Good afternoon, everyone, we are very,
very pleased to come to this
point with Merri Brook.
So today we will have a different
proposal, how usually it's going.
We'll give opportunity to Merri
to speak for 30 up to 40 minutes.
And then, after that,
we will have opportunity to ask questions.
We will give committee opportunity to ask
questions, give their responses, and then,
if we still have time, will be opportunity
for people who is here also to speak.
Before we start,
I would love to go very quickly around,
even majority of us know each other,
still to introduce, right, ourselves.
Molly?
>> Molly Tepper, PhD candidate.
>> Merri Davis, a PhD candidate and
proposal presenter.
[LAUGH]
>> Christy Jones, second-year PhD student
and cohort with Merri.
>> Claudia PhD candidate.
>> Samantha Border Shoemaker,
PhD candidate.
>> Charisse Cardenas, S-CAR staff.
>> Alex Sooder, I'm Merri's son, and
a 2017 George Mason undergrad.
>> And the fun.
>> [LAUGH]
>> This is pressure.
This is real pressure.
>> Yes,
getting there is getting us [INAUDIBLE].
>> And and
I do not know myself, so I'm gonna-
>> [LAUGH]
>> Say about that and-
>> I'm [INAUDIBLE] a historian
over on the Fairfax campus.
>> Okay, thank you very much again.
So Merri, our eyes on you.
>> Thank you.
First, I just wanna say thank you
to Jennifer and Dan, and Karina.
You've been supportive and
helpful in so many ways and
I really appreciate the strength
that you've brought to my proposal.
It wouldn't be the same
without the critique and
the encouragement that you've given me.
And thank you too for the people
that are here to support me today,
I appreciate that.
My interest in trauma really
was first coming from
the idea of trauma being connected
in the aftermath of violence.
And that came from five years as an
ordained minister in Danville, Virginia.
It was there that I first
learned about Danville's
narrative as the last
capital of Confederacy.
And it was as I came back to
Northern Virginia to attend S-CAR that
I began to understand trauma as
also a causation of violence.
So the first slide here
kinda summarizes what I hope my
future dissertation research to be.
You can see that it's oriented in
Virginia, two locations in Virginia.
Charlottesville and then Danville
which is almost to North Carolina,
right on the border of North Carolina.
And I have included slides or
photographs of recent
violent conflict that's
happened of these locations.
So the first photograph is from
the violence in Charlottesville around
the Robert E Lee statue.
And then the second photograph
is a group of protesters
in Danville protesting
the removal the Confederate
national flag from a monument in Danville.
And I'll talk a little bit
more about that later.
So the idea for
my dissertation actually came from
a pilot study that I did
in Danville Virginia.
And that had to do with the side
issue of the Confederate national
flag being removed from the city
museum in Danville, Virginia.
It had been placed there in 1994.
And there was actually a lot
of dispute about whether or
not that when the city museum had
been the home to William Sutherland.
And that actually is
how the narrative about
the last capital of
the Confederacy was derived.
But there was dispute about whether
the Confederate flag was ever in place in
the city museum at the time
that it was a mansion.
Regardless, in 1994, it was installed and
began to fly over the city
museum which in turn had
a mansion where Jefferson Davisa and
he has cabinet stayed in April of 1865 for
just 7 days.
And so after that occurred,
then the city developed this narrative as
the last capital of the Confederacy
just in that short time period.
So the pilot study examined the beliefs
around the Confederate flag in Danville.
And I interviewed both white and
African-American people and
found interestingly a row binary
of beliefs around the flag.
So this is sort of a summary
of this pilot study.
I've also included photographs of
the civil rights movement in Danville,
that was a very violent
time in in Danville.
And over to the left, you can see
a recent installation of a billboard
once the Confederate flag came
down from the city museum in 2015.
And that was following the violence in
Charlottesville, excuse me, in Charleston,
South Carolina that the city council
actually voted to take the flag down.
But once that happened, once this
little three by five flag came down,
then a whole group of heritage
people decided to surround
the city with enormous
Confederate battle flags.
So this pilot study was done
after that process had already
started of sort of the Confederacy,
in a way,
taking back control of Danville and
supporting that narrative.
Violence surrounding Confederate
symbols really is nothing new in
the United States, and
it turns out in some research that
I did to prepare the proposal.
The first time that I could find evidence
of violence over Confederate symbols,
actually goes back all the way back
to 1863, with the first emancipation,
proclamation on the part
of Abraham Lincoln.
So at that point,
500 African-Americans in Norfolk,
Virginia went through the city
tearing down Confederate flags,
trampling them and then marched
to the cemetery in Norfolk and
burned an effigy Jefferson Davis.
So that happened all the way back in 1863.
Since then we've seen spirals of this
sort of conflict around the Civil War.
And I find it very interesting
actually that not only has there been
violence that's resulted in death,
and we've seen that recently
in Charlottesville with
the murder of Heather Heyer, and
19 other people that were injured in that
conflict But in Danville, there were death
threats made to city councilors before
the vote that were verified by the FBI.
And all the way back in 1998, there was a
white man that was killed in Tennessee for
flying a Confederate flag
in the back of his truck.
In 2017, there had been 35
monuments either removed or
damaged in some way following
the violence in Charlottesville.
And I might add, I think this polls on the
part of Pew Research are very interesting,
that even regardless of Americans
heritage, whether southern or
northern, the majority of
Americans believe that
the civil war is still
relevant to American politics.
Which I think is very, very interesting.
And 60% including 30% of all
African-Americans under the age
of 30 believe that the Civil War
was actually about state rights,
and did not happen because of slavery.
And the pictures here, I'm not sure if
you are familiar with these, but one,
obviously is the Robert E Lee statue
that's tarped after the violence
in Charlottesville.
The one to right is again
from Charlottesville.
The one to the lower left is one of the
Confederate flags going up in Danville.
And this actually is the largest
Confederate battle flag in
the world that they put up
within view of the city.
And then the other photograph is
from Durham, North Carolina when
the crowd attacked
the Confederate Soldier Memorial there.
It was pulled down, and
I think it's very interesting to
see you can actually feel in
that photograph the violence and
the hatred that people assign
to that particular memorial.
So the context for
the research that I proposed to do for
my dissertation falls into three areas.
There's been much
historical research done.
And this is where Jenifer was so
very helpful in making sure that
I got some of the really strong
scholarship on the historical research,
regarding the opinions and
beliefs around Confederate
symbols within the United States.
So Eric Foner, David Blight, which I had
the pleasure to meet two weekends ago.
And then William Blair, all had done
a lot of work around how the failure
of Reconstruction still continues to
influence in the United States today
the way that people remember and
develop narratives around the Confederacy.
So although historical is one perspective,
there's also been a lot of
psychological work done on the idea,
not so much of the meaning of
the Confederate memorials.
But Dr. Volkan, the psychiatrist,
has done a tremendous amount of work
linking psychoanalytic understanding
of memorials to large group
memorializations and losses among
people that have experienced violence.
The middle area is the area
that I'm really more interested
in in my dissertation.
And that's the cultural political and
more so
the moral impact of
experiences of violence and
how that particular type of trauma
called moral injury trauma,
can develop as a result of
changes to belief systems.
And actually, in some ways incorporates
all of these different contexts.
This idea of moral injury trauma
which I will talk about more.
But I think it's important to
note that there culturally and
politically there's been quite a large
resurgence of white heritage movements.
Some consider themselves
white nationalists but
really a neo-Confederate
movement that values
the Confederate symbols as
being very important in 2018.
Another important factoring decision
to do the research in Virginia
is the strong support in Virginia for
segregation and
Virginia's response to
school desegregation through
massive resistance and
in some cases closing schools.
In Danville, for instance, the schools
were not fully integrated until the 1970s.
And interestingly in Charlottesville,
the first black graduates
student was accepted in 1948.
But it wasn't until the 1960s,
that there were undergraduate
students of color accepted
at University of Virginia.
And certainly it's also very interesting
to realize that in this dynamic,
again related perhaps to
the moral injury trauma, but
there's been a real opposition.
By White Christian evangelicals to
the idea of racial equality in Virginia.
So this summarizes the problem
statement for my research.
And the sort of paragraphs
on the right kind of
show the logical progression
in understanding
what it is I'm hoping to research,
that often times large scale social
violence is followed by trauma.
And that trauma can result in
changes to value systems which
in turn affect deeply held beliefs,
and can result in moral injury trauma.
And also that symbols are important part
of the way that communities show their
trauma, that show their
response to violence.
And so even when they can't,
maybe explain the narrative,
the symbols hold those kinds
of beliefs and feelings.
And then finally, the traumatized
communities often lose resilience and
violence becomes institutionalized
in structural forms.
And then this, in turn, results in
this sort of cycle that we see which
I believe that I've seen in
the pilot study in Danville.
Of course, I have not yet
researched Charlottesville
with enough thoroughness to say
that this same cycle exists there.
But certainly, in both cities,
the symbols are very
important holders of
narratives from trauma.
So the research question that I'm
hoping to focus on for my dissertation
is how is violence around historical
interpretations of Confederate symbols and
memorials affected by
collective moral injury trauma.
And the part of this that I feel
is particularly pertinent for
Escar is the idea for
exploring violence and
trauma in that a dual causality of trauma.
Looking at it not only as resulting
from violence, but as causing violence.
And I'm not sure that that has been
as fully explored as it could be.
But in particular I want to examine
moral injury trauma, which actually,
unlike other forms of trauma,
is not a psychological designation.
Importantly, I wanted to
try to stay away from that.
For various reasons,
I think that would be very difficult in
a group setting to prove that people
have been psychologically traumatized.
I do feel however that a moral injury
trauma becomes much evident and
much easier to find the symptomology
of within a community or a collective.
So moral injury trauma, and I'll talk
a little bit more about this later, but
essentially occurs when either
through perpetration of violence,
people violate very deeply held beliefs or
on the other side as survivors or
victims of moral injury trauma.
That the very deeply held moral
beliefs that people have about how
society should be protecting and
elites should be acting is violated when
they become the victims of violence.
To expand current theories regarding the
communal effects of moral injury trauma.
Really it's been focused in individuals,
and
looked at only in a couple of
different institutionalized settings.
One is within the police force,
but that's been a very,
very small study that
was done in Australia.
And then within Vietnam veterans,
again not largely explored
other than individuals.
And I'm hopeful that I might
be able to add to theories of
resilience building and
healing at taking the narratives from
the people that actually participate and
then searching those for
foundational work in actually
developing resilience.
So the literature review that I did for
the proposal covered
many different types of literature,
both social identity and
the collective effects of
dramatization within that theory.
But also collective trauma within
the moral injury symptomology.
There's also a lot of work that has been
done recently within the politics of
public commemoration.
So I've looked at that literature
as well and finally in the way that
public memory projects incorporate
collective traumatization and
also power narratives to some extent.
So the findings from the literature
review that I did really
show that community dramatization
has both a direct in
structural effect that social
cohesion that can lead
to resilience and
can help sustain communities and
the face of mass violence are affected
by the trauma in many cases.
And that many traumatized communities
are preoccupied with the past and
show evidence of shame and guilt.
So, it was some literature
about challenges to
moral systems and
ethics within traumatized communities.
Again, this is one of the areas
that I'm very interested in.
And the way that moral claims,
both through social identity theory and
also within moral injury trauma,
actually are used to validate
violence and
allow cycles of violence to continue.
Collectives experiencing moral
injury trauma seem to share
two symptoms in particular,
shame and humiliation.
And those become really important
catalysts for violent behavior.
So to go right to the gap in literature,
that I think that,
I'm feeling it's focusing on moral injury,
trauma in historic interpretations
of symbols and memorials.
And specifically, I'm looking at
the confederate symbols and memorials.
Examining how narratives produced at
repelling shame and guilt can be seen.
Especially surrounding meanings
of symbols and memorials.
Looking at how moral injury trauma
actually can affect collectives and
then how that can, if it is actually
identified can be used to reduce violence.
And then can also be part of
developing community resilience models.
I have already covered this slightly,
but the design that I'm proposing for
the theoretical framework
of my dissertation
has to do with essentially
three areas of scholarship.
Social identity theory, collective trauma,
and then public memory scholarship.
I don't want to take too
long to go into these.
And I will cover them a little bit
later in looking at the way that I am
proposing to analyze data.
So the design methodology
will be qualitative.
And I think it's appropriate for this
particular study because I am trying to
look at the complexities and
achieve a deep level of understanding
within the conflicts around symbols and
memorials and the context of that.
And also looking at the inductive method,
I'm hoping to actually have the data
produce a theory where at least
illuminate more of the processes
that are involved in the context.
The framework I mentioned earlier would
be a comparative of case study and
the two sides will be Danville and
Charlottesville.
So within the data collection and
instrumentation,
I'm going to focus on not just interviews,
that will be the primary source of data.
But I intend on doing
a great deal of research,
actually, on the history
of these two cities.
How the civil war affected them?
How segregation and
abuse that come out of the civil
war continue to affect both of the cities?
Including types of memorials and
symbols that they actually
installed in the community but
the primary data will be
the semi structured interviews.
Certainly I'll do observations
in both sites, and
then also collect graphics and
artifacts as they become available.
I'm hoping to interview 30 to 50 people.
And Karina,
I did add in some consideration for,
I would select the participants.
So, of course I'll do
all the standard things,
such as consent and confidentiality.
But I also want to look very carefully
at both the consequences in any
contributions, beneficial contributions,
to the people that I select for
interviewing.
Making sure that they're all adults,
at least aged 18,
that they Don't have mental health
problems, that they're not incarcerated,
and then that they have cognitive
functioning that won't in any way
be harmed by answering questions
that could be traumatic for them.
The data analysis will have
a multi-tiered approach.
I will certainly look at the moral injury
categorizations that Graham and
Jinkerson offer, and Dan, I did look at,
based on your recommendation, a way of
analyzing the interviews that would tie
directly into the moral injury trauma.
So Jinkerson did a really interesting
study about the symptomatology.
He actually calls it a syndrome
of moral injury trauma.
So I'm including the core symptoms that
he has identified as part of the way
that the data will be analyzed but
also working from Graham's
ideas about the moral dimensions of trauma
within a moral injury and trauma context.
In addition, I'll be using the work
that you two did that I think is so
very helpful in looking
at how constructed forms,
including mythic narratives,
sacred icons, and normative orders.
Really help us see whether or
not that private understandings of
hatred and other sorts of negative
perspectives of the other,
how those actually come
into a public devaluation.
So, of using that axiology
difference model and
also doing the axological balance in
degree of collective generality models.
So this is the way that I
hope to analyze the data,
I plan on developing
a written coding scheme.
Before that I start doing
any sort of analyzing,
including a model that would help me
take the codes that I developed and
actually make that into a theory.
Where the basis for how that process
would happen, along with parameters for
the coding, synthesizing, all the things
that go into actually analyzing the data.
But I want to make sure to have a plan in
place, I think that will be helpful to
making sure that I'm doing
a thorough analysis of the data.
So the validity, rigor and reliability,
I really like Maxwell's strategies.
I'm not going to read all of these but
I think that it really
involves self-reflection and
a constant really looking for
other explanation.
So that you're never complacent with
what you're finding and always trying to
question and
identify additional collaboration.
But still key to that is asking the
question, is there another explanation?
And then I'm very fortunate
that it turns out that
Joseph Montville has a project
on healing wounds of
the Civil War that
Carnegie Corporation is funding.
And based on attending the first
meeting of that group last weekend,
the group has invited me to share
my results over the next year,
in phases, show the results.
It will be really interesting to have
those results critiqued by this other
committee, although certainly, I'm sure to
get plenty of that from the three of you.
These are other scholars that
have an interest in the area,
I think it will be helpful.
So I'm also attempting to make sure that
I get thicker descriptions, of course,
triangulation.
And then to really be
reflexive in the way that I
interact with participants in
the semi-structured interviews.
Ethics, I think, are just so paramount
to this particular type of research.
So I'm trying to be very careful to
make sure that I consider the impact
of the research on the participants and
this is something
that means so much to me coming from
having spent five years in Danville.
So that in particular, it makes it so
key for me to do this research in
the way that illuminates what's happening
both in Danville and Charlottesville but
without any way harming the people
that are agreeing to participate.
And of course, I will follow the code of
ethics for doing all of the planning,
the dissemination,
all of the required human subject reviews.
And if at any time, I'm concerned,
then I will certainly
share that concern, and whatever kind
of discussions that we need to have and
then as well as the participant concerns.
I'm really sensitized to that as well,
if I start to to feel that
the participants are concerned or
in some way threatened by the discussions.
Then I definitely feel that I have
the three of you to come back to for
guidance in that way.
There will be a work
plan that I'll develop,
I want to have this done before
I start the actual research.
So I see the research plan actually
being done in three phases.
The first phase would be
over a 12 month period and
that of course, will be following
the human subject review board approval.
I think it will take me about that to
conduct the interviews and then to be at
a point where I'm ready to actually
began analysis of the data.
Since there's the historic component
of this, it's very important to me,
I want to make sure that I have time to
thoroughly do that for Charlottesville.
I've already done that for Danville and
some of the other work that the pilot
study that I've done but I think
it's equally as important to do for
Charlottesville There's no
outside funding necessary for
the project, it's close proximity.
I actually have a home that I can stay at
in Danville, which makes that very easy
and Charlottesville's about an hour and
a half from my place in Centerville.
So I think that that will make it
easy to get started once I've got
the proper approvals.
So that's what i wanted to share
in the way of the proposal and
I'm happy to answer any
questions that you have.
>> Thank you very much, Jennifer,
who was the starter, Jennifer, you are our
only member from other department so
I give you opportunity to speak to us.
>> Let me
gather my thoughts a little bit but first
thank you Merri, that's really helpful to
have you lay it out that way and
looking at your PowerPoint as well and
it's a nice flow to make the project
make a lot of sense to me.
I think my questions, not surprisingly,
tend to relate largely to
the historical components.
I think that it was a new
element to learn that
the Danville flag was installed in 1994,
and
I was wondering if you
have explored that at all?
I think one question that
underlies the entire project and
even I just jotted down the name Healing
Wounds of the Civil War for that working
group In many ways these are, to me,
not really wounds of the Civil War so
much as wounds that are being played out
through the symbols of the Civil War.
And it seems like
the historical components
may have multiple different
spots on the timeline.
And so again, 1994 is a spot that I
didn't know we were gonna be looking at,
because I didn't know at that
point about the Danville flag.
But actually,
the early 90s was a phase in culture
wars in which flag was
particularly heavily used.
So I was wondering if that's a period that
you've looked at yet or one that we should
also talk about as we're trying to look
at things like massive resistance or
the installation of monuments,
some in the 1920s, for example?
So I guess first question is,
what do you know about the 90s in Danville
that leads to the explanation of this flag
going up the way that it did?
>> I think that's a very interesting
question.
And it turns out that in Danville,
of course,
there was quite the almost delayed
reaction to the need to desegregate.
And they complied, but
only because the federal government
forced Danville into it.
And so
I think it was a question in Danville,
of really the federal
government might have been able
to legislate certain types of integration.
But in other ways they could resist and
they continued to resist.
If you think about the schools not really
being fully integrated there until
the 1970s,
that's not much of a leap to 1994.
And at that time there was
a real beginning resurgence
by the Heritage Preservation Association.
And at the same time, Danville was
still fairly prosperous at that time.
But within six years or
so the main employer,
Dan River Mills began to have
tremendous financial problems.
So I think that that was really the
beginning of threat narratives that were
coming not just culturally to the whites
in Danville, but also economically.
And becoming very fearful.
And at the same time,
the race dynamics started to change.
So the city was becoming more and
more majority black.
And the older white people were
the ones that were staying in the city,
but the demographics were such that
the younger white families
were moving out to the county.
So, there were a number of different
certain factors in Danville,
but all round there as
I mentioned there was
even in Tennessee where the killing of
Michael Westerman happened in 1998.
That had to do with
the resurgence of this whole
idea of the Confederate re-enactors or
sort of reliving and
the growth of the neo-Confederates.
So it may not seem historically
it's connected to the Confederacy,
but knowing, at least,
Danville the way that
the place where the flag
got installed in 1994
was actually made available for
the installation,
was that the Daughters of
the Confederacy bought
this mansion in 1912
from the original owners.
It was about to be
totally raised and the Daughters
of the Confederacy came in and
contributed money to allow it
to become the city museum.
And it was the same chapter of
the Daughters of the Confederacy that
installed the memorial in the front
of the lawn that, in turn,
held the flag that came into such dispute.
So there's a number of number
of different linkages.
But I think part of them at least
are historical to the very special
meaning given to this particular city
museum that had been for seven days,
the last capital of the Confederacy.
>> Yeah, I feel like
one side of questions you're gonna need
to ask every interviewee is really about
their knowledge of the local history over
the long period and also their present.
And I think that would be really
interesting element this how much of
their position on the questions has to
do with actual historical knowledge,
and particularly within context,
versus, again,
use of symbols to represent
those kinds of things.
And I was glad to hear you emphasizing
the economic questions in Danville,
because I think economics is certainly
gonna be a part of this as well,
as you select interviewees it seems
like you're gonna need to figure out how
you're gonna be able to go
across that economic scale.
And I guess another question I have is on
the selection of interviewees, I mean it
sounds like it's something you're thinking
about and continuing to flesh out.
But to what he said or you could kind of
be looking for people who are very close
to controversies, people for
example who are on the city council or
who are making decisions versus people
in the community who or maybe or
not in any kind of powerful role in
relation to this that might have opinions?
So who you really looking for
in your 30 to 50 interviewees?
>> Yes, that's a very good question,
Jennifer, and I'm hoping to actually find
people that were engaged in both cities,
Danville and Charlottesville,
actually engaged in the conflict.
So the city councilors,
because the cities are approximately
the same size, between 43 and
46,000 people.
So the city councilors in both
cities were very involved in
the conflicts around
the Confederate symbols.
But at the same time, I don't think
that it will be too difficult.
Actually, no people in Danville and I know
people who know people in Charlottesville
who were engaged in the violence.
So in one way or another,
I hope to interview people that for
whom these incidences of
violence weren't just something
they read about in the paper, but
they actually participated in some way.
>> And
a sort of radiating outwards I suppose
from the actual incidence of violence.
>> Yes, to taking some sort of active
participation, either in the city,
council meetings or in protest or
in some way having an active role.
>> And I sort of noted
on the idea that all Interviews need to
be adults, which I certainly understand.
But my understanding from
the Charlottesville story is that
the proposal to remove the statue
originated with a middle school student.
Who is probably not 18, even now.
>> That could be.
I have to say I have not
done a lot of research in
Charlottesville up to this point.
The reason I can talk so much about
Danville is because it's been something
I've researched for quite a few years now.
But I think that that, it would really
begin to complicate things if I had to
give a human subject review for children.
>> Absolutely.
Yeah, I'm not suggesting that you would
want to interview her so much, it's just
age is an interesting part of this because
as we're seeing right now when very young
people are showing some activism.
>> Yes.
>> But I think the Charlottesville story
is one that also illustrates this
because as I think I mentioned,
UVA Press through serving on their board,
I learned that there is in process
right now of journalist, based on
Richmond has done a lot of journalism
in Charlottesville who is working
on a book that will be sort of the blow
by blow of the Charlottesville events.
And so it was in reading the proposal for
that manuscript that I self learned
about this middle school student and
sort of initiate the question to
the City Council about removing a statute.
But I believe she was
eighth of ninth grade,
something like that, at the time?
>> Well, that's fascinating and
I'm glad that you mentioned that.
Also, if you look on
page 47 of my proposal,
you'll see the interview
questions that I've come up with.
And that's something we
can talk more about, too,
once this is over if there's more
clarification that you need about
those.
>> Happy
to turn over the floor unless
others would like to ask questions.
I've got other things but I-
>> Thank you, Jennifer.
>> Take the conversation.
>> Thank you very much, Jennifer.
Ben?
>> Okay, well, thank you.
Before I start, may I just, I'm so happy
to see you other graduate students here.
And I wish my students in my
doctoral class were here.
So it's very nice that you're here.
Just kind of big picture-
>> You
can shame them.
>> I
will.
>> [LAUGH]
>> I'm gonna tell them tonight.
>> [LAUGH]
>> And
mention names of you as role models.
You were their role models.
So just big picture here,
you are obviously ready to go full
force on the dissertation.
>> Okay.
>> So the proposal is just
really excellent, I think.
>> Thank you.
>> And I really appreciate also
the additions of the historical
information that you just summarized,
because that really is so valuable.
And then in relation to as
Professor Weirhouse just asked,
what's their memory of
which particular event?
Your knowledge is so deep, and
their's might not be, probably.
So that would be relevant.
But just kind of a preface,
I really see your work, and
you mentioned this as highlighting
three different sectors, and
advancing three different
kinds of knowledge.
The one, of course is who I tend
to think is very inspiring and
very thin.
>> [LAUGH].
>> Lacking the depths
that I think is necessary in
his major books, at least.
So you're advancing that,
which is teriffic.
The second, as you mentioned, is
the moral injury literature which I find
that concept really perfectly suited for
your work, for the reasons you mentioned.
But it's very controversial
among psychologist.
And so the kind of models
that you mentioned are so
important to show that the data
are matching these models.
Symptomology was the word or
symptomization was the word.
Jacob syndrome.
>> Jinkerson calls it a syndrome.
>> A syndrome, okay.
So giving real detail to what
is the meaning of that syndrome.
>> Yes.
>> And then of course identity politics
which just fits in perfectly.
So, I'm just gonna make
suggestions that you
really deepened the three
areas that you mentioned.
One is this model to really give
specificity and controversy.
You could just say this is
a debate within the feel.
And you are selecting one viable
or valuable model to use for
your research.
And that is part of the depth that
you're showing in your argument,
in the persuasiveness.
The second concept which I
know you know a lot about is,
as you say the beliefs that
are being tapped into by this,
the beliefs of axiology.
The one thing just to be, I'm gonna
anticipate what you're gonna hear.
One thing to anticipate is
that within the axiology,
their value system,
traditional categories are conflated.
That is very familiar dualities that
academic eggheads, don't quote me,
academic eggheads take for
granted or conflated,
one of which is individual and collective.
Typically, in these narratives.
