LARRY MCDONALD: Nigel Farage, it's a pleasure
to have you back here with Real Vision.
NIGEL FARAGE: Good to be back.
Exciting times.
LARRY MCDONALD: What you've accomplished this
year-- and we sat down in the spring-- blow
by blow, you've called this thing pretty accurately.
I was at an event where you did a speech in
the US.
I notice you've been working with some of
the financial institutions you do, great speaker.
As a public speaker, I remember this year,
and even back to last year, you were talking
about Theresa May not making it through the
May Plan.
NIGEL FARAGE: Well, I think I helped to get
rid of it, actually.
LARRY MCDONALD: Wasn't a loaded gun, I hope
not, but God bless her.
She had incredible spirit, and she was inspiring
to most of us around the world, just watching
what she went through.
But at the end of the day-- NIGEL FARAGE:
Well, you say that-- look, what is Brexit?
What is Brexit?
LARRY MCDONALD: What is Brexit?
NIGEL FARAGE: What do people want from Brexit?
Now, I'm the godfather of this, so I think
I've got a reasonable idea.
The point about Brexit is to break free.
It's about political independence.
It's about being a self-governing nation,
where your laws are made by your own representatives
in Parliament and where the highest court
in the land, at times, is called into a judge.
And what we've seen now, 3 and 1/4 years since
the Brexit vote, is an attempt by the political
class to redefine Brexit as, somehow, Brexit
is staying part of the customs union, or staying
part of the single market.
And it is not.
And here's Mrs. May's problem-- I think she
went into this as a remainer, but as a Democrat.
LARRY MCDONALD: I see.
NIGEL FARAGE: Saying right, I'm going to do
the best job I can.
She gave a big speech at Lancaster House,
where she said all the right things.
LARRY MCDONALD: For the audience, that was
about-- NIGEL FARAGE: Lancaster House was
in early '17.
LARRY MCDONALD: Early '17.
NIGEL FARAGE: She gave a big speech, and I
thought, gosh, here's a British prime minister
saying things using words and phrases for
which I've been condemned consistently for
the last 20 years.
And this is now mainstream.
And then, within a few months, I think the
Civil Service had got hold of it.
And suddenly, rather than Brexit being a clean
break, it became a close and special partnership.
And really, ever since that time, Brexit's
been confused, and there is an attempt to
redefine those that want a clean break as
somehow being the extremists.
Public opinion does not suggest that.
So I think Mrs. May started off with good
intentions.
She then went wrong.
And the longer this has gone on, the more
empowered the Liberal Democrats have felt
in Britain-- even the Labor Party, which have
gone from promising to deliver Brexit, now
wanting to have a second referendum.
So the longer that time has gone on, the more
that Parliament, the more that London has
tried, effectively, to begin by watering it
down.
And now, it's an outright blatant attempt
by Parliament to stop it from happening.
That's where we are.
LARRY MCDONALD: To undo the will of the people,
essentially.
NIGEL FARAGE: Yeah.
And they say things like, people didn't know
what they were voting for, as if we're all
knuckle-dragging skinheads, and they somehow
know better.
It's a sense of moral superiority that many
of the remainers have.
They say that we know more now than we did
then.
And I think they really do think that, somehow,
we've changed our minds.
Actually, the real hard evidence is about
this-- remain right now is about 35%, leaving
with a clean break Brexit-- which is just
goodbye-- you can whistle dixie for your $39
billion-- we've just had enough of all of
this-- let alone be insulted by the Luxembourg
prime minister-- I'll come back to that--
is about 35%.
And there are 17%-- between 15% and 20% who
think, yeah, we must leave, but keeping a
reasonable form of economic relationship might
be the easiest way.
So if you look at it, leave significantly
has a lead over remain-- far bigger than it
did 3 and 1/2 years ago.
And if you then give people a binary choice,
up against the wall-- October 31, in a couple
of weeks' time, is it leave with no deal,
as they phrase it, or is it extend and have
a second referendum?
Then leave's got a big majority.
So we're in this very, very strange world
where, in many ways, public opinion towards
Brexit has hardened.
More people than ever want it.
LARRY MCDONALD: Which explains the rise of
your Brexit Party.
NIGEL FARAGE: And that's why a brand new party,
the Brexit Party, could just appear.
I sort of pulled the lid off, like a Jack-in-the-Box.
It just appeared, and reached the top of the--
it was topping the polls and in this country
within two weeks.
And this is normally a country-- LARRY MCDONALD:
And the seats in the European Parliament,
relative to-- how many new seats in the European
Parliament?
NIGEL FARAGE: We won 29 of the seats-- LARRY
MCDONALD: 29.
NIGEL FARAGE: --in the European Parliament,
and we got more than 50% more votes than our
nearest rivals.
It was a dramatic victory, but it kind of
showed the disconnect between Parliament and
the people.
Boris took over.
Many would argue this-- that without the Brexit
Party being formed, Theresa May could have
limped on a bit longer.
Without the Brexit Party, Boris probably wouldn't
have become leader, because what the Brexit
Party did was to reset the agenda-- to say,
look, we've had all this rubbish.
This is what the vote was about.
This is what we want.
Boris finds himself in a very, very tight
spot.
He's got this parliament that is majority
remain.
He's also, I think, made a catastrophic mistake,
and that is to what we call Queen's Speech--
you would call it a State of the Union Speech
in America-- once a year, setting out the
legislative program for the coming year.
We normally have Queen Speeches every single
year.
We've not had one for a few years.
In fact, this has been the longest time without
a King or Queen's Speech since the English
Civil War.
So of itself-- LARRY MCDONALD: And this speech
is coming up-- NIGEL FARAGE: October 14.
LARRY MCDONALD: October 14.
So inside of 30-- inside of a month from now.
NIGEL FARAGE: Yeah.
This speech of itself not unusual, but the
timing of it, with the Brexit deadline of
the 31st of October, and the consequence of
it-- meaning that Parliament is now closing
for a few days, as we run down to that-- has
been a catastrophic error.
Because what it's done-- it's united remainers
in the most amazing way.
It's led to this extraordinary case going
on in our own Supreme Court, as has the government
acted lawfully.
Did Boris lie to the queen?
Extraordinary things that are going on at
the moment.
I think that was a major, major error that
Boris made.
LARRY MCDONALD: And he was thinking-- doing
this and calling a-- I wouldn't call it a
time out-- but in putting Parliament in the
box-- NIGEL FARAGE: Proroguing is the word.
LARRY MCDONALD: Proroguing-- by doing that,
he thought he would have the bandwidth to
negotiate with the Macrons or the Brussels--
France, Brussels, Germany-- without interference
that Ms. May dealt with, that what he was
thinking.
NIGEL FARAGE: Yeah, but actually, all he's,
as I say, all he's done is just to unite remain.
LARRY MCDONALD: Yeah.
NIGEL FARAGE: It's been a mistake.
Now, what I can tell you is this.
I was sitting in the European Parliament yesterday.
I exchanged the usual pleasantries with Mr.
Juncker and Mr. Barnier, as I always do.
And I sat through a near four-hour debate
in that chamber yesterday morning, and there
is a big change of tone coming from Brussels.
LARRY MCDONALD: That's what I wanted to ask
you.
So this is important, because with-- our audience
is a financial audience.
NIGEL FARAGE: Yeah.
LARRY MCDONALD: The Bear Traps Report-- services
like ours focus on political risk for the
markets.
And in talking to our clients around the world,
there's a couple of-- not assumptions, but
things that people have been working and pricing
in in their mind.
Number one, you've had almost four years now
since the original Brexit vote almost had
been next year.
And a lot's been priced, in terms of banks
leaving, and all-- a lot of the dark scenario
has not turned up.
And the financial GDP, in some respects, is
even stronger in the UK BMI than they are
in Germany.
The question is, from clients that are spoken
to this morning, is since Miss May dealt with
this a year ago in December, had that famous
ride in the parliament floor, where she held
things together, the clients around the world
think that this German zoo, which is business
confidence, down 15%, 20% over the last year--
PMIs, negative yielding bonds on the planet
Earth a year ago, when Miss May was-- trying
to think, it was $12, maybe $10 trillion--
now we're up to $17.
So the political-- I'm sorry-- the economic
pressure on Germany, France, Brussels to really
work with you, I think, has changed.
NIGEL FARAGE: They're scared.
They're scared.
LARRY MCDONALD: So you have a stronger hand.
NIGEL FARAGE: Here it is-- Boris gets the
job, and he inherits the withdrawal agreement,
the new European treaty.
It's been rejected three times by Parliament.
Why?
Well, there are lots of reasons, but the main
one is the so-called Irish backstop, which
is virtually an attempt to annex part of the
United Kingdom.
It's just not acceptable.
LARRY MCDONALD: And that's the Irish backstop.
NIGEL FARAGE: That's the Irish backstop.
Boris says they change the Irish backstop,
or we just leave with no deal.
LARRY MCDONALD: Brussels, they've-- NIGEL
FARAGE: They've got to change that backstop,
or we will leave on October 31 with no deal.
The markets took the talk of leaving with
no deal and the short-term uncertainty that
that would create, and they kind of believed
it.
The Jeremy Corbyn, the Lib Dem message, is
panic, we're about to leave with no deal.
It is rubbish.
Boris is not going to leave with no deal.
He just isn't going to do it, because his
own Conservative Party, his own Parliamentary
Conservative Party just won't wear it.
It isn't going to happen.
So back in July, when Boris first became the
prime minister and talked about changes to
the backstop, it was all Mr. Tough Guy from
Juncker and Barnier.
We're not changing a thing.
I sat and listened to every word of that yesterday,
and spoke to them face-to-face.
And one of my colleagues, former stockbroker
guy, had a private meeting with Barnier yesterday.
They are now scared.
They are scared because the European economy
is turning down.
Things are not pretty.
And we are a mega export market for them,
and they trade with us.
The annual surplus on trade between the EU
and the UK is over 100 billion euros.
We drink an awful lot of their wine.
We buy a lot of their cars.
Great statistic-- $110 million bottles of
Italian prosecco are sold in the UK every
year.
LARRY MCDONALD: $110 million.
NIGEL FARAGE: Million bottles.
It's extraordinary.
So they're now getting quite worried.
Could Johnson?
Is Johnson bluffing?
Could Johnson?
They are now much keener to assuage Boris
Johnson.
So yesterday, Juncker said, the backstop is
not, for me, an article of faith, provided
we get the protections that are needed.
And the protections are that the UK would
not go rogue and start selling goods into
the European Union that were substandard.
The protections are no emergence of what's
called a hard border between Northern Ireland
and the republic, because of the historical
30 years of troubles and all the rest of it.
And I think this is what will happen.
LARRY MCDONALD: We get an election this year?
NIGEL FARAGE: There is a major European summit
on the 17th, 18th of October.
LARRY MCDONALD: So the Queen's Speech-- NIGEL
FARAGE: Queen's Speech on the 14th-- he lays
out his governmental program, which will partly
be Brexit, but also it'll be other domestic
stuff, as well.
But the summit's key.
LARRY MCDONALD: EU summit.
NIGEL FARAGE: The EU summit's key.
And I think it is now a strong probability
that Boris will come back on the 18th of October--
LARRY MCDONALD: With something in his back
pocket.
NIGEL FARAGE: --waving a piece of paper, as
British prime ministers often do, when they
come back from negotiations in Europe-- often
wrongly-- and say, look, we've got a deal--
the backstop's not there-- and then try and
ram it through Parliament.
If he can't do that, then there will be a
further extension.
So all these big downside risks, short-term
risks to the UK, the pound, et cetera, I think
they are melting away.
LARRY MCDONALD: Yes.
When we spoke earlier in the year, you were
bearish on the pound, and now you're more--
NIGEL FARAGE: Not anymore.
No, not anymore.
To me, we're somewhere near the bottom of
a long historical downturn.
LARRY MCDONALD: Now, walk us through the Corbyn
risk.
NIGEL FARAGE: So that's scenario one.
Scenario one is-- and that will happen.
He could come back with nothing, but it's
either with Boris.
It's either he gets an amended withdrawal
agreement passed in Parliament and we leave
on the 31st of October, but we leave it on
what would be-- well, listen, politically,
I'd say, what's the point?
Because we'd still be so tied to all of that,
but it would be a-- from the market's short-term
perspective, it would be a soft Brexit.
Or we have an extension of a further-- who's
to say-- three months, six months, nine months--
I don't know.
I just do not think the no deal clean break
is going to happen on the 31st of October.
I just don't believe it will.
The other scenario is that Labor-- now, Labor,
who have been through this extraordinary transformation
from being a party that said they were for
Brexit at the general election, are now almost
wholly remain and second referendum.
But they've played a very clever game, because
Boris tried to call a general election.
They stopped him having a general election,
because they know that, if we haven't left
on the 31st of October, that Boris's ratings
will be down, because he's promised everybody--
LARRY MCDONALD: Yes, yes.
NIGEL FARAGE: So here's the big thing.
The big thing is, will Boris's Queen's Speech
get voted down?
Will Labor lead the charge and vote it down?
LARRY MCDONALD: Is that a no confidence?
NIGEL FARAGE: Well, it would then turn into
a no confidence situation.
So it could be that we get a general election
sometime late November, early December.
That's possible.
It's also possible that they'll try and bring
Boris down anyway.
And under-- we've got this new piece of legislation.
It's called the Fixed-term Parliament Act,
and no one quite knows what it-- LARRY MCDONALD:
Fixed-term Parliament Act?
NIGEL FARAGE: Yeah.
Passed in 2010 by Cameron-- dreadful piece
of law, like most things he did.
It is possible that they vote against the
Queen's Speech, and at the end of two weeks,
rather than having a general election, if
Corbyn can get a majority, he could become
a caretaker prime minister.
Now, the market's-- LARRY MCDONALD: And that's
a 31-day caretaker situation?
NIGEL FARAGE: Well, who's to say how long
it would be?
But it would clearly be quite shortterm.
So there is a possibility of a Corbyn caretaker
government.
That risk is there, but it wouldn't be a huge
risk, because he couldn't do any of the things
that he would like.
We know what he wants to do, which is tax
the rich out of existence-- completely change
corporate law in Britain, the sort of Marxist
model of workers councils on the board, and--
LARRY MCDONALD: And any empty property in
London, he wants to fill it, too.
NIGEL FARAGE: Oh, yeah.
And private companies having to give 10% of
their equity away.
LARRY MCDONALD: Bank nationalization.
NIGEL FARAGE: And nationalization.
It's real Marxist stuff.
But again, even if he forms a caretaker government,
it will be very, very short-term.
So I don't think that, in terms of the way
the markets are viewing all of this, there
may be significant political turmoil.
Might be difficult to predict exactly where
this is going to go, but all of the scenarios,
at some point, lead to a general election,
and a general election in which Corbyn cannot
get a majority.
He's in real trouble.
LARRY MCDONALD: So if Boris teams up with
your party-- NIGEL FARAGE: Well, here's the
deal-- now, President Trump sees this more
clearly than most, because he's a numbers
man.
But if there was an electoral alliance between
Boris and myself, he would win a big majority.
He'd win a big majority, the threat of Marxist
Corbyn will be gone, and he'd be able to get
Brexit done.
But I've put a very big offer on the table.
But what I won't accept, politically, is anything
based around this withdrawal agreement.
Because frankly, even without the backstop,
it leaves us basically trapped inside the
European Union's Customs Union.
And look, here's the point-- and this point
does not get made enough-- that received wisdom
from the research departments of JPMorgan,
Goldman Sachs, and Deutsche Bank has been
that Brexit would be terrible for the British
economy.
Truth of it is, actually, cutting free of
the Customs Union, becoming competitive would
be phenomenal.
LARRY MCDONALD: And so much capital's already
left.
NIGEL FARAGE: But the opportunity here is
amazing.
The other big observation yesterday was, despite
all the conciliatory talk that we got from
Barnier and Juncker, Barnier did say at the
end that, in the longer term, we will, post-Brexit,
seek a trade relationship base with the United
Kingdom, and it will be around the Customs
Union.
They do not want us breaking out of this.
Because this is the chance, even if there
are short-term bumps in the road-- this is
the chance for the UK economy to start to
become globally competitive, but much more
competitive than its European neighbors.
I see Brexit a bit like the 1979 moment, when
you go from a very, very heavily state-run
economy, which is what Britain had in the
'70s, and you start freeing things up.
LARRY MCDONALD: With some certainty?
Once you give the markets, say, right, it's
been four years of uncertainty-- NIGEL FARAGE:
Yeah, political certainty and a clear direction
of travel.
LARRY MCDONALD: A fiscal plan.
NIGEL FARAGE: Yep.
LARRY MCDONALD: So this is what could happen
over the next six months.
You and Boris potentially could deliver certainty,
a fiscal plan-- which I've heard is anywhere
from $20 to $50 billion fiscal stimulus--
NIGEL FARAGE: Well, the important thing for
us, given our geography-- next door to Europe--
given our economic interlinkage with Europe--
I feel that the Eurozone is going into some
sort of slow gentle downward deflationary
spiral.
That's how it looks, how it feels.
That's what negative rates and all these markers
tell me.
So it's really important for us, actually,
not to be dragged down with it.
And yes, stimulus is one of the things we
can do, absolutely.
LARRY MCDONALD: And your relationship with
President Trump, that's-- that might be a
nice card in the back pocket for Boris, because
if you can do-- at the same time you do a
fiscal plan, if you can do a trade deal with
the US, what can you tell us about that in
terms-- NIGEL FARAGE: Well, I think, clearly,
there are-- all trade deals are contentious,
and all trade deals can take a long time.
And they generally take a long time because
there are chapters of the negotiation that
everyone gets stuck on-- agriculture nearly
always being-- despite being a small part
of the economy-- agriculture nearly always
being the blocker.
LARRY MCDONALD: Gets the headlines.
NIGEL FARAGE: Yeah.
And there is a big cultural difference.
There are some big GM differences.
There are some big meat-rearing differences
between us and the US.
But the cleverest plan I thought on this--
and he's gone now-- but it was John Bolton.
John Bolton proposed a Swiss solution.
So the Swiss negotiate trade deals with the
EU, for example, on a sectoral basis-- 16
separate sectoral deals.
And if we left on the 31st of October-- LARRY
MCDONALD: That means sectoral based on industries?
NIGEL FARAGE: Yes.
Yes, absolutely.
LARRY MCDONALD: So your automotive sector--
NIGEL FARAGE: Yeah, yeah, and the financial
sector will accept that.
LARRY MCDONALD: Each sector does a deal?
NIGEL FARAGE: Yeah.
And that was Bolton's idea, and a really positive
way of doing them.
Basically, if we did leave on the 31st of
October-- I'm not sure we will, but if we
did leave on the 31st of October, if we left
clean on the 31st of October, with what's
called a no deal, we could, by Christmas,
have signed up with the USA some sectoral
deals.
Pretty obvious, isn't it?
We're selling Jaguar motor cars and we buy
Levi's jeans, or Harley-Davidsons. and LARRY
MCDONALD: That accelerates the economic activity.
NIGEL FARAGE: Absolutely.
But here's the thing-- I do want an American
audience, politically, to understand that,
if the withdrawal agreement goes through,
we will be stuck in a transition period, which
means, effectively, nothing will change.
And that transition period is due to last
15 months, but is extendable for a further
two years.
And we would not, during that transition period,
be able to sign any trade deals with anybody.
LARRY MCDONALD: Purgatory.
NIGEL FARAGE: And this is why, to me, the
clean break is the only way forward, because
it leaves us free to get on and start to do
things.
And all right, there might be some short-term--
I mean, all change.
Moving house brings difficulty, changing relationships
brings even bigger difficulty.
All change in life brings difficulty.
But my fear is that Boris-- my political fear
is that Boris gets this withdrawal agreement
through Parliament with this amendment to
the backstop, and then we're still stuck in
limbo for years and years to come.
LARRY MCDONALD: And what you're saying, essentially,
is that, over the last three years, the risk
reward of leaving has improved.
In other words, your upside of leaving versus,
say, an immediate hard Brexit, your risk has
been somewhat reduced, and your upside's improved
because of this potential-- either a fiscal
stimulus and a trade deal.
And counter to that, by staying, you're down--
the risk reward's gone worse.
NIGEL FARAGE: I think it has.
I do.
And I think one of the problems here now--
one thing that is certain-- employment's at
record levels.
We're doing relatively well, compared to our
European neighbors, economically.
But investment is slowing to a standstill,
and I think investment wants a political decision
to get finally made and for us to move.
And my fear with the withdrawal agreement
is it would leave us stuck in that limbo for
many more years to come.
And that's why I am trying to say to Boris,
look, you're going down the wrong direction.
Go for the clean break.
Work with me.
We'll achieve it.
And you know what, if with a clean break,
the pound fell a few cents on day one and
day two, just buy it.
LARRY MCDONALD: A thesis that we have the
Bear Traps Report, and I'm hearing more and
more around the world from clients-- we've
done so many years of central banks-- dealing
with political uncertainty and more and more
pressures on the central banks-- the Bank
of England, the ECB, the Fed-- at the end
of the day, a fiscal stimulus plan out of
Europe-- the probability of that is rising
from countries, like the Netherlands.
Even Germany now is-- What do you think about
central banks-- I've always wanted to ask
you-- central banks and how much pressure's
been on them?
And are we coming to a point where, because
of the populist movement and some of the things--
the engines that you've created, could we
create an impetus for more fiscal policy coming
from the Eurozone?
NIGEL FARAGE: Well, is interesting, isn't
it?
Because the Bank of England, for example,
in this country, when I was younger, did the
bidding of the government-- simple as that.
They were declared independent in the 1990s.
But now, what we see right across the West--
particularly America-- is almost like political
warfare going on between governments and central
banks over who should do what.
And it's a big question, isn't it?
Should central banks act independently of
government, or should central banks act effectively
as an arm of elected government?
LARRY MCDONALD: MMT, modern monetary theory--
NIGEL FARAGE: And it's a very interesting
debate.
Being the radical that I am, and believing
that democracy, ultimately, should prevail,
and that we should succeed or fail on our
electoral judgments, I am minded to think
that, actually, independent central banks
have got a very limited future-- that this
friction that now exists between governments
of central banks can't go on.
I don't see how you can have a president and
the Fed at war with each other constantly.
It's just not working.
The difficulty, of course-- the downside of
the argument, of course, is that a lot of
decisions you make, in terms of fiscal policy
or monetary policy, don't impact immediately.
They impact and kick in 18 months, two years
down the road.
And that's the downside of it.
But I do think that this separation of function
of the two is coming under pressure.
LARRY MCDONALD: Do the politicians respond
with more fiscal-- in other words, fiscal
spending deficits-- NIGEL FARAGE: Yeah, they
will.
Look, it's all they understand.
And right at the moment, faced with an economic
downturn, they feel-- LARRY MCDONALD: So we've
had austerity and-- NIGEL FARAGE: I know.
LARRY MCDONALD: --for years, with the Greeks--
even the UK, throughout Europe, we've had
such austerity.
NIGEL FARAGE: No, we're about to.
And with interest rates where they are, and
everything else-- LARRY MCDONALD: Yeah, that's
the thing.
You've got, essentially, free money to play
with.
NIGEL FARAGE: You might as well do what you
can to stop a downward deflationary spiral.
I just feel, in Europe, even doing that, I
think some of the longer term problems are
very, very serious.
I think Germany's reliance on the motor car,
as we head towards electric motor cars-- LARRY
MCDONALD: Yeah, the German economy-- autos
and auto parts-- NIGEL FARAGE: Yeah, massive--
and to be fair, they've been jolly good at
it.
But electric cars, what it's all about battery.
LARRY MCDONALD: Some secular massive changes.
NIGEL FARAGE: You've also got the driverless
car, perhaps, not terribly far away-- the
EU resisting driverless cars, by the way,
as much as they can, for obvious reasons.
And the cultural thing-- kids don't buy cars
anymore.
We used to buy cars, Larry.
That's one of the things we wanted to do.
But kids don't buy cars, and kids live a much
more urban lifestyle than ever before.
So there are some longer term cultural problems,
I think, that Germany's got.
And Italy, well, you just look Italian industry,
Italian infrastructure-- it's not been invested
in for a very, very long time.
It just falls further and further behind its
competition with every year that goes by.
And France, still suffering from too much
state in the economy, repressive labor laws.
Whatever the ECB decides to do with stimulus,
I don't think the outlook for the Eurozone
is rosy at all.
LARRY MCDONALD: So we get a Brexit-- a hard
Brexit within six months and an election,
they get-- NIGEL FARAGE: I don't know.
I don't know.
I'm saying to you there could be a so-called
hard Brexit, but it's entirely in David Cameron's
hands.
He couldn't do it on his own.
LARRY MCDONALD: Boris.
NIGEL FARAGE: Sorry, I apologize.
I'd say-- it's the week of Cameron's memoirs.
I've got them on the brain.
It's because of the nasty things he said about
me.
LARRY MCDONALD: What would you say, the land
of the unemployed?
NIGEL FARAGE: Yeah.
Yeah.
No, it's Boris's choice.
And if Boris decides to do a deal with me,
at some point we had an election to work together,
we would get-- some call it hard Brexit.
I call it clean Brexit.
But I think longer term, it would give a certitude,
and I believe, huge opportunity.
LARRY MCDONALD: Well, it's been a pleasure
to have you-- NIGEL FARAGE: Thank you.
LARRY MCDONALD: -- to watch your career from
almost 15, 20 years ago.
You were alone in the European Parliament--
a lone man.
NIGEL FARAGE: Very.
LARRY MCDONALD: And now, there are thousands
and thousands behind you, as I see you walk
through the streets of London.
It feels like every year, you just have a
little bit more energy and more people that
have taken-- NIGEL FARAGE: Yeah.
What I've done has led to an outbreak of this
disease right across Europe.
It's called democracy.
LARRY MCDONALD: Pleasure.
NIGEL FARAGE: Thank you.
LARRY MCDONALD: Good to see you, my friend.
