a series of activities based around a central theme, was designed to appeal to children of school-age, and attracted children from St Thomas', other local churches, and the unchurched. The theme for 2003 was Seaside Rock, and the event attracted more than 100 children. The theme for 2007 was Pirates of the Kingdom.

One of the most successful innovations that Sarah introduced, in September 2010 was Messy Church. As she and Assistant Children's Worker Clare Johnston explained to PCC in May 2010, a growing number of churches across the country were starting mid-week Messy Church outreach events for children aged two to eight and their families. They provide "a place for young families within and outside Sunday's congregation to have fun, worship God together, and enjoy getting to know each other better over a meal... [through] craft, celebration, food.... [and] To help people of all ages feel they belong in church and to each other." Messy Church events have been held in church after school on the third Tuesday of the month during school term-times since then.

Playgroup and Pre-School

We saw in the last chapter that a crèche was being run three mornings a week in the downstairs Church Lounge at least since late 1986.

It is not known whether it continued to run in the same format over many years, but there was certainly a church Playgroup running in October 1991 when PCC agreed to increase financial support for it from £60 to 100 [£100 to £167] a year because more qualified supervisors were needed to run it as a result of the 1989 Children's Act coming into force. PCC was told in September 1995 that the Playgroup had been 'highly recommended' in a report after a recent Social Services inspection, which PCC described as "largely largely down to [the] devotion and excellent leadership" of Helen Hicks the supervisor.

Further national legislation in 1996 introduced the Nursery Education Voucher Scheme, to be eligible for which required the work of the St Thomas' Playgroup to be extended. In December 1996 PCC agreed to extend the work of the Playgroup and create the 'St Thomas' Church Pre-School', which by then was based in the converted Church Annexe where it has remained ever since.

The work of the Pre-School developed and prospered but its viability was always dependent on the number of children it had on the books, which could vary from year to year. The situation looked critical in October 1999 when PCC was told that "the Pre-School will have to close by next summer unless more youngsters can be enrolled. Although numbers may pick up after Christmas, they are struggling this term and have asked if the Church will waive this term's fee of £150 [£213]." PCC agreed to make a donation to the Pre-School of £150 [£213] rather than waiving the fee.

After running the Pre-School for ten years, during which time it received two excellent Ofsted reports, Helen Hicks told PCC in March 2000 that she wished to retire as its leader. Judy Crowther (wife of Curate Gordon Crowther) was appointed to succeed her and started work in September 2000, and she in turn was replaced by Lydjia Fox in January 2002, when the Pre-School was open four days a week (Monday through Thursday). Claudia Strohbach took over as Supervisor in September 2003, and was followed in October 2004 by Sarah Pilling.

The interior of the Annexe had been remodelled after the church bought the building in 1994, but it was recognised from the outset that the temporary building would have a limited life expectancy. In September 1991 PCC was told that the roof needed repairing and it also agreed to "look into the possibility of putting a brick building on the same foundations to see if this would be viable over the long term or even looking into the possibility of Portakabin(s)." The state of the buildings was discussed again the following January, when PCC agreed that "we were not looking at an imminent closure of the Pre-School but that it was the long term view we needed to look at." The PCC's decision-making would have to take into account external factors (including new Ofsted rules, and possible changes in the Local Authority's position on pre-school groups), as well as the state of its own finances.

In April 2003 PCC reminded the Pre-School that "the long-term life of the building could not be guaranteed" and in January 2004, after it was told that the roof needed urgent repairs which would cost about £2,500 [£3,000], it discussed "whether this is wise expenditure, even though the outside has been painted." The following month it agreed that "the repair of the roof should go ahead using tin sheeting for the quoted £2,600 [£3,110], plus roof insulation if grants could be got to cover that, and... that the building should be used as a Pre-School for the foreseeable future. This agreement was for the roof only, [and there was] no commitment to [give] further church funds for the internal work" of repositioning some of the internal walls. PCC was told in May that the roof repairs should be completed that summer and alterations to the interior would be started "if time allows".

The viability of the Pre-School continued to be kept under review, and PCC returned to it in January 2006 when it discussed future opening hours "as some children have been withdrawn because a full day is not available. Various options were looked at and it was felt that longer hours would be beneficial. The Pre-School Committee will decide shortly with a possible extension of hours from Feb to July as an experiment."

Two months later PCC was told that Ofsted had approved afternoon opening, although "there must be a break over the lunch period, so a further application for a full-day permit must now be made." That was applied for and granted.

Ofsted had commented on the lack of an outside play area for the children attending Pre-School and in January 2006 PCC agreed to create an external area for use in fine weather. External funds were sought for that, and Sarah Pilling reported to PCC in July 2007 that SureStart (a UK government initiative with the aim of "giving children the best possible start in life") had granted the Pre-School £10,000 [£10,820] towards the cost of the work. Plans had been drawn up and quotes invited, and PCC agreed that the scheme should go ahead. It involved paving the old garage area and the south end of the Annexe with a rubber surface, to allow use in all weathers, and installing strong fencing to protect the oil tank, prevent vandalism, and improve security (after used syringes had been discovered behind the Annexe in June). SureStart required the work to be completed by March 2008 but PCC was told in early December that it had by then been done. Fire exits from and access to the building were improved at the same time. The facilities were further improved after PCC agreed in July 2009 to install an extra toilet and open plan kitchen.

Before she became Children and Families Worker at St Thomas' Sarah Evans had worked in the Pre-School, which she left at the end of the summer term in 2007. In October 2009 Sarah Pilling gave notice to PCC that she would shortly be taking Maternity Leave. She reassured them that her deputy Lois Walmsley would stand in for her and that they would like to job-share when she returned to work, although the plan changed and Sarah told PCC in December PCC that she intended to return to work full-time afterwards.

Mums and Toddlers Group (Little Fishes)

As well as the work with children of school and pre-school age, a group was set up by volunteer members of the church to cater for the needs of mums and toddlers, which they named Little Fishes. It is first mentioned in the _Annual Church Report_ for 2007, which mentions that about 50 families were members of the group, of whom an average of about 35 took part each week. The _Annual Church Report_ for 2010 notes that -

" _Little Fishes continues to be a safe, friendly and welcoming place for babies, toddlers and their carers. We have about 40 families every week, and are thrilled that Little Fishes is a place where families from both the church and the community can spend time together in a relaxed way.... As a team we are exploring our vision for Little Fishes, looking at the best ways to keep a friendly and approachable atmosphere at the heart of all we do, whilst also sharing God's love with the families who come along."_

Safeguarding matters

A serious incident which occurred in March 2008 forced Peter Guinness to call a Special Meeting of Electoral Roll Members, to be chaired by the Bishop of Lancaster on the 14th of April, in accordance with the church's and diocesan procedures for safeguarding children and vulnerable adults.

Peter explained in a letter to PCC members dated the 25th of March that a member of the congregation, "who has been an active member of our church, and perceived as being a key person helping the Ark team, was in Crown Court last week, and was convicted of a sexual assault on an under-16 year old male." He was then on bail awaiting sentencing, with a custodial sentence likely. Peter had given him permission to attend St Thomas' with his family on Easter Sunday morning, but he would not be attending again before returning to court for sentencing.

In the letter Peter also explained that Debbie Peatment had recently been "a supporter of the Ark team, unofficially as their 'chaplain', [and] has invested a great deal in the work of The Ark. The pastoral and relational consequences of the sad news about [the incident] means that Debbie is now officially on full sick leave."

At its meeting on the 31st of March PCC agreed on the need to revise the church's Child Protection measures in the light of the incident, and that "more of those working with children and young people, including staff, should attend regular updated instruction in Safe from Harm matters." Safe from Harm was the church's policy for dealing with allegations against the parish clergy, licensed lay workers (such as the Youth Pastor) and all PCC employees, which PCC had agreed in September 1996 and updated annually, certainly after 2002.

After the Special Meeting on the 14th of April 2008 a number of long-standing members of the church wrote to Peter Guinness to complain about how the incident and its fallout had been handled. In May PCC was told that, in the wake of the incident, "Sue Kiernan has resigned to the Bishop and has indicated that she is leaving St T's this week." Debbie Peatman resigned from St Thomas' at the same time.

PCC agreed in September 2008 to adopt two new booklets - Policy and Procedures for Child Protection and Appendices to Child Protection, both dated June 2008 - that Peter had drafted based on the Diocesan Guidelines. It set up a Child Protection Team, which it agreed in December 2009 should meet monthly to review procedures.

Resignation and departure

After nearly nineteen years as Vicar of St Thomas', Peter resigned and left in January 2010 when he and Michele moved south to pastures new, sensing God's call to enter a new chapter in their ministry together. He accepted the post of Priest-in-Charge of St Marks in Gillingham, Kent, which had been David Watson's Curacy church, and timed his departure to fulfil his commitment to at least half of Saju Muthalaly's three year training Curacy.

In saying farewell to the church, in the Annual Church Report for 2009, Peter described his time at St Thomas' as "exciting, stimulating and stretching" and said he was "grateful to the Lord for the many individuals who, because they love Christ first, contribute to such an exciting and wonderful church community. I am proud of the congregation at St Thomas's." He closed by saying -

" _I will always cherish the memories and friendships I have been given at St Tees, and pray that you will focus on Jesus Christ and his mission, and give loving, loyal support to my successor in the journey that lies ahead of you.... Inevitably some things will change – they have changed during my 18 years, and I have changed with them – challenged and often encouraged by you yourselves and the situations we have had to face together.... My thoughts and prayers will always be with you. I am excited by what the Lord has in store for all of us in the future."_

PCC began the search for a successor in October 2009, when members were given copies of a booklet published by CPAS which gave details of the procedures to be followed.

The following month the Bishop of Lancaster (Geoff Pearson) and a representative from CPAS (Rev Canon John Alderman) attended PCC to start the process. Bishop Geoff reminded PCC that -

" _while Peter was leaving St T's, Jesus was not, and that we should watch and pray and not just sit back during the Vacancy. Our work does not stop and we should be prepared for new challenges. We must pray for discernment for the church, CPAS and the Diocese in choosing the right person for the post."_

The first steps were to write "a Parish Profile for St T's and also choose the two PCC representatives for the selection panel." This was done by PCC in January 2010 when Sally Pidd and Tony Bell were elected as representatives and members of the team to produce the Parish Profile.

In December PCC agreed that Curate Saju Muthalaly should chair the PCC meetings during the interregnum, with one of the Churchwardens as Deputy Chair. PCC also voted unanimously in favour of accepting a woman "as the minister who presides at or celebrates the Holy Communion or pronounces the Absolution in the parish" and "as the incumbent or priest-in-charge of the benefice or as a Team Vicar for the benefice" in respect of the Priests (Ordination of Women) Measure 1993.

PCC was told that a series of prayer meetings "concentrating on the selection of our new Vicar and for the church during the Vacancy" were being planned over the following five months. In February 2010 it was informed that the two prayer meetings to date had been very well attended, but "almost exclusively [by] the older age group in the congregation".

Canon Alderman of CPAS revisited PCC in February 2010 and amongst other things asked them "Where would you like this church to be in five years time?". The responses he received were wide-ranging and challenging; according to the minutes of the PCC meeting the answers were

  * supporting church plants in at least two areas in the city and/or partnering with other churches in the deanery to share our rich people resources to help their effectiveness in reaching others with the love of Jesus;

  * the church's budget, staffing and support for mission all doubled in size;

  * worship as lively as now but more enriched by God's word;

  * our buildings refurbished and developed to be fit for purpose and attractive to others;

  * more charismatic emphasis and specifically a more defined healing ministry;

  * still with youth work a priority;

  * an enlarged outgoing community, prepared to speak out about the kingdom and be salt in our society;

  * vibrant and on fire for the Lord;

  * remaining true to our evangelical roots with strong biblical teaching and being more systematically prayerful;

  * stronger housegroups with a community focus;

  * thinking creatively about how we reach out to those untouched by church as we do it now;

  * creaking at the seams with no room for all those wanting to come in; and

  * purposefully developing, supporting and sending out Christian leaders."

The Diocese redefined the post as Priest in Charge rather than Incumbent, to give itself greater flexibility in how it deploys the clergy and uses its Vicarages.

At that time the Church of England was implementing new contracts for all clergy, which had yet to be finally ratified by Parliament. As a result, all new vicars were being appointed Priest in Charge on a temporary basis; the Bishop had to suspend the living even where parish re-organisation was not required; and the Bishop appointed the Priest in Charge but the patrons were still involved. The Priest in Charge's licensing could then be replaced by Induction of the Vicar to the living, after new contracts were issued.

To formally redefine the post the Bishop of Blackburn issued a 'Notice of Suspension of Presentation', which noted that -

" _the Benefice of Lancaster Saint Thomas... will become vacant on the Twenty-sixth day of February Two thousand and ten AND WHEREAS the Pastoral Committee of... [the] Diocese has consented to the vacancy... not being filled... [and having consulted with CPAS, the Area Dean of Lancaster, the Lay Chairperson of the Deanery Synod of Lancaster, and the St Thomas' PCC] NOW WE HEREBY DECLARE that... the said vacancy... shall not be filled during the period of five years from the Twenty-sixth day of February Two thousand and ten and that during that period the Patrons... shall not exercise their right of presentation thereto without Our consent and that of the... Pastoral Committee of [this] Diocese."_

In March 2010 the Diocese and CPAS placed the following advert in the appropriate papers inviting applications for the post of Priest in Charge of St Thomas' -

" _St Thomas's is a lively evangelical community in the centre of historic Lancaster, home to two university campuses. The church is prayerfully seeking God's vision for the next stage of its growth, wishing to be salt and light in the parish and city. It is family friendly and attracts people of all ages from across the Lancaster district, who value its contemporary worship and relevant, biblical teaching. It is eager to find ways to meet the changing needs of its community, within and beyond the church walls. They seek a leader with substantial ordained experience who -_

  * has a deep personal faith, and takes joy in sharing that with others;

  * is a gifted bible teacher, able to relate scripture to contemporary life;

  * is open to the work of the Holy Spirit, able to encourage the sensitive use of spiritual gifts;

  * is a servant leader with proven ability to lead and mentor a staff team;

  * is keen to recognise and release gifts and ministries in all members and all ages; and

  * can support and develop the church's pastoral ministry, building up its life as the body of Christ.

PCC was told in May 2010 that four candidates for the post had visited Lancaster and interviews were held would be held on the 18th of that month.

Jon Scamman was selected and appointed to succeed Peter Guinness. Saju told PCC at their mid-June Away-Day in Brookhouse Methodist Church that he had met with Jon, who was hoping to move to Lancaster in early August with his wife Helen and children Esther, Toby, Jamie and Joshua. Arrangements were being made for Jon to be licensed to St Thomas' at the evening service on Sunday the 12th of September.

Ahead of Jon's arrival, in July PCC was given an update on preparations at the Vicarage, where the work was described as "well advanced"; the front garden had been tidied up and work was in hand to tidy up the back garden, new vinyl flooring was to be laid in the kitchen (funded by the Diocese), and the dining room and dining kitchen area were to be laminated (funded by PCC).

In the Annual Church Report for 2010 Jon Scamman paid tribute to the way in which Saju had handled "the immense responsibility of leading the church through the 'interregnum'... which he has handled extremely well." He added that "countless people have told me of the release of ministry and gifts, and a sense of fresh heart and togetherness which has taken place under Saju's leadership. People have also spoken of these months as a time of genuinely waiting on God, wanting to hear from him, and wanting to move forward."

So, as Peter Guinness's chapter in the history of St Thomas draws to a close, we leave the church poised to enter a new season with gratitude for all that happened to date and a sense of expectancy of what God might have in store for the future.

– o0o –

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18. The seasonally changing vine

There are two ways of looking back over the first 170 years of St Thomas'. One is to see the past, as novelist H.P. Hartley wrote in _The Go-Between_ (1953), as "a foreign country: they do things differently there." The other is to see it as the writer of Ecclesiastes (1: 9) did, who insisted that "there is nothing new under the sun". There are grounds for doing both.

The past as a foreign country

We might be tempted to look back to the early days of St Thomas' in a sentimental sort of way, through rose-tinted spectacles, but to do so would require us to confront some fairly stark plain truths.

Viewed through modern eyes, it is difficult to avoid the conclusion that the church had a rather shaky start. It came into being as the result of a split from the parish church... it was an early church plant. The Masons played a prominent role in its opening. The original donation of £1,000 was tainted by association with profits from the slave trade, and the building project was underfunded from the very beginning.

If we could be transported in a time-machine back to the early decades of St Thomas', taking with us our present-day ideas, values and attitudes, most of us would not feel particularly at home there.

We would find a formal and rigid church, socially stratified by class and wealth. People knew their place in those days; they wore it on their sleeves but they also showed it in where they could sit in church. If you had money you could rent one of the box pews at the front of church, close to the choir and pulpit. If you had a steady income you could rent a pew, and it would be yours for the year, whether or not you actually turned up to attend church services. If you were poor, you would be allowed to sit on one of the hard wooden benches around the inside of church, where it was difficult to see or hear what was going on at the front.

Most of us would be struck by the attitudes of the church leaders and members who, compared to today, would come across as intolerant, defensive and inward looking. They were mistrustful of people of other faith traditions and denominations; Roman Catholics and High Church Anglicans were denounced as 'papists', Methodists and Baptists were looked down on as ill-informed or plain stupid.

By today's standards we would find the church services very formal and ritualistic, which is more than a little ironic given that St Thomas' started life as a reaction against the Oxford Movement which promoted High Church ritualism. The service took the form of a tightly structured liturgy, with music provided by the church organ and robed choir. Traditional hymns were sung (often more by the choir than the congregation), and the role of the congregation was more that of an observer rather than an active participant in the worship. Teaching centred squarely on the Word, with no opportunity for worship in the Spirit or the exercise of gifts of the Spirit. Churchgoers were expected to conform to a strict dress code ('Sunday best') and rigid expectations about 'decent behaviour', within and beyond church.

Clergy were king... they led all the services, did all the preaching, and set the tone, feel and direction of travel of the church. Lay leadership was restricted to the elected church wardens (many of whom served for decades) and the elected Vestry Meeting, and much later the Parochial Church Council. It was very much a man's world, inside and beyond church.

If you were female, you were expected to be seen but not heard. Your role was to accompany the men-folk, make tea and sandwiches, teach in the Sunday School, decorate the church on special occasions, and make craft works for sale. Women played no role in leadership or decision-making, but they did play a key role in visiting the many sick and poor people throughout the parish.

If you had children, they would be educated up to the age of about 12 in the church school (now the Church Centre), with boys and girls taught in separate classes. Few received any formal education after they left. There were also well-attended Sunday School classes, by age groups, and separate classes for adults, which taught reading and writing as well as Bible study.

Churchgoing was then much more part of the weekly routine for most people than it is today. For many it was an opportunity to wear their finest clothes, see and be seen, and continue the family tradition. It was also a time to thank God for his goodness, seek his guidance and support, and commit themselves to his service. The march of secularisation across Europe had barely started when St Thomas' was established. Absence would be very visible, certainly for upper and middle class families who rented particular pews and would always sit in 'their' places.

Fund-raising was very different then, too. Unlike today, when much of the church's income comes in the form of regular giving by church members, through most of the 19th century and well into the 20th it was more of a commercial transaction - the bulk of the money was received through pew rents, and much of the rest was raised through annual sales of work. Particular projects were funded by special collections and gift days.

We would also be struck by the much tighter link then than now between church and parish. The formal responsibility of an Anglican vicar has always been "the cure of souls" of those who live within the parish and that remains the case today, but in the 19th century that was displayed by regular visiting of people who lived in the parish, and by looking out for and supporting the poor and the needy within the parish. Most members of the congregation lived within the parish. Today, with better mobility and more choice of where and how to worship, most church members live outside the parish. Members of the church who are in need are visited by a lay pastoral care team, irrespective of where they live, and the local mission of the church is focussed on the city than on the parish.

Mission and outreach were treated very differently in the early decades, too. Mission focussed largely on overseas mission, particularly within 'the dark continent' (Africa), which was supported through prayer and funding. Local mission and outreach within the parish was very limited. The expectation in those days was that those who live within a parish had a responsibility to support their parish church by attendance and by giving, and few attempts appear to have been made to reach out to them with the good news of the gospel (other than the support offered to the poor and the needy).

Nothing new under the sun

Whilst successive Vicars and their congregations interpreted their calling "to love and serve the Lord" in different ways, the church's commitment to do it has remained steady through the best part of two centuries, despite many changes in society and its values. The practice of living out that calling has certainly changed over time, but the essence of it - the spirit and purpose of it - remains undimmed, as does the resolve to live it out in ways that fit the needs and opportunities of the day.

Although they would not have used this type of language, successive Vicars and leaders have re-imagined what it means to "be church and do church". Thus we see the church's focus on key themes - such as worship, prayer, fellowship, outreach, preaching and teaching - running through its entire history, but expressed in different ways at different times.

In worship, for example, the amplified multi-instrumental casually dressed music group of today has evolved from the robed choir and thunderous organ; they may look and sound very different, but both approaches were designed to do essentially the same thing. In fellowship, the Congregational Tea Party has been replaced by the housegroup, church picnic, weekend away, and so on. Preaching is no longer the exclusive domain of the trained clergy, and sermons are not delivered from the top of a huge, wooden pulpit built right in the middle of the chancel.

This continuity of purpose is not restricted to particular practices or activities. From the very beginning the church leaders have been committed to providing a building that is fit for purpose, and although how that is defined has changed through time the underlying purpose has survived. Comfortable chairs, which can be moved and stored to create space in church for many different activities, have replaced hard, wooden pews and benches, but their main purpose remains seating the congregation. For most of its life the church contained no toilets, kitchen or upper lounge, but these facilities simply make it possible to attract and service the needs of people today. For many decades the church made good use of a Parish Hall quite a walk away on Aldcliffe Road, which was only sold after space was created inside church (the Upper Lounge) to serve much the same function.

Of course new things have been added to the mix which would have been unthinkable and unnecessary in the early days of the church - the car park, for example, which for many decades served as the school playground, or the sound and video system we have in church today.

If there was a turning point in the history of St Thomas' it was when charismatic renewal took hold in the 1970s and 80s. Not only did that lead to major changes in styles of worship, approaches to prayer, pastoral ministry and personal discipleship, it also acted as a catalyst for the biggest single building project since the church was built in 1841. Creating the Renewal Centre (now referred to as the Church Centre) brought the former church school back to life and placed it right at the heart of that "new way of doing church", creating space for the development of a healing ministry upstairs and a coffee bar outreach ministry downstairs, as well as visibly demonstrating (to the church and the world outside) both God's goodness and people's faith in action.

Continuity and change

The church's current strap-line "Sharing God's love from the heart of the city" neatly captures the essence of its key priority today, but the sentiment behind it has been true throughout the history of the church, lived out in different ways at different times.

So there is a strong degree of continuity, even though St Thomas' has had to respond to multiple changes from within and without over the decades - including the changing role of church in society, changes in public attitudes towards organised religion, changes in the socio-economic and demographic structure of the town and parish it serves, changes in types of churchmanship and different expressions of spirituality.

In all of this continuity and change, the dedication, vision, drive and commitment of successive Vicars has inevitably been a vital ingredient. Some have had and displayed more of these qualities than others, but each has put in a good shift and passed on to their successor a church full of faith, hope and love. Local historian J. Wane wrote in 1909 "Truly one may say that the Church of St. Thomas has been blessed above measure in its ministry", and that remains true today.

In his book _The Church of England 1900-1965_ Roger Lloyd (1966 p.23) commented that

" _The Church might possibly survive a whole generation of impossible bishops and dead cathedrals.... But it could not possibly survive a whole generation of bad vicars and lethargic parish churches. For the parish church is the centre of the Church's life, and the main stream of Anglican piety flows, as it has always flowed, through the parish churches: and therefore it is the parishes that are the exciting thing. The life of the parish is Church History."_

Over the last 170 years St Thomas' has not only survived, it has prospered. Today it is a vibrant, charismatic, evangelical, outward-facing, mission-orientated, city-centre Anglican church, with a large congregation and many effective ministries.

It was established after and has outlived two other Lancaster city-centre Anglican churches - St John's and St Anne's - both of which were closed after the loss of their congregations. Although at various times through its history St Thomas' has been threatened with closure or relocation, it has survived partly because the boundaries of its parish were enlarged on several occasions, but primarily because people from across the area have been blessed by what God has done through this local church.

Writing about the wider Church, Thomas Oden (1998 p.287) commented that its future

" _is finally left not to human will or chance, but to the work of the Spirit and divine grace. Many branches of the seasonally changing vine may drop off in varied storms and seasons of cultural histories. Once-vital ideas and institutions may become dysfunctional and atrophy. But the Church as the Body of Christ will be preserved to the end of time."_

The reality is that St Thomas' will always be a work in progress, a never-ending story, at least until Christ returns as promised.

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