>> Mr Speaker, Lord Speaker, Prime Minister,
Members of Parliament, Ladies and gentlemen,
First of all, I would like to thank both Houses
of Parliament most sincerely for allowing
me to stand before you today. I am aware of
the very great honour bestowed on me: I am
the third representative of the Federal Republic
of Germany, following Federal Chancellor Willy
Brandt in 1970 and German Federal President
Richard von Weizsäcker in 1986, to speak
to you
I regard this invitation as an expression
of the close relations between our countries.
Not only the governments but also the people
of our two countries are linked by a close
partnership.
I shall never forget my first visit to London
in the spring of 1990, very soon after the
fall of the Berlin Wall and quite a few months
before Germany’s reunification. My husband
had been invited here by fellow scientists
and I entered the Royal Institution for the
very first time in my life.
We walked through Hyde Park looking for Speakers’
Corner, which – especially for us as East
Germans – was legendary, the very symbol
of free speech. I hope that is not an insult
to you, the members of the British Parliament.
Afterwards, we went to a concert in the Royal
Albert Hall. We were in a country in which
people were rejoicing with us Germans about
the collapse of socialism in Central and Eastern
Europe and the fall of the Berlin Wall. It
was a terrific trip.
I have been told many times during the last
few days that there are very special expectations
of my speech here today. Supposedly, or so
I have heard, some expect my speech to pave
the way for a fundamental reform of the European
architecture which will satisfy all kinds
of alleged or actual British wishes. I am
afraid they are in for a disappointment.
I have also heard that others are expecting
the exact opposite and are hoping that I will
deliver the clear and simple message here
in London that the rest of Europe is not prepared
to pay almost any price to keep Britain in
the European Union. I am afraid these hopes
will be dashed, too.
If what I have been told is true, then it
will be obvious to everyone that I find myself
caught between the devil and the deep blue
sea. That, ladies and gentlemen, is not a
pleasant position to be in – at least not
for a German Head of Government.
Nevertheless, that cannot in any way spoil
my pleasure at being here today.
On the contrary, my pleasure at being here
is great because I simply want to share my
thoughts with you: my thoughts about Europe,
its promises and weaknesses, my thoughts on
Germany and Britain in this Europe.
And I do so at a time in which many decisions
will be made on how we as Germans, Britons,
French or Poles, as Italians and all the other
European nations and peoples can assert our
values and interests in the world.
As, naturally, I can express my thoughts better
in my native language, I hope you will forgive
me for delivering the rest of my speech in
German.
Ladies and gentlemen, today I am addressing
you, the representatives of an institution
which is the cradle of modern parliamentary
democracy. This Parliament has made a key
contribution to the development of the rule
of law and democracy in Europe and the world.
As someone who lived for 35 years under the
yoke of dictatorship in the GDR, denied my
freedom, I have a special affinity with the
unconditional desire for freedom and democracy
which this Parliament and this country embody
like few others.
Although we take the close and friendly relations
among European countries for granted today,
200, 100 or even 70 years ago they were still
absolutely inconceivable. For hundreds of
years, relations among European countries
were marked by rivalry, changing alliances
and recurring rounds of horrendous bloodshed.
The year of commemoration 2014 in particular
prompts us to remember together the events
which dramatically altered the face of Europe.
Commemoration of the outbreak of the First
World War one hundred years ago is the focus
of public attention throughout Europe this
year. It was the first great catastrophe of
the 20th century, which was soon followed
by a second: the start of the Second World
War 75 years ago and the Shoah, that ultimate
betrayal of all civilized values. This year,
the United Kingdom is focusing in particular
on remembering those who died, the losses
and the untold suffering that Germany inflicted
on it during these two wars. As German Chancellor,
I bow my head before the victims of these
terrible wars.
“What would have become of Europe if the
people of this country had not put up such
courageous resistance, part of the time standing
all alone? What would the consequences have
been if they had not found the strength to
protect their way of life and to keep alive
the hopes of all the nations of Europe for
a better future in freedom? The United Kingdom
has no need to furnish proof of its commitment
to Europe and its basic values.”
Ladies and gentlemen, these sentences are
quoted from the speech which Federal President
Richard von Weizsäcker delivered here to
both Houses of Parliament. Yes, it is true
and cannot be repeated often enough: the United
Kingdom has no need to furnish proof of its
commitment to Europe and its basic values.
We Germans can only be thankful to our European
partners, and to the United Kingdom in particular,
for placing their faith once more in a democratic
Germany in the wake of the
horrors of the two World Wars. I would also
like to take this opportunity to thank the
1.7 million British soldiers and their families
who have served in Germany to date.
When we look back, European integration – which
has brought us peace, freedom and prosperity
for more than half a century now – almost
seems like a miracle: from the Franco-German
friendship to the excellent cooperation among
the 28 EU member states in today’s European
Union.
Yes, it is a miracle and, at the same time,
the fruit of a policy designed by foresighted
statesmen such as Winston Churchill, Charles
de Gaulle and Konrad Adenauer, made possible
by their will to bring about reconciliation
and their courage to embrace change! It is
thanks to them that we live today in a political
system in which differences of opinion and
conflicts of interest are no longer dealt
with through military action but, rather,
peacefully through negotiation. It is thanks
to them that we live today in a political
system in which Europe’s destiny is no longer
determined through secret diplomacy by just
a few. Rather, all 28 member states work together
as equal partners and in cooperation with
the European institutions to shape Europe
– for the good of citizens.
European integration shows that we have learned
the lessons from bloody conflicts and a painful
history. Together we have changed Europe for
the better. Thanks to the peaceful revolution
in Central and Eastern Europe, whose 25th
anniversary we are celebrating this year,
it was possible to overcome further frontiers
in Europe. Current events in Ukraine demonstrate
how grateful we should be for this good fortune.
We stand shoulder to shoulder with people
there, and in many other countries, as they
struggle to protect justice and freedom.
For me personally, as for millions of people
behind the Iron Curtain, the fall of the Berlin
Wall in 1989 was a moment of incredible happiness.
I learned first-hand: change – change for
the better – is possible. We should be guided
by that maxim in this year of commemoration.
Every political generation has its responsibility;
as do we, the politicians of today. Standstill
can quickly lead to setbacks. Or in the words
of Winston Churchill: “To improve is to
change, to be perfect is to change often.”
I believe we politicians should take this
to heart.
Indeed, we need courage to bring about changes
for the better just as much today as we did
decades ago if we are to continue the success
story of European integration. For what is
at stake today is no more and no less than
whether Europe will be able to assert its
values, its interests as well as its economic
strength and social model, which have given
people prosperity, on a durable basis in the
world of the 21st century. Given the strength
of the United States, as well as the many
emerging economies, that cannot by any means
be taken for granted. But precisely that is
the task facing political leaders today!
On 25 March 2007, we member states of the
European Union pledged in a Berlin Declaration
to mark the 50th anniversary of the signing
of the Rome Treaties: “Our history reminds
us that we must protect this for the good
of future generations. For that reason we
must always renew the political shape of Europe
in keeping with the times.” We have to
renew it time and again in keeping with the
times so that Europe can continue to fulfil
its promise to ensure peace, freedom and prosperity.
I know that many believe that the European
Union’s peace mission has been accomplished.
They believe that in the early post-war years,
it was an obvious motive for European integration.
Now, many think, this promise is outdated
as today a war among European Union member
states is – thank goodness! – impossible.
It is true that a war among the European Union’s
member states is inconceivable today. But
let us not forget that the last war on the
European continent took place less than a
generation ago. The Western Balkans show how
clear and present the danger of military conflict
remains. Our soldiers and police officers
are still serving there today. Without a European
perspective for these countries, a future
in peace would still be a long way off.
And we have to continue to stand up resolutely
against extremism and inhumanity, which are
still present in today’s Europe. We have
to continue to condemn and fight hate, violence
and terrorism of any kind – day after day.
We member states of the European Union have
a duty to pass on the lessons we have learned
from our history and to help foster peace
and the rule the law in our neighbourhood
and in the world. This includes enabling others
in the world to do more themselves to ensure
stability and security in their region and
to settle their conflicts as peacefully as
possible.
The United Kingdom and Germany are working
closely together in this endeavour. We are
jointly shouldering responsibility in the
world’s trouble spots: from Afghanistan
to the Horn of Africa and Mali to the Balkans.
We are allies within NATO. We are working
together to ensure that NATO, as the transatlantic
alliance, and the European Security and Defence
Policy are better coordinated in future.
For despite the differences of opinion between
us and our partners on the other side of the
Atlantic, it has always been true to say,
and is still true today: we – the United
States and Europe – could not wish for better
partners. Our relations are of prime importance
– and the United Kingdom is an important,
if not the most important, anchor in this
relationship.
Ladies and gentlemen, we need to renew the
political shape of Europe time and again so
that Europe can continue to fulfil its second
promise, the promise of freedom. Freedom of
opinion, freedom of faith, freedom of the
press as well as the four freedoms of the
single market – the free movement of goods,
the free movement of persons, the freedom
to provide services and the free movement
of payments and capital – these are the
key prerequisites for democracy and prosperity,
and they belong together!
The Europe without borders is one of the great
achievements of European integration. All
the member states and all the citizens benefit
from it. Be that as it may, if we are to preserve
this freedom of movement and ensure that it
is still accepted by the citizens, then we
must also have the courage to acknowledge
adverse developments and try to correct them.
In our European democracies, freedom is secured
by the rule of law. In business, too, a reliable
legal framework is a prerequisite for enterprise
and trade. That is the basis of our single
market. Germany and the United Kingdom want
to use the strength inherent in this single
market to maintain our prosperity through
fair and open trade with other regions of
the world. Not least in order to ensure that
we can in future continue to keep this third
promise of Europe, we must always renew the
political shape of Europe in keeping with
the times. We must constantly remind ourselves
that the world is not waiting for Europe.
Economic strength and competitiveness must
be continually enhanced and renewed.
For a long time we Europeans took it for granted
that economic development would, on the whole,
be positive. With the single market and the
single currency we created an unparallelled
success story which opens up new opportunities
for us. However, the international financial
crisis and the ensuing sovereign debt crisis
in the euro area also made it clear that the
foundations for growth and prosperity in Europe
need to be constantly shored up and worked
at.
Let’s be honest: the causes of the crisis
in the euro area were basically home-grown.
Even when economic and monetary union was
introduced in the Treaty of Maastricht in
1992, there was a failure to back up monetary
union with a strong economic union. As a result,
the differences in the competitiveness of
the euro states have increased, not decreased.
It was possible for some member states to
accumulate massive debts for years without
being penalised by higher interest or by the
sanctions created for this purpose in the
Stability and Growth Pact.
I am convinced that, when it comes to tackling
both the international financial crisis and
the European sovereign debt crisis, it cannot
simply be enough just to try to survive them
somehow. We must set our sights higher. Our
aim must be to come out of the crises stronger
than we were at the start, because it is a
matter of upholding our values and interests
worldwide.
Or, to quote from Richard von Weizsäcker’s
speech in this House again: “After two world
wars the global balance of power has changed
drastically. The nations of Europe will only
have a history of their own in keeping with
their traditions if they proceed together.”
Almost 30 years have passed since he said
that. Since then, the world has changed dramatically.
The Cold War blocs no longer exist. Globalisation
and digitisation determine how we live, how
we do business and how we work in a way we
could never have imagined. But this does not
mean that Richard von Weizsäcker’s words
are invalid. On the contrary. To my mind it
makes them even more valid. Translated to
the present day, they mean that we in Europe
– Germany, the United Kingdom, all of us
– will only have a history of our own in
the age of globalisation and digitisation
that is the 21st century if we move forward
together and if we stay together and if, as
European nations, we always adhere to two
principles in our actions: responsibility
and solidarity.
Ladies and gentlemen, today the world is home
to more than seven billion people. We 500
million Europeans make up a mere seven percent
of the world’s population. We have to face
up to the major tasks of our age together.
I am convinced that any of us acting alone
would achieve less than if we all act together:
less in terms of defending our common values
and less in terms of the prosperity of our
citizens in the global competition.
But we can only do this if we work together
to make the European Union better. As German
Chancellor, I regard the United Kingdom as
an important ally in this. The European Union
must become stronger, more stable and more
competitive than it is today. It needs to
combine its efforts and concentrate on the
major challenges. A strong European Union
needs strong European institutions and strong
member states which unite in self-confidently
upholding our common interests in the world.
Despite Europe’s 25 percent share of global
economic output, the World Trade Organization
estimates that over the next five years 90
percent of growth will be generated outside
Europe. So to keep the European promise of
prosperity in future, it will be vital to
benefit from growth opportunities in other
parts of the world. To that end, we must dismantle
further barriers to trade.
In particular, the planned free trade agreement
between the European Union and the United
States of America can make a significant contribution
to growth and employment in Europe. From the
outset the United Kingdom and Germany have
been among the most vocal proponents of such
an agreement. We will continue to push for
rapid negotiations and an ambitious outcome
which – I deliberately mention this – takes
account of data protection issues.
We must make even more intensive use of the
European Union’s clout to push our common
interests, for example with regard to international
climate protection. No one EU member state
alone would have sufficient weight to stand
fast in the international negotiations. A
stable, competitive European Union can combine
economic success and social responsibility
in a sustainable way. To this end, the euro
states must back up monetary union with a
strong economic union with a clearly-defined
and sustainable architecture.
Only through closer and more binding coordination
of economic policy can we prevent ourselves
in the long term from getting into another
severe crisis in the euro area. In my view,
this requires that we adapt the treaty basis
for economic and monetary union quickly in
a limited and targeted way in order to ensure
lasting stability for monetary union.
All member states of the European Union should
ensure that all their European policies – whether
energy and climate policy, the shaping of
the single market or the management of external
trade relations – be measured in terms of
whether or not they help enhance Europe’s
economic strength.
The results of European policy should improve
the conditions for initiative, innovation,
enterprise and jobs. To that end we must continue
to cut superfluous red tape at European level
which is hampering our businesses, in Germany
and in the United Kingdom. In this context
we must always measure ourselves with the
world’s best. European regulations – and
national regulations too – must be reviewed
regularly. If they are superfluous, they must
be abolished.
That is why we, the United Kingdom and Germany,
have worked together to make the European
Commission take the subject of better regulation
seriously at last and begin to act. The European
Commission must only regulate matters which
cannot be adequately regulated by the member
states themselves. More attention needs to
be paid to the subsidiarity principle in Europe.
In this spirit, the United Kingdom and Germany,
together with our partners in Europe, should
set priorities for the future Commission’s
work.
Happily we can say that we are no longer at
the very beginning of the road; we have already
made some progress towards these goals. For
instance the concept of help in exchange for
structural reform and budget consolidation
is starting to have an effect in the euro
area. In many countries unit labour costs
are falling. In some countries, for the first
time in a long time we are again seeing current
account surpluses.
It was and remains a matter of urgency to
create a sound, responsible financial system.
Never again should taxpayers have to pay for
the mistakes made by banks and financial institutions.
The financial sector, too, has a task for
the common weal. I say this quite deliberately
here in London, because as a banking centre
London is very important for the European
single capital market and thus for the economies
of all European countries.
In the negotiations for the next European
Union budget, Germany and the United Kingdom
together helped ensure that, at a time when
the member states are trying to make substantial
savings, expenditure at European level too
is concentrated on necessities and on tasks
to make Europe fit for the future. In this
context, investment in science and research
is a priority. If we are not among the international
leaders in discoveries and developments in
the 21st century, we will cede some of our
prosperity. In many areas, we are today no
longer among the best in the world – I am
thinking here of the internet economy, for
example. We need to catch up, and we will
only succeed in doing so if we Europeans pool
our resources and work together.
Of one thing I am convinced: if in the future
we clearly formulate the political will to
make changes, we will also find the necessary
legal avenues to attain our goals. Only a
strong and competitive European Union will
fulfil its promise of prosperity for this
and for future generations and will win back
the confidence of its citizens.
Ladies and gentlemen, we Germans will never
forget that our country’s prosperous development
is indivisible from the history of the European
Union.
We Germans will never forget that we owe our
country’s prosperous development to our
European partners’ willingness to forgive
and reconcile.
We Germans are aware of our responsibility
for a bright future for the Union. We will
therefore do our utmost to ensure that the
European Union can continue to keep its promise
of peace, freedom and prosperity in future.
Whatever we do or fail to do now to renew
the European Union’s political shape in
keeping with the times will decide Europe’s
future.
There may be times when our ideas of the European
Union’s future development differ in the
detail. But we, Germany and the United Kingdom,
share a common goal: a strong, competitive
European Union which combines its efforts.
United and determined, we can defend our European
economic and social model in the world.
United and determined, we can bring our values
and interests to bear in the world.
United and determined, we can serve as a model
for other regions of the world.
This – and nothing less than this – should
be our common goal. I regard it as the task
for our generation!
In order to attain this goal, we need a strong
United Kingdom with a strong voice inside
the European Union. If we have that, we will
be able to make the necessary changes – for
the benefit of all.
In German, as in English, we have the saying
“all good things come in threes”. So,
to conclude, I would like to quote for a third
time from Richard von Weizsäcker’s speech
to these two Houses at the outset of the United
Kingdom’s European presidency.
He said: “Europe will not move forward by
leaps and bounds but step by step. […] We
Germans will take […] these steps with the
United Kingdom, and we will do so happily.
May I wish you and all of us on this path
the best of luck.”
What was true almost 30 years ago remains
true today. For the sake of the future of
the United Kingdom and Germany. For the sake
of 
the success of 
the European Union, and for the good of future
generations.
Thank you.
